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AMERICAN HISTORY 



BOOKS BY J. A. JAMES, Ph.D. 
AND A. H. SANFORD, MA. 

Published by Charles Scribner's Sons 



Our Government — Local, State 

and National . net, .75 

(Also published in special State Editions) 

Government in State and Nation 

net, $1.00 

American History . . . net, 1.40 




George Washington 

From the painting by Gilbert Stuart. Property of the Metropolitan Mus. 



1 of Art. By permission 



AMEKICAN HISTORY 



BY 

JAMES ALTON JAMES 

PROFKSSOR OF HISTORY IN NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY 



ALBERT HART SANFORD 

PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN THE STEVENS POINT, WISCONSIN, 
STATE NORMAL SCHOOL 



WITH MANY 
ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS 



NEW YORK 

CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 

1909 






Copyright, 1909, by 
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 




LIBRARY of CONGRESS 
Two CoDies Received 

APK 19 \m 

Csp>'ri»f.'it Entry 
ruViS CX XXc No. 



PREFACE 

It has been the aim of the authors of this book to give 
the main features in the development of our Nation, to 
explain the America of to-day, its civilization and its tra- 
ditions. In order to do this, it was necessary to select 
topics from the various fields of human activity, the politi- 
cal, industrial, social, educational, and religious. Empha- 
sis has been placed upon the fact that the position the 
United States occupies among the great nations is due 
primarily to the achievements of men and women in these 
fields. Consequently the military phases of our history, 
striking as some of them are, have in a measure been sub- 
ordinated to the accounts of the victories of peace. We 
have thought it desirable also to give greater prominence 
than has been usual in school texts to the advance of the 
frontier and to the growth and influence of the West. 
Particular care has been taken to state the essential facts 
in European history necessary to the explanation of events 
in America. 

How may the subject be best presented to the pupils of 
high-school age has been constantly in mind. To that end, 
only trustworthy illustrative material has been included 
and the maps have been prepared with great care. While 
there is no separate chapter or section devoted to a discus- 
sion of the physical geography of America, it will be noted 
that the influence of geographical conditions has been con- 
stantly stated in connection with events and conditions 
mentioned in the volume. 

The references given in the suggestive questions at the 

V 



vi Preface 

end of each chapter are to books which might well be in- 
cluded in a sciiool or a public library. Teachers will, no 
doubt, modify these supplementary references to suit local 
conditions. A more extensive list is accessible in the syl- 
labus, "History in the Secondary Schools," issued under 
the auspices of the New England History Teachers' Asso- 
ciation and published by D. C. Heath and Co. 

Wherever possible, by means of marginal references and 
supplementary questions, the intimate relations between 
American history and government have been indicated. 
The outlines to be found in Appendix I carry out this 
plan of correlation in so far as it is practicable. 

We are under obligation to many teachers of history in 
the secondary schools for practical suggestions. We desire 
especially to e\-press our indebtedness to the following 
teachers of history for reading certain chapters of the 
manuscript and proof: William H. Shephard, North High 
School, ^Minneapolis ; L. A. Fulwider, Freeport, 111., High 
School; B. E. Powell, New Trier Township, 111., High 
School; Carlo F. Sargent, Northwestern Academy, Evans- 
ton; Edward C. Page, DeKalb, 111., State Normal; A. D. 
T. Gillett, Superior, Wis., State Normal; WiUiam Kittle, 
Secretary of Normal Board of Regents, jMadison, Wis.; 
Dr. Royal B. Way, Beloit College; and to J. P. Odell, 
Instructor in EngUsh, Northwestern University, Professor 
Charles W. ]\Iann, of Lewis Institute, Chicago, has read 
much of the manuscript and nearly all of the galley proofs. 
He has also kindly furnished a number of illustrations. 

We shall be pleased to be informed of any errors and 
to receive any suggestions which may make the book more 
usable. 

EvANSTON, Illinois, 
January 1, 1909. 



CONTENTS 

CHAPTER PAGE 

I. — The Discovery of America 1 

II. — Spanish Exploration and Colonization, . . 17 

III. — The Rivalry of Nations in the Sixteenth 

Century, 27 

IV.— Virginia .\nd Maryland, 37 

V. — New ENGL.^^ND, , . 50 

VI.— Further English Colonization, .... 68 

VII. — The Colonies after the Restor.^tion, 1660- 

1690, 85 

VIII.— The French in America, 104 

IX. — The English Colonies in the Eighteenth 

Century, 128 

X. — Causes of the American Revolution, . . 142 

XI.— The Revolutionary War, 1776-1783, . . .162 

XII. — The Period of the Confeder.a.tion, 1781- 

1789, 183 

XIII. — The Formation of the Federal Consti- 
tution, . 197 

XIV. — Organization of the New Government, 

THE Federalists in Control, . . . .215 

XV.— Foreign Relations, 1793-1801, 226 

XVI.— Democracy and Expansion, 1801-1811, . . 241 

XVII. — The Second War for Independence, . . 259 
vii 



viii Contents 

CHAPTER P\G^ 

XVIII.— Reorganization, Westward Migration, and 

Internal Improvements, 1815-1825, . . 271 

XIX.— The Development of Nationalism, 1815- 

1830, -'85 

XX.— The New Democracy and the Increase 

OF Sectional Feeling, 1830-1845, . . 297 

XXI.— Territorial Expansion and Growth of 

THE Slavery Issue, 327 

XXII. — Slavery Extension and Sectional Feeling, 346 

XXIII.— Secession and Civil War, 368 

XXIV.— The Civil War (Cott/imiefZ), 1863-186.5, . . .398 

XXV.— Reconstruction, 1863-1872, 415 

XXVI.— Diplomacy, Finance, and Politics, 1865-1877, 437 

XXVII.— Industrial and Social Changes, 1866-1886, . 451 

XXVIII.^PoLiTiCAL Changes and Industrial Expan- 
sion, 1880-1890, 460 

XXIX.— Industrial and Political Problems, 1890- 

1897, 477 

XXX.— The Spanish-American War, 1898, . . . .497 

XXXI.— The Opening of a New Era 507 

APPENDIX 

I. — The Correlation of American History and 

Government 527 

II. — Constitution of the United States of 

America, 536 

III.— Index, 553 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 

George Washington, Frontispiece 

PAGE 

Christopher Columbus, 7 

Americus Vespucius, 12 

De Soto, 22 

A Spanish Mission Church, 24 

Sir Fr.incis Drake, 31 

Sir Humphrey Gilbert, 33 

Ship of the Sixteenth Century 35 

Jamestown in 1622, 44 

George Calvert, First Lord Baltimore, 46 

First Seal of Plymouth Colony, 51 

Signature of. Governor Bradford, 52 

Governor Winthrop, 55 

Signature of Roger Williams, 59 

Old House in Guilford, 1639, . 62 

Charleston, South Carolina, 77 

William Penn 79 

Signature of Governor Berkeley, 86 

Dutch Cottage in Beaver Street, New York, 1679, . . 97 

Palisaded Indian Village, 102 

Champlain's Plan of the Fort of the Iroquois, . . . 107 

A Possible Portrait of Marquette, 110 

Governor Spotswood, 119 

William Pitt, 123 

ix 



X List of Illustrations 



PAOE 



View of Quebec, 124 

A Colonial Fire Engine, 130 

Three-shilling Massachusetts Bill of 1741, .... 132 

A Satire on Royal Government, 137 

Benjamin Franklin, . 146 

John Dickinson, of Pennsylvania 149 

Samuel Adams, 150 

Carpenters' Hall, Philadelphia, 153 

Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, 157 

Room in Independence Hall in which the Declaration 

WAS Signed, 159 

Lafayette, 169 

Colonel Daniel Boone, 171 

North Carolina Currency 174 

John Paul Jones, 175 

The Old Potts House at Valley Forge, used by Wash- 
ington AS Headquarters, 182 

View of Pittsburg in 1790, 190 

John Jay, 192 

First United States Coin, 193 

Dollar of 1794, 216 

Alex.vnder Hamilton, 219 

Home of Washington, 223 

Fort Washington (Cincinnati), 230 

John Adams, 232 

Samuel Slater, 237 

Model of Cotton Gin, 238 

Thomas Jefferson, 242 

John Marshall, 243 



List of Illustrations xi 



PAGf 



Cavalry Private, 1801, ^44 

The Clermont, 249 

James Madison, 254 

Tecumseh, 256 

Infantry Private, 1810, 260 

The Constitution and Guerrikre, 263 

Flat-boat, 275 

Plan of the Erie Canal, 277 

James Monroe, 286 

John Quincy Adams, 290 

Henry Clay, 291 

John C. Calhoun, 293 

The Hermitage, 294 

Andrew Jackson, 298 

First Steam Train Run on the Pennsylvania State 

Railroad, 300 

Old Railroad Time-table, 301 

City of Washington, 1830, 305 

Daniel Webster, 307 

William Lloyd Garrison, • • -315 

Wendell Phillips, 317 



Campaign Button, 
Samuel F. B. Morse, 



319 
323 



Home of John C. Calhoun, 324 

Harriet Beecher Stowe, 340 

Stephen A. Douglas, 347 

James Russell Lowell, 358 

Roger B. Taney, 360 

John Brown, 363 



xii List of Illnsirafions 

PAGE 

Campaign Button, 365 

Abraham Lincoln, 369 

Jefferson Davis, 372 

Salmon P. Chase, 374 

The Cairo — A Mississippi'! River Gunboat, .... 383 

John Ericsson, 384 

Transverse Section of the INIoxitor through the 
Center of the Turret, 385 

George B. McClellan, 386 

Gen. Thos. J. Jackson, 391 

Facsimile of a Vicksburg Newspaper Printed on Wall 

Paper, 395 

Fractional Currency of the Civil ^YAU Period, . . 400 

Ulysses Simpson Grant, 404 

Philip H. Sheridan, 407 

William Tecumseh Sherman, 408 

General Robert E. Lee, C. S. A., ... ... 410 

Parole Signed by a Confederate Soldier, .... 417 

Amnesty Oath to be taken by Confederates, . . .417 

Charles Sumner, 422 

Facsimile of a Bill for Furnishing the State House 
AT Columbia, S. C, in 1872, 429 

Facsimile OF a "Gratuity" Voted to Governor Moses 
by the South Carolina Legislature in 1871, . . 431 

Horace Greeley, 433 

William H. Seward, 438 

Samuel J. Tilden, 446 

Rutherford B. Hayes, 448 

James A. Garfield, 462 

George William Curtis, 463 



List of Illustrations xiii 

PAGE 

Grover Cleveland, 465 

Benjamin Harrison, 469 

James G. Blaine, ... 471 

William Jennings Bryan, 483 

William McKinley, 484 

Side and Front Views of Bell's Fir.st Telephone, . 491 

Tho.mas a. Edison, 492 

The United States Battle-ship Maine Entering 

Havana Harbor, January, 1898, 498 

The Rough Riders, 503 

Theodore Roosevelt, 509 

Machine which Reaps, Threshes, and Bags Grain at 
THE Same Time, 511 

At Work on the Panama Canal in the Culebra Cut, . 515 

Steel Productions, 1903, 518 

A CoTTOw Mill, Augusta, Ga,, 521 

W1LLIA.M H. Taft, 524 



LIST OF MAPS 



PAGE 



Mediaeval Trade Routes, ^ 

Regions Explored BY Columbus AND Vespucius, ... 11 

Early Geographical Ideas OF America, 13 

Spanish Voyages OF Exploration AND Conquest, ... 18 

The Outward Voyages of Great Explorers, ... 28 

Grants made to the London and Plymouth Companies, . 38 

Early Settlements IN Virginia and Maryland, ... 40 

The New England Colonies, 57 

New Netherland in 1656, '- 

The Carolina Grant by Charter of 1665, .... 75 

The Middle Colonies, ^^ 

Location OF Indians IN THE Seventeenth Century, . . 99 

The Explorations op Champlain, 105 

The Routes of the French Explorers, 109 

North America in 1689 AND 1713 (colored), 112 

The French and Indian Wars, 1689-1748, . . . .114 
French Posts and Portages in the West, . . . .110 
Western Forts— French and Indian War, .... 121 
European Possessions by Treaty of Paris (colored), . 125 

The Vicinity of Boston During the Siege, .155 

The Campaign of 1776, 103 

Campaigns of 1777, ^^^ 

The West During the Revolution, 172 

XV 



xvi List of Maps 

PAGE 

The War in the Southern States, 177 

Map Showing the Position of the French and Ameri- 
can Troops at Yorktown 178 

The United States in 1783 (colored), 187 

Distribution of Population in 1790, 208 

Wayne's Campaign and Treaty of Greenville, . . . 231 

Presidential Election of 1800 236 

The United States in 1803 (colored), 246 

War, 1812, on the Northern Frontier, ..... 262 

LeadingRoads and Waterways, 1825 (colored), . . .278 

Distribution of Population in 1820, 279 

Election of 1824, 295 

Election of 1828, 29"5 

Canals and Railroads, 1840 (colored), 296 

Distribution of Population in 1830, 299 

Texas at the Time of Annexation, ....... 329 

Western Part of the United States in 1850, . . . 338 

Acquisition of Territory, 1789-1853 (colored), . . 349 

Distribution of Population, 1860, 353 

Railways in 1860, 355 

Election, 1860, 365 

Charleston Harbor, 375 

The Vicinity op Washington, 377 

The United States in 1861, 378 

The Seat of War in the West, 382 

McClellan's Campaign in Virginia, 1862, 387 

Campaigns in the East, 1862-1863, 389 

Map of the Battle of Gettysburg, 393 

The Vicksburg and Chattanooga Campaigns, . . . 394 



List of Maps xvii 

PAGE 

Grant's Campaign, 1864-1865, 403 

Map Illustrating Sherman's March to the Sea, . . . 409 

Election Map of 1876, 447 

Population Map, 1880, . ■ 461 

Election Map of 1890, 482 

The Philippine Islands, 500 

The West Indies and Adjacent Shores, 501 

The Commerce of the Pacific (colored), .... 505 

Movement of Centers of Population and Manufac- 
tures, 1790-1900, 508 

Panama Canal AND United States Can.\l Strip, . . .514 

The Vanderbilt Railroad SystexM, 517 



AMERICAN HISTORY 

CHAPTER I 

THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA 

The geographical separation of the American conti- 
nents from those of the Eastern Hemisphere is the first 
great fact in their history. It was, in part, a consequence 
of this fact that there was an entire lack of contact between 
the peoples of Europe and the New World during the 
many centuries when civilization was developing in the 
former. The original inhabitants of America were en- 
tirely uninfluenced by European ideas, and never devel- 
oped beyond a primitive stage of civilization. When, at 
last, the streams of influence began to flow between the 
Old World and the New, the civilization that crossed the 
Atlantic was not Oriental, nor classic, nor medieval, but 
modern. America came under European influence pre- 
cisely at the time when the new life and the new spirit of 
progress that characterize modern times were becoming 
dominant. 

The long isolation of America was due to the obstacles The North- 
that lay in the way of its discovery by Europeans. These ^g^"^ ^°^' 
were, briefly, (1) the great ocean that lay between; (2) the 
lack of adequate means of navigation; and (3) the lack of 
the spirit of adventure and geographical inquiry, or its 
employment in other directions. These difficulties were 
temporarily overcome five centuries before the time of 
Columbus by the hardy and adventurous Northmen of 
the Scandinavian peninsula. They had made conquests 
upon the coasts of England and of northern France, and 
had penetrated even to Mediterranean countries. They 



2 American History 

sailed in their long boats* to Iceland (874 A.D.), and there 
built up a considerable colony. Greenland was next found, 
and here Norse settlements existed for several centuries. 
In the year 1000, Leif Ericson, sailing from Norway for 
Greenland, lost his way and explored for some distance 
along a strange coast, which we may believe was that of 
Nova Scotia or of New England. In one locality he found 
grapes in abundance; and so we have the name Wineland, 
or Vinland. Other voyages followed that of Leif, and 
timber was carried from Vinland to Greenland and to Ice- 
land. The Northmen traded for furs with the Indians, or 
"skraelings," as they called the natives, and, of course, 
quarrels arose between them which led to the abandon- 
ment of the colony. The Norse occupation of American 
coasts was not renewed because of the difficulty and un- 
profitableness of the voyage. 

This account follows the old Norse traditions or sagas, which 
were first written in permanent form about two centuries after 
the events they describe. It is impossible to tell how many of 
the details of the accounts are true. Since no tangible remains 
of the Norse settlements exist, the exact location of their explora- 
tions cannot be determined. Probably the Norse visits to 
Vinland had no influence upon the discovery of America by 
Columbus; for the knowledge of them seems to have had no 
existence in southern Europe during the Middle Ages. 

It has been stated that before the fifteenth century the 
people of Europe lacked the means of navigation, and 
the curiosity and determination that were necessary to 
surmount the difficulties of a trans-Atlantic voyage. The 
idea that such a voyage was possible had not been lack- 
ing; it was, in fact, based upon the belief in the sphericity 
of the earth. This belief was of very ancient origin, , 
having been taught by the Greeks of the sixth century 



* It was the custom of the Northmen to make a sea-roving chieftain's 
boat his tomb and to cover it with a huge mound of earth. One of 
these Viking ships was unearthed at Gokstad, Norway, in 1880, and 
another at Oseberg in 1903. Each is over one hundred feet long. See 
Century Magazine, September, 1905, 729-733. 



Its trans- 



modern 
times. 



The Discovery of America 3 

before Christ. Aristotle (fourth century B.C.), Strabo 
(contemporaneous with Christ), PHny (first century A. L).), 
and Claudius Ptolemy (about 150, A.D.), are among the 
learned men of Greece and Rome who taught this fact. 
Moreover, the size of the earth had been approximately 
calculated, although ancient authorities never reached an 
agreement upon this matter. This knowledge concerning 
the shape and size of the earth did not die out with the 
decline of learning that took place during the Middle mission to 
Ages; but, preserved by the Arabians and by the scholars 
of the monasteries, it was transmitted to the time of Co- 
lumbus. At this time "astronomers, philosophers, men 
of general learning, and even navigators and pilots were 
quite familiar with the idea and quite in the habit of 
thinking of the earth as a sphere." * 

In the Colombina Library at Seville there may be seen a Latin 
treatise upon geography written by Cardinal D'Ailly or AUiacus, 
a learned theologian and philosopher; and upon its margins are 
annotations in the handwriting of Columbus. Now, this author 
(writing about 1400) quotes Roger Bacon (about 1250), who in 
turn quotes Aristotle as authority upon these matters. Thus 
"the torch which Aristotle had kindled was transmitted by 
Bacon to Alliacus; AUiacus handed it on to Columbus."! 

Nor did the geographers of ancient times hesitate to 
follow their ideas to logical conclusions; viz., that the great 
sea which lay west of the Pillars of Hercules (Gibraltar) 
was the same that washed the eastern shores of Asia; and 
that a vessel sailing w^estward from Spain would surely 
reach those shores. Such beliefs were, of course, confined 
to the learned few and to navigators. The mass of peo- 
ple in both ancient and medieval times held the concep- 
tion of a flat earth, surrounded by oceans, and covered 
by the dome-like heavens. 

* Cheyney, European Background of American History, 52. 

t Payne, History of America, I, 50. For a reproduction of Alli- 
acus's treatise showing the annotations of Columbus, see Wilson, 
History of the American People, I, 3. Also Winsor, Narrative and 
Critical History, I, 31. 



American History 



At the beginning of modern times, conditions became 
favorable for tlie accomplishment of the trans-Atlantic 
voyage and the discovery of America. 

1. The fourteenth and the fifteenth centuries mark a 
transition period in the history of civilization; for there 
came about in these centuries many changes presaging the 
new intellectual activity of modern times. This was the 
high tide of the Renaissance. The human mind was as- 
suming the attitude of inquiry toward both nature and 
man. Hence we have notable contributions to civilization 
not only in the fields of art and literature but also in those 
of science and invention. We find at this time evidences 
of that modern scientific curiosity coupled with the practi- 
cal spirit of enterprise which had been lacking in ancient 
and medieval times, and which we may regard as an in- 
dispensable condition for the discovery of the New World 
by the Old. This was the age of exploration — men were 
making geographical discoveries in all directions. The 
reaching out for new lands was but one form in which 
the intellectual activity of the new era found expression. 
The epoch-making voyage of Columbus was not an iso- 
lated event, but only one in a long series of discoveries. 
"The greatest fruit of the Renaissance was America."* 

2. In the time of Columbus the facilities for making 
an extensive ocean voyage were better than ever before. 
The compass, probably derived by the Arabs from the 
Chinese, had been used in navigation for several centuries, 
and gradually mariners had become emboldened by its use. 
The astrolabe, by means of which latitude could be de- 
termined from observations of the heavenly bodies, was a 
great aid to navigation. In the thirteenth century the 
small galleys of ancient times began to be superseded by 
high-built vessels fit to navigate the ocean and large 
enough to carry the stores needed on a long voyage. 

3. The immediate cause, supplying the impulse for 
the crossing of the Atlantic Ocean, was commercial. 

* Payne, History of America, I, 14. 



The Dm-ovrri/ of America 5 

It was sLnplv the necessity for opening up new routes Trade^with 
for c-ommerJe with the Orient. The old routes, as ,,, . 
s^own on the accompanying map, had been m use smce lat.d by 
ancient times. India and other eastern countries had crusades, 
been, from time innuemorial, the sources of luxuries and 




U O C E A N f^ \ 



Medieval Trade Routes. 



riches craved by the people of Mediterranean countries 
That great movement' of the twelfth and the thirteenth 
centuries known as the Crusades had brought Europeans 
into closer contact with travellers and traders from he 
East; thus new products were introduced into Europe, the 



6 



America}) History 



routes and methods of trade became more familiar, and 
from this time the growth of commerce became very 
marked. The sugar and spices, silks and jewels, drugs 
and oils of the East were exchanged for the iron, tin, lead, 
grains, wool, soap, and furs of the Mediterranean and 
Baltic countries. 

Fifteenth-century Europeans believed that the commercial 
possibilities of that indefinite and almost unknown region called 
"India," were by no means fully developed. Vague stories 
were afloat concerning the untold riches of that land and of others 
lying beyond. From Cathay (China) had come accounts of 
populous empires and their enormous resources. Marco Polo, 
an Italian, had first travelled in Cathay, and later had lived there 
for seventeen years in official service. His accounts of the 
country and its riches, written about two centuries before the 
discovery of America, and while he was lying in a Genoese prison, 
were now being studied with great interest. 

The necessity for a new route to the eastern countries 
came about when, in the fourteenth century, the Turks 
began to attack the caravans and to restrict the trade by 
the old routes. Constantinople was captured by the Turks 
in 1453; and before the end of the fifteenth century a like 
fate was suffered by all the cities that were centres of Euro- 
pean trade on the Black Sea and the eastern Mediter- 
ranean. Trade was not forbidden, but the supply of 
eastern products available for European markets was very 
much reduced, because merchants were burdened with re- 
strictions, because life and property became unsafe, and 
because the barbarous Turks, caring little themselves for 
the luxuries of the East, cared less to import them for sale 
in the West. At the same time, the growth of wealth in 
European countries gave rise to an increased demand for 
these goods. The Red Sea route was not closed until the 
Turks captured Egvpt, early in the sixteenth century; but 
the Arabs had a monopoly of the trade by this route, and 
raised the prices. All western Europe felt the burden of these 
new conditions ; and it was the determination to open up new 
highways of commerce with the East and thus at once to 



The Discover!/ of America 7 

thwart the enmitv of the Turks and to introduce competi- 
L.L.h th. Ambs. that led to the discovery of America. 



tion with the Arabs, 




Christopher Columbus 
Marine Museum, Madrid 



influ- 
ence of 
Prince 



Contemporaneously .vith tliese changes others of great The 
consequence were taking place. The nations of western ' 
Europe, whose borders touched the Atlantic Ocean, were He™ .; 
rising into prominence, and foremost among them was the 

tUe kingdom of Portugal. Prince Henry of Portugal 



8 American History 

(1394-1460), gave great encouragement not only to scien- 
tific investigation but also to practical exploration. By 
the year 14G0 Portugese na\4gators had visited all the 
island groups that lay off the coast of Africa — the Ma- 
deiras, the Canaries, the Azores, and the Cape Verde 
Islands — and were pushing their voyages gradually south- 
ward along the coast of that continent. Besides the trad- 
ing motive that incited these voyages there came to be 
a conscious attempt to discover a new route to India, an 
attempt based upon the current belief (this in turn based 
upon classic authorities) that Africa did not extend so far 
south as the equator. Therefore, it was argued, a short 
voyage to India could be made around this continent. 
During the third quarter of the fifteenth century the Portu- 
guese voyagers sailed farther south on the western coast 
of Africa, crossing the equator in 1471, and later finding 
longer stretches of coast to the southward. 

Columbus had lived in Portugal, probably between 
1470 and 1486, and during a large part of this time was in 
the maritime ser^'ice of that country. Consequently he 
was familiar with the advanced ideas of geography and 
na\igation there prevalent. It was his contention that 
the shortest water route to India lay due west across the 
Atlantic Ocean, rather than around Africa. 

Although, in ancient times, a close approximation had 
been made to the actual size of the earth, it was the belief 
of Columbus that the islands l}dng off the eastern coast of 
Asia were distant from the Canaries only 2,500 miles. 
This view is ex-plained by the fact that, according to many 
authorities of his time, Asia extended eastward for a dis- 
tance equal to the entire width of the Pacific Ocean. 
This geographical error was most fortunate for Columbus; 
for had his knowledge of the distance between Europe and 
Asia been accurate, he would probably never have under- 
taken the voyage. 

The ambition of Columbus was aided by another geographical 
misconception; viz., that in the mid-Atlantic islands existed that 



of Tosca- 
nelli. 



The Discovery of America 9 

would serve as half-way stages on the western voyage. English 
and Portuguese sailors had repeatedly set forth to find these fabled 
islands, but without success. 

In the biography of Columbus, written by his son Ferdinand, The letters 
we are told that a famous doctor of Florence, Toscanelli by ^^^^^P 
name, wrote letters, first to a friend in Portugal and later to 
Columbus, sustaining the geographical ideas above stated and 
encouraging the execution of a voyage across the Atlantic Ocean. 
Accompanying his letter in each case was a map showing the 
proximity of Asia to the western coast of Europe, and also show- 
ing, in favorable positions, various islands that we know to be 
mythical. It is said in the biography that Columbus carried a 
copy of this map when on his first voyage. 

The most eminent authorities disagree upon many points in 
the life of Columbus. We may be certain that he led a seafaring 
life during his youth.and that his occupation as a man was map- 
and chart-making. He went on many voyages, and probably 
visited the coasts of Africa and of Iceland. He was a deep stu- 
dent of all available writings upon geography and navigation. 
His convictions were based upon years of patient study. 

By the end of the fifteenth century the times were ripe 
for the long-postponed transatlantic voyage; the idea of 
its possibility rested upon a secure foundation ; many bold 
voyages were being undertaken, and Portugal was the 
centre of maritime activity. Here Columbus first made 
an effort to secure aid in the execution of his plans. But 
the Portuguese were interested in the route around Africa. 
Columbus was, in consequence, forced to seek aid else- 
where, and in 1484 he went to Spain, at the same time 
sending his brother Bartholomew to England. 

In his application for aid at the Court of Spain Colum- 
bus dwelt mainly upon the commercial advantages that 
would certainly result from his success; and upon the pros- 
pect of carrWng the Christian religion to the heathen 
peoples of the East. For years he pleaded in vain. The 
greatest obstacle to his success was the fact that the Span- 
ish monarchs, Ferdinand and Isabella, were then engaged 
in that fierce struggle with the ]Moors which ended in 1492 
with the capture of Granada. When the war was over, 
Columbus was summoned to the court, and then arose 



10 American History 

another obstacle which nearly defeated his plans. The 
terms upon which Columbus was willing to lead his ex- 
pedition were, in view of the attendant risk, considered al- 
together too high. But finally, through the efforts of in- 
fluential friends of Columbus, Queen Isabella authorized 
the expedition. 

In the negotiations preceding his voyage, we mark the 
perseverance of Columbus as that of a really great man; 
his practical wisdom is seen in his demand that the expe- 
dition should be equipped on a scale large enough to ac- 
complish the end in view; and his supreme faith and cour- 
age challenge our admiration. He dared to do what others 
had only dreamed of. 

The first voyage, from its beginning at Palos in Spain 
until the discovery of a small island in the Bahama group, 
on October 12, 1492, lasted ten weeks. We must hold 
constandy in mind the fact that Columbus believed that 
the lands discovered were Asiatic. It was well known 
that many islands lay to the south and east of Asia. 
When, however, Columbus reached the northern coast of 
Cuba, and when on his second voyage (1493), he ex-plored 
its southern coast, he believed that he was on the main 
land of Cochin China. To him, Hayti was the northern 
end of Cipango (Japan) — that wonderfully rich island of 
which Marco Polo had written exaggerated reports. The 
first and second voyages were disappointing; only small 
quantities of gold had been found, and the populous cities 
of India still lay beyond. In the conviction that his goal 
lay farther south, Columbus directed his third voyage 
(1498) that way, and found the northern coast of South 
America at the mouth of the Orinoco River. This he 
spoke of as "the main land and very large"; and again 
as "another world." In the same year, the Portuguese 
navigator, Vasco da Gama, sailed around Africa to India 
and returned with a rich cargo. This proved a serious 
blow to the reputation of Columbus, and constituted one 
cause for the discoverer's decline in favor. Added to this 



The Discovery of A 



11 



were the failure of the colonies that he had planted in the 

West Indies and the machinations of his enemies both 

in the colonies and at the Spanish Court. But Columbus 

was permitted to make one more effort to penetrate the 

obstacles that lay between Spain and India. In 1502-1504 

he skirted the coasts of Honduras, Nicaragua, and Panama 

in a vain effort 

to find the 

straits that 

would lead 

him into the 

Indian Ocean. 

Columbus 

died in 1506, 

a broken and 

defeated old 

man, still be- 

lie\ing that he 

had found Asia 

and the Indies, 

and south of 

these "another 

world." 

How did it 
happen that 
the continents 
of the Western 

Hemisphere received the name "America," instead of 
being named for their real discoverer, Columbus ? When 
the Portuguese had succeeded in exploring extensive 
coasts along western Africa, the Pope issued a decree The "Lin* 
granting to that nation the control of those heathen coun- cation'^'^ej 
tries and of others that they might discover even "as far tabiished. 
as India." Upon the return of Columbus from his first 
voyage, it became e\ddent that Spain also must have a 
claim in Asiatic waters. To arrange the division between 
these two countries, a bull was issued by Pope Alex- 




irn e 

YAGES OF VESPUCIUS \ 

/St ~~-. I 

3rd ***** \ 



^.^l\ 



The Regions Explored by Columbus and Vespucius 



12 



American History 



ander VI in 1493, and this was supplemented by a treaty 
in 1494, which finally settled a "line of demarcation." 
This was a meridian located 370 degrees west of the 
Cape Verde Islands.* The Portuguese, then, were free 
to make their future voyages along the African coast and 
eastward to Asia; while the Spanish, going westward 



The ex- 
ploration 
of the 
South 
American 
coast. 




Americus Vespucius 

From Herrera's Historia Generale de las India 

across the line of demarcation, might explore and colon- 
ize the heathen lands in that direction. 

Now, in the year 1500 a Portuguese navigator, Cabral 
by name, was making a voyage around Africa to India. 
In the tropical latitudes the course of his fleet bore so far 
westward that he sighted the coast of Brazil. This he 
knew must be east of the line of demarcation and hence 
within the sphere assigned to Portugal. When the news 
of Cabral's discovery reached Portugal, an expedition was 
sent out, with which went Americus Vespucius, an as- 
*About 41 degrees west longitude from Greenwich. 




SKETCH OF A MAP MADE BY BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS. THE EARLIEST TO 
CONTAIN THE NAME MONDO NOVO (NEW WORLD) 




THE LENOX GLOBE 



EARLY GEOGRAPHICAL IDEAS 
OF AMERICA 

I The connection of the New World 
with Asia 

II The New World (South Annerica) a 
separate continent 

III The application of the name"Amenca 
to both continents 




M'E-RCATOR'S MAP f541 



Early Geographical Ideas of America 



14 American History 

tronomer and navigator. In the years 1501 and 1502 this 
expedition skirted the coast of Brazil from Cape St. 
Roque southward for 700 leagues, reaching 35 degrees 
south latitude. In previous years other expeditions had ex- 
plored the northern coast of South America, and thus the 
idea of the immensity of this land, dimly realized by Colum- 
bus, became impressed upon men's minds. This was in 
truth a real continent; and, moreover, it was a continent 
hitherto unknown; for it lay under and south of the equator. 
It is not strange, therefore, that when Vespucius wrote an 
account of his voyage he called this land "Mundus Novus," 
or the New World. Copies of his letter were printed in 
many different editions and scattered broadcast, especially 
through northern Europe. 
The nam- In 1507 Waldseem tiller, a German geographer, was pub- 
America, hshing a treatise, and in his comments upon the explora- 
tions of Vespucius he used the following language: "But 
now these parts have been more extensively explored, and 
another fourth part has been discovered by Americus Ves- 
pucius . . . wherefore I do not see what is rightly to hinder 
us from calling it Amerige or America, i. e., the land of Ameri- 
cus, after its discoverer x\mericus, a man of sagacious mind, 
since both Europe and Asia have got their names from wo- 
men."* The newly invented art of printing made possible the 
rapid multiplication of the geographies in which this sugges- 
tion was made; as a result, the name America soon became 
fixed, first upon the southern continent, and later upon the 
northern one also, when it was no longer confused with Asia. 

Slight protest against the injustice thus unintentionally done 
Columbus arose at this time in Spain, because of the ignorance 
there concerning the use of the name America in northern Europe. 
On the other hand, in the countries outside of Spain, people failed 
to reaHze this injustice because little was known concerning 
Colxunbus's third voyage. The account of this voyage of 1498 
was not printed in Latin until 1508, several years after the voy- 
ages of Vespucius had become celebrated. 

♦Quoted in Fiske, Discovery of America, II, 136. See here also a 
fac-siraile in Latin of the passage quoted. 



Jlic Discovery of America 15 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. General accounts of the Northmen. Higginson, Larger 
History of the United States, chap. 2. Fiske, Discovery of Amer- 
ica, r, chap. 2. Thwaites, The Colonies, 21-23. Lamed, 
History for Ready Reference (America lOth-llth centuries).' 

2. Contemporary accounts. Hart, Contemporaries, I, No. 16. 
Old South Leaflets, No. 31. American History Leaflets, No. 3. 

3. What reasons does Fiske give for believing the accounts of 
the sagas? Discovery of America, I, 17<S-194. 

4. The Viking ship. Higginson,* 31-35. Fiske, 172-175. 

5. A poetical version of the Norse visits to America is found 
in Longfellow's "Skeleton in Armor." 

G. What reasons are there why the Norse discoveries produced 
no effect in Europe? Fiske, \, 257-2()2. 

7. What nation of ancient times resembled the Northmen in 
their prominence as a sea-faring and exploring people? 

8. Interesting accounts on the following topics are found in 
Fiske's Discovery of America, \o\. \: The Influence of the Cru- 
sades, 270-270; ^Iarco Polo, 280-287; Difficulties of Exploration, 
309-31 G; Prince Henry the Navigator, 316-320. See map of 
Portuguese, voyages, 324. 

9. INIarco Polo's account of Japan and Java is given in Old 
South Leaflets, No. 32. 

10. Where are the Turks to-day ? Who c-ontrols the shortest 
route from Western Europe to India? Has Columbus's idea 
been realized? 

11. iNIajis showing the two different ideas of Africa are found 
in Fiske, Discovery, I, 265, 304. 

12. For an excellent summary of commercial conditions pre- 
ceding the discovery of America, see Adams, Civilization During 
the Middle Ages, 283-290. 

13. Reasons why Europeans were eager to reach the East. 
Cheyney, European Background of American History, 9—19. 

14. General accounts of the discovery of America. Higgin- 
son, Larger History of the United States, 52-04. Bancroft, 
History of the United States, I, 7-9; 12-13. Earned, History for 
Ready Reference, "America." 

*Where, as in this reference, and the next, a title is omitted, it has 
been given in some previous reference of the same set. 



16 American Historrj 

15. Contemporaneous accounts. (a) Columbus's Letter to 
St. Angel, written on the return from his first voyage, in Ameri- 
can History Leaflets, No. L (6) Here, also, are extracts from 
the journal of Columbus, dated October 10 and 11, 1492. (r) For 
other extracts from the journal, see Hart, Contemporaries, I, 
35-39. {d) Columbus's letter to Sanchez, Hart, Source Book, 
1-3. {e) The account of the discovery, from the Life of Colum- 
bus, by his son, Old South Leaflets, No. 29. (/) The memorial 
of Columbus to Ferdinand and Isabella (1494) presenting his 
plans for a colony. Old South Leaflets, No. 71, 1-8. {g) Let- 
ter of Columbus to the monarchs (1503), Hart, Contempo- 
raries, I, No. 19. (Ii) Columbus's account of Cuba, Old South 
Leaflets, No. 102. 

16. Preparations of Columbus for his work. Bourne, Sj)ain 
in America, 8-20. 

17. The following topics are discussed in Fiske's Discovery of 
America, Vol. L — Columbus's relations with Toscanelli, 355-3G7. 
The early life of Columbus, 349-354. Ideas of the earth, 377- 
381. The first voyage, 421-431. Second voyage, 462-478. 
Third voyage, 488-498. Fourth voyage, 504-513. 

18. Adams's Christojiher Columbus. His first appearance at 
the court of Spain, 49-53. His visit to La Rabida, 61-63. His 
demands and the commission, 63-71. The first landing place, 
88-93. Relations with the Indians on the second voyage, 129- 
139; 144-146; 159-163. Third voyage, 177-182. Arrest and 
imprisonment of Columbus, 195-204. His character, 251-257. 

19. Important topics in this chapter are treated in James and 
Mann, Readings in American History, chapter I, The Discovery 
of America. 



CHAPTER TI 

SPANISH EXPLORATION AND COLONIZATION 

Columbus and his contemporaries made only a begin- Newgeo- 
ning in the discovery and exploration of America; their problems. 
work revealed the problems that lay before the exjjlorers 
who were to follow. Men were asking, did any part of 
the newly discovered lands belong to the mainland of Asia ? 
Could the strait be found that would lead the voyager 
through the island groups into the Indian Ocean? In 
what direction lay Cathay and Cipango, and how far dis- 
tant were the shores of India ? Gradually, in the course of 
the events that followed, the truth was revealed that a con- 
tinuous coast-line barred the way to Asia, and that beyond 
this barrier lay another ocean, vaster by far tl\an the At- 
lantic. 

The earliest Spanish settlements were established on the Spanish 
island of Hayti, then called Hispaniola. Porto Rico was tk)ns°'^*' 
soon occupied, and next Cuba. From these stations lines 
of exploration radiated in three directions, south-west, west, 
and north-west, until the continental coast-line lay com- 
pletely revealed. The voyages of Columbus to the Pearl 
Coast of northern South America (149S) and to Darien 
(1502-1503) were followed by other Spanish ex-peditions in 
those directions. The search for gold led to the establish- 
ment of Spanish posts on the Isthmus of Panama, and it is 
among the adventurers who were exploring in this region 
that we find Balboa. Inspired by the suggestion of a rich 
land lying to the southward, Balboa crossed the isthmus 
and beheld the Pacific Ocean (1513), naming it the 
South Sea in contrast to the Caribbean, or northern, sea. 
17 



18 



. 1 )iu'r ica 1 1 II i,s1o rij 



The dis- 
covery of 
the Pacific 
Ocean, and 
Florida. 



Explora- 
tion and 
conquest 
of Mexico. 



Thus wa.s taken the first step toward the discovery and 
conquest of Peru. In the same year Ponce de Leon, 
Governor of Porto Rico, was given a commission to ex- 
plore northward in search of a fabled land called "Bimini." 
On Easter Sunday, 1513, his expedition landed on the 
coast of Florida. Before returning, his vessels followed 




Spanish ^■oyages of Exploration and Conquest 

the coast around the southern end of the peninsula and for 
some distance along its western side. 

In the first settlement made in Cuba (1511) the scarcity 
of Indian slaves led to a slave-catching expedition to the 
westward by Cordova. He found the coast of Yucatan 
(1517), and here the Spaniards first saw signs indicating 
that the Indians of this region were comparatively advanced 
in civilization and were possessed of great wealth. In the 
following year the coast of ^Mexico was explored; here were 
indications that the Spaniards had at last found the rich 
and populous lands described by Marco Polo. Cortez 
was now sent (1519) to take possession of this country and 



Spanish Exploration and Colon izaf ion 19 

to push onward until Cathay was reached. But instead 
of the civihzed peoples of the East, Cortez found in his 
progress the barbarous Indians of Mexico. The explo- 
rations of Pineda, who, in 1519, first skirted the Gulf of 
Mexico from Florida to INIexico, demonstrated the hopeless- 
ness of the search for a strait leading to the Indian Ocean. 
Evidently, the way to Asia lay not directly west. A 
brave Portuguese navigator, ^Magellan, believed that a 
route might be found around the southern end of the new 
continent, America, Avhich would be shorter than that 
around the Cape of (iood Hope. 

Appealing to the Spanish Court for a fleet, Magellan maintained A new 
that the Spice Islands, or Moluccas, of which Portugal was just route to 
then taking possession, were outside its jurisdiction; for he wrong- around 
ly supposed that they lay east of the meridian which continued South 
the Pope's line of demarcation on the other side of the globe. America. 
Persuaded by his arguments, the Spanish Government fitted 
out a fleet of five ships. It was more than a year after liis sail- 
ing, that, having passed through many dangers from storm and 
mutiny, Magellan's ships threatled the straits now bearing his 
name and sailed out upon the ocean which he named the Pacific. 
Running north for some distance, he then struck westward with- 
out the least conception that five thousand miles of ocean lay 
between him and Asia. After horrible sufferings from lack of 
food and water, Magellan arrived in 1521 at the Ladrone Islands 
and soon afterward at the Philippines. This was the beginning The cir- 
of that Spanish occupation of these islands which was ended so curnnavi- 
recently by their transference to the United States (1898-1899). fl^^'eJrth. 
Magellan was killed in a battle with the natives, and but one of 
his vessels, carrying the eighteen survivors of his original com- 
pany of nearly three hundred persons, traversed the entire dis- 
tance arotmd the globe and arrived finally at Spain. Even after 
this remarkable voyage, men were slow to grasp the truth con- 
cerning the Pacific Ocean, and for many years the idea persisted 
that North America was in some way connected with Asia. 

An effort to find the Asiatic route by a northern voyage was Other 
made by the Spanish explorer, Gomez, in 1524, when he sailed efforts to 
as far along the coast of North America as Nova Scotia. In 
1526 D'Ayllon founded an unsuccessful colony on the Atkintic 
coast, perhaps in Chesapeake Bay near the future site of James- 
town. It was his purpose, also, to penetrate, if possible, the 
lands that barred the way to Asia. 



20 



American History 



The In- 
dians of 
the West 
Indies. 



The Mex- 
ican In- 
dians. 



Conditions 
affecting 
the Span- 
ish con- 
quest. 



The Indians with whom the Spaniards came into contact 
in the West Indies lived in savagery or in the lower stages 
of barbarism. They were sometimes docile and friendly 
to the Spaniards upon their first appearance, as in the 
Bahamas and Hayti, and sometimes hostile, as in the lesser 
Antilles. Some were cannibals of a low type. In the main 
it may be said that they offered little resistance to the Span- 
isJi conquest of the islands. 

In Mexico, however, the Spaniards found the natives 
living in villages where their jjuehlos, or adobe houses, 
were often large enough to accommodate hundreds of 
persons. They dressed in colored cotton cloth, were 
skilled in agriculture, and had constructed excellent sys- 
tems of irrigation. They possessed domestic animals, es- 
pecially fowls of various kinds, but had no beasts of burden. 
This defect was doubtless a hindrance to their advance- 
ment towards civilized life. The INIexican Indians dis- 
played considerable skill in mechanics, in pottery, and 
ia v/orking with the precious metals; but they had no 
iron implements. Picture writing had not yet developed 
into a real alphabet. In their elaborate religious system 
there was an organized priesthood, and great temples 
were constructed; human sacrifice occupied a promi- 
nent position in their worship. Politically, these Indians 
were still in the tribal state, not having developed the 
idea of nationality. The lowest political organization 
was the clan, which elected its own council and chiefs. 
The Aztecs, whose capital was the city of JNIexico, con- 
stituted a confederacy of three tribes. The war chief 
of this confederacy, Montezuma, had been elected to his 
position. 

The physical geography of Mexico, Central America, and 
Peru and the character of the Indians inhabiting those 
countries, went far toward determining the nature of the 
Spanish conquest. Cortez marched his forces from the 
coast to the heart of Mexico and captured its capital city 
with comparatively little opposition; and when the Indians 



Spanish Exploration and Colonization 21 

revolted and turned upon the invaders, they were subdued 
without great difficuhy. 

Several reasons account for this fact:— (1) In their advance from 
savagery to the upper stages of barbarism these Indians had be- 
come less warlike. (2) Living in settletl communities, they could 
not readily escape before the advance of the Spaniards. (3) The 
Aztecs held in subjection several of the surrounding tribes, and 
the latter were glad to aid the Spaniards when promised release 
from Aztec tyranny. (4) The Spaniards' horses, armor, and fire- 
arms excited superstitious fear among the Indians. There was a 
Mexican tradition of a fair-faced god whose coming had been 
predicted, and this went far toward securing submission during 
the earlier stages of the conquest. (5) The consummate skill of 
Cortez in his negotiations with the natives, was an important 
factor in this easy victory. (G) Everywhere the Spanish abol- 
ished the practice of human sacrifice, and this gained them much 
favor from the masses of the people, who were tired of its horrors. 

Similar experiences awaited the Spaniards who, a decade later 
(1531-1533), conquered Peru under the leadership of the brothers 
Pizarro. By tactics similar to those of Cortez, they got possession 
of the country and seized immense quantities of treasure. 

The success of Cortez in INIexico excited in Narvaez the Expiora- 
arabition to conquer the region immediately north of the North of 
Gulf of ^Nlex-ico. After a vain attempt to find, in northern j^f^JJ.^^^ °^ 
Florida, cities where gold and food were abundant, Narvaez 
and his men, ha^•ing lost their ships, sailed in extemporized 
boats westward on the Gulf. Before the Texan coast was 
reached Narvaez and all but four of his company had per- 
ished. The sur^•ivors, one of whom was De Vaca, passed 
eight years among the Indians in the region north of 
Mexico before reaching the Spanish settlement on the Gulf 
of California. (See map, p. 17.) 

Already stories had reached the Spaniards, of seven Coronado. 
wealthy cities north of Mexico, and now the story told by 
De Vaca, revealing the existence of a vast, unexplored 
region in that direction, fired the ambition of Coronado. 
In 1540 Coronado's expedition advanced northward from 
a point on the Gulf of California. The seven cities of 
" Cl'ibola," where gold and silver were supposed to exist in 
abundance were soon found to be nothing but the pueblos 



22 



American History 



Spanish 
success 
and failure. 



of the Zuni Indians. Later, the canon of tlie Colorado 
River was reached; then, turning eastward, the explorers 
advanced probably as far as the centre of Kansas. But 
there were no wealthy cities here. Coronado returned to 
the city of Mexico, "very sad, very weary, completely 
worn out and shamefaced." 

De Soto had been one of 
the conquerors of Peru, and 
was eager to rival the deeds 
of the Pizarros. His expedi- 
tion, landing at Tampa Bay in 
1539,wandered for three years 
northward into the foothills of 
the Alleghanies, and westward 
beyond the Mississippi River.* 
From each Indian tribe they 
demanded food, slaves, and 
guidance to the land of gold. 
Everywhere their inhumanity 
to the natives made the latter 
DeSoto hostile; the attacks of the In- 

From Espagnois luustres. Madrid, 17=6 dians and thc hardships of the 
journey wore away the numbers of the invaders. Finally, 
when they returned to the Mississippi River, after having 
traversed the region of Arkansas, De Soto himself died. 
The survivors of this expedition floated down the great 
river and reached Spanish settlements on the Texan coast. 
We note a great contrast between the experiences of 
De Soto, Narvaez, and Coronado, on the one hand, and those 
of Cortez and Pizarro on the other. The results in each 
case were fraught with the greatest consequences, not only 
for the countries invaded and for Spain, but for the future 




* Pineda (see p- 19) is thought by some authorities to have sailed for 
a short distance up the Mississippi River, and so to be its discoverer 
(1519). A river caUed Rio de Santo Espiritu, and corresponding in lo- 
cation to the Mississippi, is found on maps published before the date of De 
Soto's exploration. 



Spanish Exploration, and Colonization 23 

United States as well. Compare the conditions that ac- 
count for the easy conquest of Mexico and Peru with con- 
ditions existing north of jNIexico and the Gulf. (1) Here 
were found Indian tribes lower in the stage of barbarism, 
and consequently more intractable and warlike. (2) These 
Indians could abandon their villages and, secure in their 
native forests, could continue indefinitely the struggle 
against the Spaniards. (3) There was no gold in this 
region, and consequently the Spanish were not perma- 
nently attracted to it; for it was conquest, and not coloniza- 
tion, that they were bent upon. The wealth of Mexico 
and Peru lured all adventurers to those lands, and for 
them the slow and toilsome process of founding agricult- 
ural colonies had no charms.* Spanish colonization, 
therefore, took but slight hold upon the regions now in- 
cluded within the bounds of the United States. 

By the marriage of Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella' Spanish 
of Castile, in 1479, the Spanish nation became consolidated, policy. 
The political tendency of this process was towards the cen- 
tralization of the national government. Moreover, there 
was necessity for a strong monarchy to enforce order in 
the kingdom and to push the wars against the ISIoors. 
Thus there developed in Spain a centralized, absolute 
monarchy; and absolutism is the keynote to her colonial 
policy. The royal power in Spain was advised and as- 
sisted by numerous councils, each having jurisdiction over 
certain matters; so the acquisition of colonial dependencies 
led naturally to the establishment of the "Council for the 
Indies," which had complete control over political affairs 
in America. A similar body, the "India House" {Cam 

dc Contrafacion), controlled all trade between the colonies Govem- 

, ^ . TT. , • J. 1 i ment. 

and Spam, \iceroys and governors were appomted to 

reside in the colonies; the military government of these 

officers was checked in some measure by the authority 

* It may be said, however, that, had the latter been their ambition, 
they still might have occupied the more southern lands, since these pro- 
duced the commodities that were in most demand in Europe. 



24 



American History 



Industry. 



of courts {audiencias) that had administrative as well as 
judicial functions. Self-government, however, existed in a 
small degree in the Spanish cities of the New World; for 
here there existed municipal councils composed of citizens 
who were at first elected, but who afterward obtained 
their offices by inheritance or purchase. 

Industrially, Spain's policy was one of monopoly and 
restriction. Every encouragement was given to the min- 
ing of gold and silver, and many measures were enacted 
for the promotion of agriculture; but the production of 
certain crops (hemp, flax, saffron, and the olive), was re- 




A Spanish Mission Church 

stricted because these products were raised in Spain. In 
the West Indies agriculture was depressed because of 
Spain's restrictive commercial policy. Ships might sail 
to America only from Seville or Cadiz, and then only 
under royal license. But two fleets were allowed to sail 
annually. These measures limited both the means of 
transportation and the market for agricultural products, 
and depression of prices resulted. For two centuries these 
and many other commercial regulations hampered the 
trade between Spain and America. On the mainland, 
however, farming and grazing flourished and became the 



Spcmish Exploration and Colonization 



25 



principal occupation of a ])r(ysperou.s antl contented popu- 
lation of Spaniards, Indians, and mixed peoples. 

Prominent among the motives of Columbus and many Reiigjon^^^ 
of his successors in the New World was the Christianizmg ij^n 
of the Indians. Both explorers and conquerors were en- 
joined by the Spanish authorities to convert the Indians. 
The Church was early established, and its authority was 
scarcely distinguishable from that of the State. Schools 
and colleges were also founded. Efforts were made to en- 
force industry and sobriety among the Indians and to pro- 
tect them against maltreatment by the whites. In spite of 
these good intentions on the part of the Spanish Govern- 
ment, however, the dealings of their colonists with the 
natives, during the early period, were characterized by the 
utmost cruelty. Upon this point, Spanish rule was abso- 
lute only in theory: practically, the colonists nullified the 
regulations of the home government. 

Several reasons account for this condition: (1) We might ex- Relations 
pect that the adventurers who seek a new country, bent upon wuhjli^^ 
the quest for gold, would be harsh, and careless of the rights ot 
the simple-minded natives. (2) The standards of the sixteenth 
century in human matters were distinctly lower than the stand- 
ards of to-day. (3) The efforts of many Spanish colonists m 
America to live without manual labor, and the constant demand 
from the authorities in Spain for "more gold," led inevitably to 
the establishment of slavery. When land was divided among 
the conquerors, each was also given oversight of a certain number 
of natives from whom he might exact service. This was an easy 
step toward slavery. The efforts of the priest Las Casas during 
half a century, and the enactment of regulations by the home 
government to mitigate the evils of Indian slavery were fut^i e. 
The enforced labor of the natives in the mines depopulated the 
larger islands of the West Indies, and led directly to the importa- 
tion of negro slaves from Africa. In the interior of Mexico and 
Peru however, the climate did not favor industries m which 
slave labor was profitable, and the institution died out. 

Finally, when the Spanish intermarried with the natives 
they showed their willingness "to descend from their 
European standard of civilization and to affiliate with them ^ 



26 American History 

on a lower plane." There resulted a compromise in re- 
ligious and political institutions which was not an im- 
provement over those brought from the Old World. We 
have here one of the reasons why the Spanish American 
peoples have not progressed more rapidly. 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. General accounts. Thwaltes, The Colonies, 27-34; 45-48. 
Fisher, The Colonial Era, 16-22. Higginson, Larger History of 
the United States, 68-74. Parkman, Pioneers of France, 9-10. 

2. Contemporary accounts, {a) Coronado's description of 
the Seven Cities of Cibola, in his letter to Mendoza. Old South 
Leaflets, No. 20, 8-10. (6) Cortez's description of the city of 
Mexico, Old South Leaflets, No. 35. (r) One of De Soto's com- 
panions describes the manner of his death. Old South Leaflets, 
No. 36. {d) De Vaca's description of his wanderings. Old 
South Leaflets, No. 39. (r) Hart, Contemporaries, L Cortez, 
No. 21. Pizarro, No. 22. De Soto, No. 23. Coronado, No. 24 
(/) Hart, Source Book, Coronado, 6-8. 

3. Bancroft, L De Leon, 22-24. Ayllon and Gomez, 25-27. 
Narvaez and De Vaca, 27-31. Coronado, 31-37. De Soto, 38-49. 

4. Drake, Making of the Great West. De Soto, 10-20. Re- 
lations with the Lidians, 21-28. Coronado, 28-39. The In- 
dians of New INIexico and their pueblos, 39-.52. 

5. King's De Soto in the Land of the Floridas is excellent, 
following closely one of the original narratives of the expedition. 

6. Fiske, Discovery of America, L Mexican pueblos, 84-97. 
(Illustrations of pueblos are here, and in Higginson, 2-9.) In- 
dian society in Mexico, 97-102. Vol. II, Legend of the fair- 
faced god, ^234-239. Cortez, 245-262. Mexico City, 262-274. 
De Leon, 48.5-486. Pineda, 486-487. Ayllon and Gomez, 490- 
492. Nar\'aez and De Vaca, 500-502.' Coronado, 502-509. 
De Soto, 509-510. Magellan, 184-211. Balboa, 365-384. Pi- 
zarro, 390-409; 421-426. 

7. Las Casas and Indian slavery. Fiske, II, chap. 11. 
Bourne, Spain in America, 253-264. 

8. For accounts of Spanish exploration and colonization, see 
James and Mann, Readings in American History, chap. 2. 

9. Fiction. Wallace, The Fair God. Haggard, Montezuma's 
Daughter. 



CIIAPTKK III 

THE RIVALRY OF NATIONS IN THE SIXTEENTH 
CENTURY 

The discovery of America in 1402 and the opening of Anew 

the Portuguese route to IntHa in 1497-1498 mark an epoch fpmmer- 

. , . ^ cial era. 

in tlie world's history. The new discoveries wrought a rev- 

ohition in geographical ideas. There was an increase of 

maritime activity; and at this time began the removal of 

connnercial centres from their old seat in tlie Akxliter- 

ranean countries to the Atlantic coasts of P^uroj)e. 

When Bartholomew Columbus went to England in the The bcgin- 

interests of his brother, maritime discovery had received ',\"'^,°f 

. ,, * , » English ex- 

some attention in that country, es])ecially at the port of pioration 
Bristol. Here resided John Cabot, who,^ like Columbus, "» America. 
was a native of Genoa. In 1497 he obtained a patent from 
Henry VII authorizing him to make a voyage across the 
Atlantic. Cabot was an experienced navigator; he had 
been on many voyages and had travelled as far eastward 
as ]Mecca in Arabia, where he had seen the caravans ar- 
rive from India. His present ambition was to find a water 
route by which the wealth of the East might pour into 
English ports. 

It is not known where Cabot first saw America — whether The Cabot 
at Labrador, Newfoundland, or Cajie Breton Island. This voyages. 
land he called Cathay. The success of the first voyage 
led to a second in 1498, upon which he was probably ac- 
companied by his son Sebastian. Of this voyage little is 
positively known, and nothing is known concerning the re- 
turn of Cabot or his subsequent history. Henry VII re- 
27 



28 



American History 



warded him with payments from the treasury; and in the 
following years the king made loans to numerous "mer- 
chants of Bristol that have been in the Newe founde 
Lande." The most direct result following Cabot's voy- 
ages was the encouragement given to the Newfoundland 




INDIA N 
OCEAN 



The Outward Voyages of Great Explorers 



fisheries; here not only English but also Portuguese, 
Spanish, and French fishermen swarmed in great numbers. 
In the time of Columbus, the greatest rival of Spain in 
European politics was France. It was under the power- 
ful Francis I (the defeated rival of Charles V when the 
latter was elected Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire), 
that France first contested the right of Spain to monopo- 
lize the fruits of American discovery. French seamen be- 
gan to plunder the Spanish treasure ships as they returned 



empt to 
olonize. 



Rivalry of Nations 29 

from America. One of these corsairs was Verrazano, a 
native of Florence, who captured vessels that carried gold 
from the city of Mexico. Francis I now sent Verrazano 
to find a passage-way to China. He reached the coast of 
South Carolina in 1524 and proceeded northward, care- 
fully exploring the coast as far as New Hampsliire. 

Everywhere he searched for gold, the presence of which was 
"denoted by the color of the ground." As a result of this voy- 
age, certain contemporaneous maps show the western coast of 
North America deeply indented by an arm of the Pacific Ocean, 
leaving an isthmus in the latitude of Chesapeake Bay. This en- 
couraged in other navigators the belief in an easy passage to 
the Pacific Ocean. 

Delayed by his European wars against Charles V, it was An^at 
ten years before Francis sent another explorer, Jacques 
Cartier, to explore the waters lying beyond Newfoundland 
and to take possession of American territory. The voyages 
of Cartier in 153-i and 1535 carried him up the St. I>awrence 
River as far as Montreal. An attempt to plant a colony 
in this region, made by Cartier and Uoberval in the years 
1540-1543, was a failure. With this event the French 
Government ceased its actinty in American colonization Cessation 
for the remainder of the sixteenth century. Little en- activuTin 
couragement had resulted from the attempts narrated America. 
above; no gold had been found, the winter climate was 
severe, and the Indians were hostile. Moreover, the strug- 
gle with Spain in Europe absorbed the energies of the 
French people, and when that was ended their attention 
was given to those internal struggles known as the Hugue- 
not wars (1 562- 1598). 

The rise of the Protestants, known as Huguenots, in France The Hu- 
was contemporaneous with the Reformation 'movements in fj'^'^'^"^^ °" 
Germany and England. Persecution and the beginning of civil ^^^^^^ ' 
war made the Huguenots look beyond the Atlantic for a refuge, coast. 
A settlement at Port Royal (South Carolina) in 1562 was un- 
successful, and in 1564 another was made at the mouth of the 
St. John's River in Florida. This was not only a direct insult to 
the Spanish Government, but the establishment of a colony at 



30 



American History 



this point was a serious menace to Spanish interests; for it would 
constitute a base of operations against Spanish towns and 
treasure fleets.* Consequently, at the very time when Jean 
Ribaut was sailing with a fleet to reenforce this colony, a Span- 
ish captain, Menendez, was hastening across the ocean commis- 
sioned to destroy it and to establish in Florida a permanent mil- 
itary station and colony. The thrilling and bloody story of 
how Menendez accomplished his double purpose, massacring the 
French and founding St. Augustine in 15()5 (the oldest settle- 
ment within the limits of the United States), cannot be told here. 

These were events of vital importance in American 
history. There was at stake no less a matter than the 
occupation by European nations of the Atlantic coast. 
Whose should it be, for colonization and westward ex- 
pansion? Temporarily the Spanish were in control, but 
they were destined to go no fartlier in this direction. Ex- 
cept in the extreme west (among the Rocky JNIountains 
and along the Pacific coast) Spanish colonies made no 
further progress within the limits of the present United 
States. This was due partly to the nature of the country 
and partly to the fact that Spain, in the closing years of the 
sixteenth century, was industrially on the decline. The 
enormous acquisition of wealth from the American mines 
discouraged, rather than stimulated, sober industry at 
home. INIoreover, by the ex-pulsion of the Moors and the 
Jews, Spain lost a most valuable contingent of her labor- 
ing population. Consequently, American gold was sent 
abroad to pay for imported goods, and other countries 
gained the economic advantage of supplying her popula- 
tion, and that of her colonies, with manufactures and lux- 
uries. Besides, the wars conducted by Charles V and Philip 
II exhausted Spain's revenues and weakened her power. 

We are now ready to ask, why did English interest in 
American exploration, which apparently made such a 
promising beginning in the voyages of the Cabots, die out 
in the years that followed? (1) An immediate reason is 

* Already French Protestant seamen had plundered and burned 
Havana (1555) and pillaged Porto Rico (1559). 



Rivalri/ of Nafious 



found in the fact that by tlie Cabot voyages neither gold 
nor wealthy cities were discovered. (2) England was not 
at this time a commercial nation. Her foreign trade was 
carried on by foreign merchants-those of Venice and the 
Hansa towns. (3) 
In the year 1500 
England was one of 
the backward na- 
tions of Europe. 
The quickening of 
thought and the rise 
of the adventurous 
spirit that mark the 
Renaissance move- 
ment came to Eng- 
land later, in con- 
nection with the 
great events that 
occurred during the 
reigns of Henry 
VHI and Eliza- 
beth. 

The middle of the 
sixteenth century 
saw the rise in Eng- 
land of a new intei-- 
est in America. (1) 
Improvements in 
the art of ship- 
buildincr gave Englishmen an advantage in the coming 
competition with other nations. (2) In the Newfound- 
land fisheries the hardy sailors of the western and south- 
ern towns had received a training that gave the English 
people their "sea legs." (3) The Reformation in England, 
i. c, the breach with the Church of Rome under Henry 
Vlli resulted later in an intense religious strife between 
Encliind and Spain— the militant arm of the Church. 




32 



American Hi story 



Early 
English 
seamen 
and their 
exploits. 



Francis 
Drake. 



English 
efforts to 
open com- 
merce with 
Asia. 



(4) The rising commercial and maritime spirit in Eng- 
land and the religious rivalry with Spain both contributed 
toward the creation of that "keen national feeling" which 
was a prominent characteristic of Elizabethan times. 

The rise of these new conditions in England explains the in- 
creasing boldness of Englishmen upon the high seas. About 
1560 John Hawkins began his slaving voyages from the west 
coast of Africa to the West Indies. This traffic was against 
Spanish law, and a few years later he was attacked, and his fleet 
was badly disabled in a harbor on the coast of Mexico. One of 
the captains of this fleet was Francis Drake. In 1572 Drake com- 
manded an expedition to the Isthmus of Panama, where he 
raided Spanish towns, attacked Spanish vessels, and captured 
treasure that came by this route overland from Peru. Here he 
first saw the Pacific Ocean, and he resolved to sail on its waters. 
Accordingly, he set forth in 1577 with a well-equipped fleet of 
five vessels. Once having passed the Strait of Magellan, he fol- 
lowed the coast northward, plundering vessels and sailing into 
harbors to pick up stores of gold and silver. He sailed as far 
north as Oregon, took possession of the country for England, 
calling it New Albion, and then crossed the Pacific. He reached 
England safely (1580) with but one of his five vessels. Besides 
being one of the boldest voyages in American history, this ex- 
pedition of Drake went far to hasten the open declaration of 
hostilities between England and Spain which came within a few 
years. 

Meanwhile, the interests of sober commerce were press- 
ing for recognition. With the expansion of English c(jm- 
merce in Europe, the desire to participate in the trade with 
India and China became stronger. The Portuguese 
monopolized the route around Africa, and the Spaniards 
claimed sole proprietorship of that around South America. 
Could not Englishmen reach the East by a northern and 
hence a shorter route — by a "north-west passage" ? Such 
was the idea of Frobisher in sailing into the waters now- 
known as Frobisher's Bay (1.576-1578). Later, 1.585- 
1587, John Davis made three similar voyages.* 

* It was not until 1903-1906 that Captain Admundsen first sailed a 
vessel the entire distance around the northern end of North America. 
See Century Magazine, February, 1907, 625. 



Rivalry of Nations 



33 



Tliis enterprisinjj Elizabethan age saw the beginnings Reasons 



for estab- 
lishing 
American 
colonies. 



of Enghsh colonial ambition. To establish colonies in 

Anierica would further several objects. (1) In the minds 

ot Englishmen, American soil sparkled with flakes of gold. 

(2) American colonies would constitute half-way stations 

on the long 

voyages to 

Asia. (3) 

They would 

also consti- 
tute bases of 

operation 

against Spain 

in the New 

World. The 

capture of 

Spanish gold 

was one 
means of 
"putting a 
bridle upon 
Spain." Thus 
might Eng- 
land defeat 
the European 
ambitions of 

that nation, i. e., the subduing of Holland and the possible 
conquest of England. Such were the motives that stirred 
jthe farst English colonizers. 

In 1583, Sir Humphrey Gilbert founded in Newfound- 
land a colony that was unfortunate from the bemnnino- ^"""^^^^^ 
sickness and desertion reduced their numbers, and Gilbert' "on""" 
sailing to England to obtain help, was himself lost in mid- 
3cean Raleigh, his half-brother, was strongly imbued 
ivith the spirit of colonization, and in 1584 he sent an ex- 
pedition to make preparations for the planting of a colony 
Ihe region found was reputed to be "the most plentiful 




Sir Humphrey Gilbert 



Early at- 
at 



34 



American History 



Reasons 
for failure, 



The Span 
ish Ar- 
mada. 



sweet, fruitful and wholesome of all the world, and the 
people the most gentle, loving, and faithful, void of all 
cruile and treason, and such as live after the manner of the 
Golden Age." Such was the description of the Carolina 
coast, thereupon named by Elizabeth, Virginia. In 1585 
Raleio-h sent thither a company of more than one hundred 
men under Ralph Lane and Sir Richard Grenville, and a 
colonv was established on Roanoke Island. The seiirch 
for gold and for the South Sea constituted their chief oc- 
cupation for a year, until hunger drove them to return to 
England. In "1587, Raleigh sent to America another 
colony, including both men and women, under John 
White. These, too, shortly needed help from home; but 
a threatened Spanish invasion, soon to be described, pre- 
vented reenforcements from leaving England, and when, 
in 1591, the relief finally arrived the colony had disap- 

^"^Thus ended the earliest English attempts to found col- 
onies in America. To what was the failure owing? 
. (1) Both Raleigh and Gilbert erred in selecting their 
colonists; some of them were criminals, and all were fired 
by a "restless curiosity and a passion for adventure.^ 
(2) The search for gold had led to the neglect of agri- 
culture. The American coast did not furnish sustenance 
without cultivation, and the Indians could not be de- 
pended upon to retain a friendly spirit toward colonists 
who constantly violated their rights. (3) There was about 
these attempts at colonization an air of romance that wa^ 
characteristic of the Elizabethan period. These men had 
no practical acquaintance with the means of sustaining 
life in a wild country. 

\Yhile the events above described were m progress, other 
events in Europe brought to a culmination the rising hos- 
tility between England and Spain. Philip II determined 
upon the conquest of England, and in 1588 the Great 
Armada sailed with the purpose of landing an army on 
the shores of England. They were met in the Channel 



Rivalry of Xations 



35 



by the ships of English seamen, which were of superior 
construction and fighting power. Tlieir skilful attacks 
soon disabled the Armada, which, sailing into the North 
Sea, escaped around the British Isles, losing many of 
its vessels, and, what was worse, the courage of its sea- 
men. Thus 
the maritime 
power of Spain 
received a most 
serious blow.* 
The moral 
effect of this 
victory f upon 
the English 
was corres- 
pondingly pro- 
found. More 
than ever they 
dared to com- 
pete with Spain 
on the seas. 

The effect upon American history is readily seen. Upon 
the Atlantic coast the English people were now free to fol- 
low their commercial and colonizing ambitions unhampered fected 




Ship of the Sixteenth Century 



How Eng- 
land's vic- 
tories af- 



by the dread of Spanish interference. "Nowhere on the 
surface of the earth was there a region better fitted for 
European colonization. Frenchmen and Spaniards passed 
it by as offering slight hope of present gain. A higher 
power reserved it for the slower, more patient English- 
man and his kinsfolk from northern Europe. . . . Their 
mission was to plant a nation in the New World. "| 

* " Under the inspiration of this tremendous victory the Atlantic 
Ocean during the next three years swarmed with English cruisers, and 
more than eight hundred Spanish ships fell victims to their attacks." 
Tyler, England in America, 30. 

t Add to this a second victory, when a Spanish fleet was destroyed 
in the harbor of Cadiz (1596). 

JChanning, History of the United States, I, 110. 



history. 



36 American History 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. The Cabots. Make a list of the disputed questions in the 
Cabot history. What was the subsequent history of Sebastian 
Cabot? Fiske, Discovery of America, II, 1-16. Higginson, 
Larger History of the United States, 75-84. Hart, Contempo- 
raries, I, No. 26. Old South Leaflets, NosI 37, 115. 

2. Early French explorers. Higginson, 108-120. Thwaites, 
The Colonies, 32-36. Fisher, The Colonial Era, 20-23. Ban- 
croft, History of United States, I, 14-17. Fiske, New France 
and New England, 1-12. 

3. Verrazano's Voyage. Old South Leaflets, No. 17, 1-12. 
Fiske, Dutch and Quaker Colonies, I, 58-68. Hart, Contempo- 
raries, I, No. 34. Parkman, Pioneers of France, 193-199. 

4. Cartier. Hart, Contemporaries, I, No. 35. Fiske, New 
France and New England, 13-24. Parkman, Pioneers, 200-215. 

5. The Huguenot colony in Florida. Parkman, Pioneers, 
chaps. 7 and 8. Bancroft, I, 50-59. 

6. England's war with Spain and the Armada. See histories 
of England. Fiske, Old Virginia, I, 35-40. 

7. Hawkins and Drake. Fiske, Old Virginia, I, 15-28. 
Higginson, 84-101. Drake's voyage around the world. Hart, 
Contemporaries, I, No. 30. Hawkins's slave voyages. Ihid., I, 
No. 29, Drake on the California coast. Old South Leaflets, No. 
116. Tyler, England in America, 9-13. 

8. Gilbert and Raleigh. Fiske, Old Virginia, I, 28-40. Later 
History of Raleigh. Ibid., I, 52-55. Hart, Contemporaries, I, 
No. 33. Higginson, 104-107; 137-140. 

9. Who was Richard Hakluyt and what were his arguments 
in favor of colonization ? Eggleston, Beginners of a Nation, 5-6. 
Fiske, Old Virginia, I, 41-50. Hart, Contemporaries, I, No. 
46. Other reasons are stated in Hart, I, 154-157. Bogart, Eco- 
nomic History of the United States, 26-32. 

10. Make a list of mistaken ideas about America. Eggleston, 
Beginners, chap. 1. 

11. Raleigh's colonies. Bancroft, I, 69-79. Hart, Contempo- 
raries, I, No. 32. Tyler, England in America, 21-33. 

12. Further accounts are found in James and Mann, Read- 
ings in American History, chap. 3. 



CHAPTER IV 

VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 

In the period of one hundred years which immediately The new 
succeeded tlie discovery of America, Spain and Portugal commerce, 
alone had become successful colonizing nations- though 
from England, France, and Holland bold seamen and am- 
bitious colonizers had set forth. It is evident that the 
sixteenth century brought about a complete revolution in 
the world's commerce. The Atlantic, and not the Medi- 
terranean, was now the center of activity; the nations of 
western Europe took the place of the cities of southern 
Europe as centers of foreign trade. The new route to the 
East brought increased supplies of Eastern products, 
which were thereby much cheapened; and from the Ameri- 
cans now came new products— fish, furs, dvewoods, sugar, 
and tobacco, besides untold quantities of precious metals 
and stones. 

Conimerce, at the end of the sixteenth century, was on The rise of 
a much larger scale than ever before, as the voyages were Trading 
longer. Something more than private enterprise was Sr'" 
therefore required, and in the case of Spain and Portugal 
this was supplied by complete national control of commer- 
cial ventures. Each government endeavored to secure 
for its citizens a monopoly of trade with its colonies. In 
the northern European countries, on the other hand, 
the national governments were not ready to assume sucli 
absolute control of the new commerce; hence we find, 
especially in England, France, and Holland, the phenom- 
enon of trading com.panies formed in large numbers during 
the years under discussion. These companies represented 
37 



38 



American History 



combinations of capital, the investors being chartered 
by the government and empowered to carry on trade, es- 
tabhsh colonies, and build up the maritime interests of 
the countries concerned. 

Companies were formed in England for the conduct of 

trade with the Baltic 
countries, Russia 
(the Muscovy Com- 
pany, 1555), the eas- 
tern Mediterranean 
countries (the Levant 
Company, 1581), 
Africa (the Guinea 
Company, 1588), and 
India (the East India 
Company, 1600). 
Thus was the Old 
World trade divided 
among the enterpris- 
ing English mer- 




Grants made to the London and Plymouth 
Companies 



■hantj 



It 



natural that they 
should wish in the 
same way to share in the American trade. So we find 
the organization of companies for trade and colonization 
in "Virginia" (1606), Guiana (1609), Newfoundland (1610), 
and Bermuda (1612). 

Under the charter of 1606 two great companies were 
formed whose purpose was "to make Habitation, Planta- 
tion, and to deduce a colony of sundry of our people into 
that part of America called Virginia, and other parts and 
territories in America." t It was from the efforts of these 



* Similar companies, for the development of trade in the same geo- 
graphical regions, were organized in France and Holland, and several 
such existed in Sweden and Denmark. 

t For this charter, see Preston, Documents Illustrative of American 
History, 2-13. MacDonald, Select Charters, 1-10. 



lives of 

their 

founders. 



J^iryiiiia and Maryland 39 

American companies that the first permanent EngUsh 
colony grew upon the soil of the New World. 

Several of the men to whom the charter was granted by- 
James I held rank and title in English official life, and a few 
were merchants. They formed two groups: the first, which 
;ame to be known as the London Company, might establish a 
colony on the Atlantic coast between 34° and 41° north latitude; 
the other was known as the Plymouth Company, and was to 
colonize between the parallels 38° and 45°. Within the three 
degrees of latitude where these grants overlapped, when either 
company planted a colony, the other was not to j)lant another 
nearer than one hundred miles from it. 

What were the motives that led to this enterprise? The mo 
The forces that moved Englishmen to action in the later 
vears of Elizabeth's reign were still active: England must 
2;uard herself against the power of Spain, and one sure 
^vay of doing this was to establish military and naval 
stations in America. The glory of England, too, must be 
enhanced by the expansion of her trade and by the pos- 
session of foreign lands. The way to China would surely 
be discovered, and then commerce and the products of 
American mines would enrich the nation as Spain had been 
enriched. 

To these larger aims were added others of a soberer industrial 
and more immediately practical character: (1) The co^onrz\-° 
commercial activity which would be fostered by the tion. 
possession of colonies was expected to create a great 
merchant marine; this, in turn, must increase England's 
naval strength. (2) England would be more independent 
and self-reliant if the naval stores which she then obtained 
From the Baltic countries could be furnished by her own 
colonies. (3) ^Nlany other products which England was 
abliged to import might be produced in those colonies; 
among these were glass, soap, and tropical products, such 
as silk, spices, and wine. On the other hand, England 
was manufacturing a surplus of woollen goods, and these 
might be exchanged for the articles just mentioned, 
rhus, it was argued, Englishmen would not need to send 



40 



American History 



coin abroad and their wealtli would grow accordinoly. 
(4) An economic condition had arisen in England which 
demanded an outlet for surplus population. The con- 
dition of agricultural laborers, especially, had changed for 
the worse; for while prices w^ere increasing, Avith the influx 
of large quantities of the precious metals, there had been 

no corresponding 




rise in wages. At 
this time, too, many 
farmers were con- 
verting their grain 
fields into sheep 
, pastures to meet the 
great demand for 
wool; this decreased 
the demand for labor. 
In this enumeration 
of the motives that 
lay behind the colon- 
izing movement of 
which the London 
and Plymouth com- 
panies were the out- 
come, we recognize the features of a "practical commer- 
cial undertaking." We may add to these the religious 
purpose, "more constantly stated than acted upon, of "prop- 
agating the Christian Religion to such People, as yet live 
in Darkness and miserable Ignorance of the true Knowl- 
edge and worship of God." 

In 1607, the London Company sent to Virginia 120 
men as colonists. Jamestown, where they settled, was 
situated on a small, sandy peninsula jutting into the 
James River from its north shore; it was, therefore, 
"low, damp, and malarious." Add to these disadvan- 
tages the hostility of the Indians, and we see the un- 
favorable circumstances under which the enterprise was 
launched. 



Early Settlements in Virginia and Maryland 

Dots indicate the location of plantations on the James rivei 



Virginia and Maryland 41 

But this was not all. The scheme under which the new Defects of 
colony was to be managed proved to be impractical, ^^t!"' 
Complete control of both companies was placed by the 
charter in the hands of a council appointed by the King and 
resident in England. The immediate government of the 
colony was placed in the hands of a council, also appointed 
by the King, consisting of thirteen colonists. This body 
had a president, but the first to occupy that office — Wing- 
field— proved his incapacity for executive work, and the 
result was jealousy, dissension, and all the evils that accrue 
when weak men in a hazardous position lack a leader who 
can exercise firm control. There was a leader in the colony, 
however, and gradually the direction of matters fell into 
his hands. John Smith, "the one energetic and capable 
man in these first years," compelled the men to labor; for, 
he said, "he that will not worke shall not eat, unless by 
sicknesse he be disabled." He skilfully obtained corn 
from the Indians when the settlers were starving, and he 
compelled the systematic planting of corn. He maintained 
the military strength of Jamestown by drilling the men and 
building fortifications. 

The instructions of the London Company to the settlers inchided 
the following: "You must observe if you can whether the river 
on which you plant doth spring out of mountains or out of lakes. 
If it be out of any lake the passage to the other sea [the Pacific 
Ocean] will be the more easy. ..." Following these instructions 
Smith made a series of explorations up Chesapeake Bay, the 
Potomac, and other rivers of Virginia. His map of Virginia be- 
came the authoritative map of this region for more than a 
century. 

After Smith's departure for England (1609), conditions Reorgan- 
in the colony grew worse. Their numbers fell from more 
than 600 to 60, and these were abandoning Jamestown 
when they were met by a ship from England bringing 
reenforcements and, what was as important, a governor, 
Lord Delaware, vested with ample powers to rule the 
colony. There had been (1609), a reorganization of the 
London Company under a new charter. Instead of the 



ization. 



42 



American History 



local council, the colony was now under the autocratic 
rule of a governor appointed by the council in England. 
Under this charter the limits of the land grant were made 
two hundred miles each way along the coast from Point 
Comfort and extending "up into the land, throughout, 
from sea to sea, west and north-west." (See map, p. 38.) 
In 1612, the second cliarter was superseded by a third, 
under which the Company was given complete control 
over its colony. 

The high price of tobacco in England and Holland made 
labor six times as remunerative when devoted to that 
product as when applied to the raising of grains. ^Nlore- 
over, tobacco was less bulky than other products and con- 
sequently less expensive to ship. The systematic culti- 
vation of tobacco began in 1612, and the success of the 
venture gave the colony a sure economic basis and greatly 
encouraged its settlement. 

The members of the London Company expected to 
make a profit from their investment, (1) by selling com- 
modities to the colonists, (2) by selling at a profit what- 
ever the colonists produced, (3) by the collection of duties 
upon goods shipped into the colony by other traders. 
In order that the second source of income might be realized, 
all products raised in the colony must be put into a com- 
mon storehouse; from this and from supplies sent over by 
the Company, the inhabitants were to receive their main- 
tenance. If any surplus product remained this was to be 
the Company's profit. Since under this plan there was no 
individual ownership of land or of products, we have a 
true "plantation" system: the colonists were servants or 
laborers under the authority of the Company, whose work 
was supervised by overseers. The system was intended 
as a temporary measure only, to be in operation while the 
colony was being firmly established. Experience proved 
that it was a direct inducement for the lazy and the shift- 
less to become dependents rather than self-supporting 
members of the colony. In 1614 Governor Dale began 



Virginia and Marylaiid 43 

the abolition of this communal system by assigning to 
some of the men three acres apiece which they were to 
hold as tenants and upon which they might raise enough 
for their support. 

When the London Company's "plantation" method of control The land 
in the colony gave way, some $2,000,000 had been expended, and ^'.f ^^j^" 
very small returns had been realized upon the investment. i^gima. 
Henceforth, settlers were regularly given grants of land. This 
came about in several w^ays: (1) Settlers who had labored for 
the Company a certain number of years were entitled to 100 acres 
of land as a dividend. (2) Investors in the Company's stock 
(called "adventurers") were entitled to the same .amount of 
land for each share purchased, the shares being worth £12, 10 s. 
each. (3) Large grants were made to individuals on condition 
of their transporting to America servants and materials for the 
cultivation of an estate or "hundred." (4) Any colonist or 
any "adventurer" who should bear the expense of transporting 
a laborer to the colony (provided he remained three years) was 
entitled to fifty acres of land immediately and as much later. 
This was called a "head right." In these ways the land of Vir- 
ginia came finally to be held under private ownership — a most 
important fact in the economic development of the colony. 

The year 1619 is remarkable in the history of Virginia. The im- 
In that' year arrived the first ship load of young women, p°'JoJ^°" 
who became the wives of settlers. We see here the dis- and slave 
tinct recognition of the value of the home as an element 
in colonization. The same year there was brought to 
Virginia a cargo of slaves. The number of slaves did not 
increase very rapidly at first,* since the demand for labor- 
ers to clear the forests and to care for the tobacco crop was 
largely satisfied through the emplo\^nent of indentured 
servants. These came from several classes : (1) There was 
a surplus of laborers in England; consequently, many poor 
people had their passage to iVmerica paid by planters and 
in return bound themselves to terms of service, generally in- 
extending four or six years. (2) Owing to hard conditions servSs. 
of life in England, vagabonds and beggars were numerous 
and troublesome. (3) Again, the penal laws of England 

* In 1648 there were but 300 slaves in Virginia, when the whites 
numbered 15,000 and the annual export of tobacco was 1,500.000 lbs. 



44 



American History 



were extremely harsh and the prisons overflowed with con- 
victs. These, together with the vagabonds and the child 
waifs of London's streets were transported to America on 
the order of the authorities, becoming indentured servants. 
Many of the servants were of good character; some were 
well educated; others were of the worst sort; the great 
majority probably became useful citizens upon the term- 
ination of their terms of service. 




Jamestown in 1622 

From a contemporary Dutch print 

The year 1619 also saw the establishment of the system 
of representative government in Virginia. The London 
Company was a commercial corporation; but under the 
charters of 1609 and 1612 it was vested with powers of 
government over its colony.* Li 1609, there were more 
than six hundred stockholders, and this number was later 
increased by the accession of several hundred merchants 

* England and other European countries havCj within recent years, 
chartered commercial companies and granted to them powers of govern- 
ment over newly settled regions. Examples are. found in the British 
East Africa and British South Africa companies and the German West 
Africa Company. At many points the partition of Africa within recent 
years resembles the process followed in the early history of America. 



J'irgiuia and Maryland 45 

and craftsmen of London. Then, by the charter of 1612, 
the stockholders were given the right to hold weekly meet- 
ings, besides four "general courts" each year for the elec- 
tion of officers. Now, it happened that among the stock- 
holders were many influential men of liberal views who 
were opposed to the policy of James I in the government 
of England; to these men the meetings of the London 
Company gave opportunity for free discussion and sharp 
criticism of the royal policy. Li 1618, the Company 
ordered that the authority of the governor in Virginia 
should be limited by a council (composed of councillors 
selected by the Company), and a representative body 
which took the name House of Burgesses. The latter 
was composed of two burgesses elected by popular vote 
from each plantation or settlement (eleven in number), 
and met first in 1619. 

King James naturally disliked the Company; enemies The 
of the Company in England criticised it for mismanage- ^'^^^^'^j 
ment of the colony; so, in 1624, the King caused his at- 
torney-general to bring suit against it, in consequence of 
which the court declared the charter void. The Company 
then ceased to exist, and thenceforth the King appointed 
the governor. The House of Burgesses did not pass out 
of existence, but continued throughout colonial history. 

During the fifteen years succeeding the overthrow of Prosperity 
the London Company, Virginia increased rapidly in popu- '" Virginia, 
lation. The tobacco industry became the permanent 
basis of prosperity; it created a demand for labor which 
brought thousands of poor people to the colony, while the 
ease of acquiring land was an inducement for the migra- 
tion of an intelligent and progressive element who became 
planters. Population spread rapidly up the broad rivers, 
because tobacco exhausted the soil; laws intended to com- 
pel the building of cities were disregarded ; and the broad 
waterways of Virginia became lined with plantations at 
whose wharves ocean-going vessels could discharge and 
receive cargoes. 



46 



American History 



MARYLAND 



Balti- 
more's 
efforts to 
colonize. 



Physical 
conditions 
in Mary- 
land. 



Sir George Calvert, Lord Baltimore, a man of ability 
and of considerable prominence during the reign of James 
I, had been a member of the London Company. Hi.s in- 
terest in colonization was shown when, in 1621, he at- 
tempted unsuccessfully to found a colony on the coast of 
Newfoundland.* He then attempted to settle in "\'ir- 
ginia, but because he was a 
lloman Catholic, life there 
was made unpleasant for him, 
and he returned to England. 
He now (1632) sought and 
obtained a grant of land north 
of Virginia, extending to the 




George Calvert, First Lord Baltimore 

After a painting by Daniel Myteiis. 



fortieth degree of latitude, 
where he could be free to 
found his colony. He died 
shortly^ before the patent was 
executed, but his son Cecil 
at once took up his father's 
work and founded Maryland, 
named in honor of the Queen, 
Henrietta jNIaria. 
The first settlement in INIaryland was at St. INIary's on 
Chesapeake Bay in 16,34. The physical features of Mary- 
land resemble closely those of Mrginia; in both, the mild 
climate, rich soil, and level lands stretching back to the 
foothills of the mountains furnished ideal conditions in 
which to build an agricultural colony. Moreover, the 
wide-mouthed rivers and the many bays and inlets gave 

* The project of colonizing Newfoundland reminds us of Gilbert's 
efforts some forty years previous. Englishmen had still to learn that 
the climate of these coasts was much colder than that of European 
countries in the same latitude. Newfoundland is directly west of 
northern France and southern England, and Jamestown in Virginia 
corresponds in latitude to northern Africa. Hence the expectation that 
Virginia should produce semi-tropical products. 



Virginia and Maryland 47 

such freedom of access to the interior that here, as in Vir- Thedivi- 
ginia, large plantations were laid out. Tobacco was at [-^^d^ 
first the staple product, and here, too, it was planted in 
excess, and the value of the plant fell very low. 

Distinct encouragement was given to the formation of 
large jilantations. An emigrant who came to Maryland 
bringing twenty able-bodied men well armed for defence 
was given a large grant of land — not less than 1,000 acres. 
INIany estates existed, each containing thousands of acres. 
Another law had the opposite tendency, in providing that 
every indentured servant (these were especially numerous 
in jNIaryland), was entitled to fifty acres at the end of his 
term of service. Thus many of the large estates became 
broken up. 

INIarvland was the earliest successful colony under a Thegov- 
single proprietor. The authority vested in the proprietor Maryland"' 
of Maryland greatly exceeded that previously given to any 
grantee of land in America. He was, in theory, the ab- 
solute lord of his colony; his authority being limited by 
the requirement that his government should be in con- 
formity with the laws of England and that he should yield 
allegiance to the King. All grants of land proceeded 
from him. Lord Baltimore did not personally visit the 
colony, but appointed a governor instead. The early 
governors were of the Baltimore family, and this con- 
tributed to the success of the colony. 

The rights of the proprietor were limited by a pro- Growth of 
vision of the charter requiring that the laws of the colony ^atfvelT' 
should be made "by and with the advice, assent and ap- sembiy. 
probation of the freemen of the said province, or the greater 
part of them, or of their delegates or deputies." The 
earliest assembly summoned by the governor in accordance 
with this provision was in the nature of a primary assembly, 
being attended by as many of the freemen of the colony as 
found it convenient. In subsequent years, as settlements 
and plantations became more scattered, coinparatively 
few of the freemen attended; some sent proxies, that is, 



48 



American History 



delegated their votes to those who did attend. Later, 
deputies were elected to the assembly from the different 
settlements, called hundreds. Thus came about a truly 
representative system. 

An important motive in the settlement of Maryland was 
the desire of Lord Baltimore to establish a ])lace of refuge 
for Roman Catholics, who were persecuted in England. 
He was, of course, desirous to make the exercise of the 
Roman Catholic faith perfectly free in his colony. It was 
evidently impracticable to exclude other religions, even 
had he desired to do so. From the beginning he encour- 
aged Protestant settlers to migrate to INIaryland; for he 
saw that otherwise there would not be sufficient numbers 
to insure its success. He also exerted his influence to 
bring about peaceful relations between the adherents of 
different faiths; religious dissension might lead to the for- 
feiture of the charter and thus to the financial ruin of the 
proprietor. It is evident that Lord Baltimore was not the 
founder of religious toleration as a principle; but that he 
endeavored, in a broad-minded way, to find a practical 
solution for the situation as it existed in his colony. 



Suggestive Questions and References 

1. Virginia. Thwaites, The Colonies, 05-77. Lodge, Short 
History of .the English Colonies, 1-15. Fisher, The Colonial 
Era, 30-48. 

2. The motives for colonization. Fiske, Old Virginia, I, 44- 
50. Eggleston, Beginners of a Nation, 73-80; 89-91. Ban- 
croft, History of the United States, I, 84-85. 

3. Fiske's Old Virginia, I. The early life of John Smith, 80- 
91. His relations with Pocahontas, 110-111; 108-173. His 
services to the colony, 130-143; 152-159. Tobacco and its 
cultivation, 174-177; 231. The first assembly, 18.5-188. 

4. Eggleston, Beginners. The planting of Jamestown, 25-31. 
Estimate of Smith and his writings, 31-40. Dale and other 
governors, 40-59. 

5. Hart, Contemporaries, I. The first setfiers, No. 01. Ac- 



Vinjiuia and Maryland 49 

counts by Smith and Wingfield, Nos. 02, 63. Pocahontas, 
No. 64. The first assembly. No. 65. Accounts of Virginia, 
Nos. 66, 67. 

6. Bancroft tells the story of Virginia in detail in Vol. I, chaps. 
6, 7, and 8. See also, Drake, Making of Virginia and the ^Middle 
Colonies, 31-65. 

7. ^Maryland. Fisher, Colonial Era, 62-68. Thwaites, The 
Colonies, ' 81-84. Lodge, Short History, 93-99. Eggleston, 
Beginners, 240-251. Drake, Making of Virginia and the jNIiddle 
Colonies, 66-76. 

8. Calvert's history, motives, and early attempts to colonize. 
Eggleston, 220-234. " Fiske, Old Virginia, I, 255-265. 

9. Father White's account of the first settlement. Hart, Con- 
temporaries, I, No. 73. 

10. To what extent and in what ways did Roman Catholics 
suffer disal)ilities in England under James I and Charles I ? See 
Histories of England. 

11. Give reasons for the variation in climate of western Eu- 
rope and eastern America in the same latitudes. 

12. jNIake a comparison of the London Company and a 
Western railroad company of to-day upon the following points: 
Charter, "adventurers," land grant, transportation of settlers, 
expected sources of profit. 

13. How many of the motives enumerated on pp. 39-40 are still 
active in English colonial policy? 

14. Does the amount of coin in a country measure its wealth ? 

15. What measures would men take to-day for the protection 
of health in camping or settling in a new region similar to that of 
Virginia ? 

16. See James and Mann, Readings in American History, 
chap. 4. 

17. The coming of women to \'irginia is pictured in a novel. 
To Have and to Hold, by ]NLiry Johnston; the same author 
portrays the life of indentured servants in Prisoners of Hope. 
See also, Goodwin, The Head of a Hundred. Sir Christopher. 



CHAPTER V 



NEW ENGLAND 



One of the familiar stories of American history is that 
of the Pilgrim Fathers: the persecutions they suffered in 
England on account of their religion; their flight from that 
country; their residence in Holland; and the voyage, first 
to Plymouth in England and then to the new Plymouth in 
America. The spirit of the Pilgrims appears constantly 
in the course of their history as written by William Brad- 
ford, one of their leaders. He speaks, for example, of 
their "valewing peace & their spirituall comforte above 
any other riches whatsoever." Again, after a residence of 
twelve years in Holland, when the question of remo\-ing 
to America was debated, Bradford summarized the con- 
clusion of the whole matter as follows: "It was answered, 
that all great & honourable actions are accompanied with 
great difficulties, and must be both enterprised and over- 
come with answerable courages. It Avas granted y® 
dangers were great, but not desperate; the difficulties were 
many, but not invincible. For though their were many 
of them likly, yet they were not cartaine; it might be 
sundrie of y^ things feared might never befale; others by 
providente care & y® use of good means, might in a great 
measure be prevented; and all of them, through y*' help of 
God, by fortitude and patience, might either be borne, or 
overcome." 

The Pilgrims were in Holland during the twelve years' 
truce between that country and Spain which began in 1G09. 
50 



Vir EnglamJ 



51 



The possible renewal of war, as that period drew toward 
its end, was a menace to their comfort and even to their 
lives. But probably the most weighty consideration which 
determined the departure from Leyden was their desire 
to preserve the integrity of their little community and its 
peculiar faith. What was to them "of all sorrows most 
heavie to be borne, was that many of their children, . . . 
were drawne awaye by 
evill examples into ex- 
tra vagante& dangerous 
courses, getting v'^' raines 
off their neks, & de- 
parting from their par- 
ents. ... So that they 
saw their posteritie 
would be in danger to 
degenerate & be cor- 
rupted." 

The stormy voyage 
of the Mat/flowcr carried 
the Pilgrims farther 
north than they had ex- 
pected to go; for their grant of land had been obtained 
from the London Company, and they were to settle in The May- 
"the northern parts of Virginia." Because of this change compact, 
in location, certain persons of their party threatened to do 
as they pleased after landing; and this led to the adop- 
tion, aboard the Mayflower, of the famous Compact.* 
In this document the signers promised "all due submis- 
sion and obedience" to the laws which should be made 
by this "civill body politick." 

The bitter experiences of the Virginia settlers in the fight 
against hostile nature were repeated at Plymouth; but the coun- 

* Similar compacts were adopted by other groups of settlers in the 
New England colonies, under similar circumstances. The Compact re- 
mained the basis of Plymouth government until the colony was united 
with Massachusetts (1691). 




First Seal of Plymouth Colony 



52 



American History 



try was healthful and the climate not greatly different from that 
of England, so that the Pilgrims became acclimated more read- 
ily than those who settled in the South. Among those who died 
Governors during the first winter was William Carver, their first Governor. 
Carver and He was succeeded by William Bradford, the historian of the 
Bradford, colony, who occupied that office for about thirty years. In their 
relations with the Indians the Pilgrims were fortunate. A 
pestilence had greatly thinned the Indian population of this re- 



Signature of Governor Bradford 



The com- 
mon fund. 



The col- 
ony's slow 
growth. 



gion, and with their nearest neighbors the settlers contracted a 
peace treaty that lasted many years. 

The Pilgrims were too poor to pay the expense of their trans- 
portation and the cost of their maintenance while establishing 
the colony, and had consequently entered into partnership with 
certain merchants of London who furnished the necessary cap- 
ital. In order to secure funds from which dividends (and ulti- 
mately the principal of the debt) might be paid to the "ad- 
venturers" or capitalists, a system was adopted similar to that 
set up in Virginia. All land was held in common. The surplus 
product of labor (grain, furs, fish, lumber) was put into a com- 
mon store. Even among the Pilgrims, the system was not a 
success; there were constant disputes between the colonists and 
the adventurers, and the incentive to individual effort was dis- 
tinctly increased by the abolition of the common store and the 
assignment of separate tracts of land within a few years after 
the founding of the colony. 

Plymouth colony did not grow rapidly, having in 1630 
but three hundred inhabitants. Gradually new towns * 
were founded, until in 1643 there were ten altogether, and 
the population exceeded twenty-five hundred. This slow- 
ness of growth is accounted for by the poverty of the soil, 
which was cultivated with difficulty, and the poverty of 
the people, who could not afford to import laborers. Be- 
sides, the religious exclusiveness of the Pilgrims was a bar 
to their increase; for the number of their sect in England 
at this time was exceedingly small. It was because of the 

* Among these were Duxbury, Taunton, Barnstable, and Nausett, 



New England 53 

poverty of the people that Plymouth colony established 
no system of public schools before 1670. 

At the beginning the "freemen" of this colony gathered Thegov- 
in mass meetings, decided upon the laws, and elected the Plymouth' 
Governor and his "assistants." The freemen were the colony. 
original signers of the Compact and such other persons 
as they voted to admit to the privilege of participating in 
the government. When new towns were founded, the 
people of these were given the authority to control their 
local affairs. The meeting of all the freemen in the colony 
now became inconvenient, and each town elected (1639) its 
"deputies" who represented it in the "general court," or 
legislative body, of the colony. Thus grew representative 
government in Plymouth colony. 

A review of English history in this period will make The rise of 
clear the position occupied by the Pilgrims and by that plfritans. 
larger body of Puritans who first founded the great colony 
of Massachusetts Bay and later filled all New England 
with a sturdy population. By the Reformation move- 
ment in England there came about that separation from 
Papal authority which occurred under Henry VIII 
(1509-1547), and the changes in doctrine and ceremonies 
that were made under this monarch and his successor, 
Edward VI. When Elizabeth came to the throne, in 1558, 
a large part of the English people were still Roman Cath- 
olics; but it soon became certain that the English church 
would not return to its allegiance to Rome. Within this 
church, a great question remained unsettled: how far 
should the changes of the Reformation movement go? 
Gradually, two parties wxre formed — the Conservatives, 
who were content with what had been accomplished, and 
the Puritans, who would carry the church farther away 
from its former position. The Puritan belief represented 
a protest against the forms and ceremonies that were so 
prominent, not only in the religious but also in the 
political and social life of the times. They wished 
the Bible to be the sole guide in church discipline and 



54 



American Hi star ij 



ritual. They would "purify" the service of certain 
ceremonies that seemed to them not specifically com- 
mended by the Scriptures: such were the ceremony of 
the mass, the use of vestments, the sign of the cross in 
baptism, and the use of the ring in the marriage ceremony. 
In the matter of church government, the body of Puri- 
tans did not like the official importance assigned to 
bishops, and they would give greater weight to the opinion 
of the laity. 

Upon this question of church government, however, the 
Puritans them.selves did not agree. The greater number 
had no desire to withdraw from the Church of England. 
They believed in an established state church to which the 
government should enforce conformity — though they re- 
fused to conform when their own opinions were not the 
rules to be enforced. A smaller number of Puritans as- 
sumed a radical position in rejecting entirely the belief in a 
state church. These separated themselves from the 
Church of England and formed independent church bodies. 
Denying the right of the government to rule their churches, 
they established the rule of the congregation. Such were 
the Separatists, or Independents, and it was from this body 
that the Pilgrims came. 

The despotically inclined James I (1603-1625) was suc- 
ceeded by his son Charles I, who, in his attempts to rule 
arbitrarily, dissolved Parliament three times within four 
years after his accession to the throne. In the reign of 
James the Puritans were not subjected to more than oc- 
casional punishment for their stubbornness. The Separ- 
atists were more severely treated. The declaration of 
James concerning all dissenters — "I shall make them con- 
form themselves or I will harry them out of the land, or 
else do worse" — was literally realized. And now, under 
Charles, the main body of Puritans anticipated that the 
policy of repression was about to be applied to them. 
For Charles appointed as his chief administrator in church 
matters William Laud (then Bishop of London and 



New England 



55 



later Archbishop of Canterbury), and "conformity" be- 
came the keynote in Charles's government of the Church 
of England. 

It is a cardinal fact in the situation that the party of J^eM^^ssa- 

Puritan belief in ^^^^ 
religion had come Company, 
to be also the 
party opposed to 
the absolute rule 
of the Stuart 
monarchs. To 
them, Parliament 
was the bulwark 
of English liber- 
ties, and it was 
with dismay that 
they saw the de- 
termination of 
Charles to rule 
without that body. 
The final decision 
of leading Puri- 
tans to endure no 
longer the threat- 
ening conditions 
in England and 
to establish a colony in America dates from the dissolution 
by diaries of his third Parliament, ^larch, 1629. Within a 
w-eek from that date the King granted a charter to twenty 
prominent Puritans, confirming their title to a strip of land 
between the Charles and the jNIerrimac Rivers and three 
miles beyond each. This was the incorporation of the 
"Governor and Company of Massachusetts Bay m New 

England." 

Later in the same year, the Company voted at a meetmg The^^reat 
in London to remove the charter and government to their 
colony in America. Consequently, the year 1630 saw the 




^^^^^^^ : tvm 6/^ 






?. 




^ 



CJovernor Wiiit 

naintint' ill the Stat. 



emigra- 
tion. 



56 



American History 



Why the 
charter 
was taken 
to America. 



The Com- 
pany and 
the Colony. 



The gov- 
ernment of 
the colony. 



emigration of a body of one thousand Puritans to the 
region of Mas.sachusetts Bay, bearing witli them the form 
of their government and entering at once upon the found- 
ing of "a new state" in the New World. At the same 
time John Winthrop became governor of the Company. 

The transference of the charter was possible because its terms 
fixed no place for the meetings of the members and officers of 
the Company. It was, to all outward appearance, merely a 
trading corporation organized for gain. No hint of the underly- 
ing purpose was expressed in the charter. This purpose was the 
establislmient in America of a new state modelled upon the 
peculiar ideas of the Puritans.* The discovery of this intention 
might lay the Company open to persecution. 

The consequences following upon the removal of the 
legal residence of the Massachusetts Bay Company to 
America were momentous. By this act the Company be- 
came merged into the colony; for though very few of the 
stockholders (called "freemen") actually came to Amer- 
ica, new settlers were admitted to membership in the Com- 
pany, and so the Company tended to become identical with 
the colony. In the provision that each member must be 
an adherent of the Puritan church we see firmly established 
the principle that religious and not commercial consid- 
erations were dominant. These were the freemen — the 
voters — of the colony. Thus the Puritan element ruled, 
and here the Puritans worked out their ideal common- 
wealth, almost entirely free from outside interference. 

INIassachusetts Bay Colony grew rapidly. Soon were 
planted about Boston (founded in 1630), numerous other 
towns — Newtown (Cambridge), Charlestown, Dorchester, 
Roxbury, and Watertown. The original provision of the 
charter for the government of the Company included the 
election by the stockholders of a governor, a deputy-gov- 
ernor, and eighteen assistants. There were to be meetings 
of the Company, called general courts, at least four times 



* This was the idea of the men who planned and guided the colony. 
The great mass of emigrants in following these leaders were moved by 
an intelligent purpose to better their economic condition. 



Nc2r England 



57 



yearly. These provisions now a])plied to the (i^overnnient 
of the eolony. The seatterino; of ]:)opulation rendered the 
holding of the general courts impracticable, and there was 




The New England Colonies 

a tendency on the part of some of the authorities to con- 
trol matters without reference to the colonists. But within 
a few years it came about that each town sent two deputies 



58 American History 

to the general court at Boston. The deputies sat first with 
the assistants, and later alone; they then constituted the 
lower house of the colonial legislature, the assistants con- 
stituting the upper house. At the same time the assistants 
were administrative officers, and sat as a judicial body to 
try cases. The governor, the deputy-governor, and the 
assistants were elected by the freemen. The colony was 
thus, in form, a small republic. 

For the government of their towns, the Puritans selected 
certain political forms to which they had been accustomed 
in the mother country. The English town, or parish, 
furnished the model. Selectmen were elected (correspond- 
ing to the church wardens in England) who had general 
oversight of town affairs, both civil and ecclesiastical. 
The parish meetings became town meetings in America, 
to which were admitted not only the freemen of the colony 
(church members), but other landholders as well. For 
conducting the various functions of local government, care 
of the church, schools, poor, roads, boundaries, etc., numer- 
ous officers were elected. These were the clerk, treasurer, 
constables, justices, pound-keepers, fence viewers, and often 
many others. The town was thus a pure democracy. 

While, for a short time, the Puritans in America claimed 
to continue in allegiance to the Church of England, it is 
not strange that their freedom from restraint, coupled with 
the advice and example of the Plymouth settlers, led them 
to establish their church in America upon an independent 
foundation. We must not infer, however, that the freedom 
which the Puritans sought for themselves they were willing 
to grant to others. The discussions that arose over Roger 
Williams and j\Irs. Anne Hutchinson reveal in a strong 
light the intolerance of the Puritans.* 

* " It was no modern generalized love of liberty, civil or religious, but 
a strenuous desire to find a place where they might make real their ideal 
of church organization that brought the Puritans out of their comfort- 
able nests in England to dwell in poor cabins in a wilderness." Eg- 
gleston, Beginners of a Nation, 197-19S. 



\civ England 59 

Roger Williams, a man of great natural ability and a "The 
graduate of Cambridge, was a minister in Salem. Here rengious" 
he announced a new doctrine; viz., that the King of freedom." 
England had no right to grant Indian lands in Amer- 
ica to the colonists. It was also AVilliams's theory 
that the governments of church and state should be 



^anvJ 




Signature of Roger Williams 

separate instead of united. JMore specifically, he de- 
nounced the Puritan system of civil laws compelling 
church attendance and the observance of the Sabbath, 
and taxing the jseople for the support of the church. 
His ideas upon this point were in accord with the prin- 
ciples of our government to-day; but they were precisely 
contrary to the Puritan theory and practice. Williams 
was therefore sentenced by the general court to banish- 
ment. Escaping, when they threatened to transport 
him to England, he fled to friendly Indians, in the 
winter of 1635-1G36. With four or five companions 
•he founded Providence, the first town in the future 
colony of Rhode Island. 

In character Roger "Williams was almost above reproach, but 
he was an impractical leader. Far in advance of his age upon the 
great principle of religious toleration, he was yet like his con- 
temporaries in his fondness for abstruse and dogmatic theorizing 
upon many points of theology. To the authorities of Massa- 
chusetts Bay Colony, his banishment seemed necessary as a 
means of curbing the tendency toward religious dissent, which, 
if allowed full play, might destroy the unity and undermine the 
strength of the colony. In the same way certain Presbyteri- 
ans, Baptists, and Quakers of the colony were fined and im- 
prisoned for their dissent. These sects were tolerated in Rhode 



60 



American History 



Island, however, and this colony became a refuge for the per- 
secuted.* 

Mrs. Anne Hutchinson differed from orthodox Puritans 
upon some points in theology with which the modern world 
does not concern itself; and although at one time she had 
the sympathy of the go\'ernor of jMassachusetts, Sir Henry 
Vane, the leading minister of Boston, John Cotton, and 
a large number of the Boston Puritans, yet she was con- 
demned to banishment. Some of her followers founded 
Newport and Portsmouth in Rhode Island, and later Mrs. 
Hutchinson removed thither. The two towns last men- 
tioned united under a single government. Later, Williams 
went to England and obtained a charter under which, in 
1647, a union was consummated consisting of all the 
Narragansett Bay settlements under the name "Provi- 
dence Plantations." Thus was founded the colony of 
Rhode Island. 

Since the Puritans made the maintenance of religious 
purity and discipline one of the first duties of the civil 
government, it was natural that the ministers should exert 
a dominant influence. f Hence, we have in JMassachusetts 
Bay Colony a veritable theocracy. "Like the ecclesi- 
astics of the ]Middle Ages, the ministers of New England 
were statesmen and political leaders." | This fact, 
coupled with the limitation of the suffrage, gave for many 
years a distinctly aristocratic trend to a government that 
was theoretically democratic. 

Early in the history of New England, the valley gf the 
Connecticut River became known for its great fertility 

* "Noe person within the sayd colonye, at any tyme hereafter, shall 
bee anywise molested, punished, disquieted, or called in question for 
any differences in opinione in matters of religion, and [he] doe not 
actually disturb the civill peace of our sayd colony." Extract from 
Rhode Island Charter of 1662. 

t Among the ministers of great ability and of learning in the Cal- 
vinistic theology of the times were John Cotton, Richard Mather, and 
Thomas Hooker. 

t Osgood, The American Colonies in the Eighteenth Century, I, 218. 



New England 61 

and for the advantages it offered to fur traders. The 
Dutch (then estabhshed at the present site of New York) 
traded there, and in 1633 they planted a fort where Hart- 
ford now stands. 

At this time there arose among the people of Newtown, T^ie settie- 
Watertown, and Dorchester a desire to remove to the L on- connecti- 
necticut Valley. In 1636, bodies of colonists migrated cut. 
from these towns, and established Hartford, Windsor, and 
Weathersfield. This movement, as it could not very well 
have been prevented, was authorized by the Massa- 
chusetts government. Local control in the new towns 
was provided for temporarily by the appointment of com- 
missioners who were from among the settlers. At the end 
of a year the commissioners called a "general court" to 
which the towns sent deputies; this was the beginning of a 
colonial government upon an independent basis. 

One of the leaders was Rev. Thomas Hooker, who, in England, 
had been so prominent as a learned and eloquent preacher of 
Puritanism as to merit persecution by Archbishop Laud. Hook- 
er's views of government were more liberal than those upon 
which Massachusetts was founded, and it may be that the dis- 
content which led to the settlement of Connecticut was partly 
caused by the strictness of government in the parent colony. 

The government of Connecticut Colonv was formally "TheFun- 

^ , , . „ wrni, ' T-i 1 i 1 damental 

set forth in 1639 by the adoption of The Fundamental orders" of 
Orders." This document consisted of a covenant, like Co'inecti 
that of the Mayfloivcr Compact, and a series of laws for 
the colony. Since the provisions of the Fundamental 
Orders coiild be repealed or altered by the general court, 
the document was not, in this respect, a superior authority 
like the State Constitutions of to-day; but in it there was no 
recognition of any authority, royal or otherwise, except 
that of the people' themselves. There was in Connecticut 
no stated religious qualification for citizenship, and no 
officer, the governor alone excepted, need be a member of 
the Puritan church. The governor, assistants, and depu- 
ties were elected by the people; the last constituted a repre- 



cut. 



62 ' American History 

sentative assembly, consisting at first of four deputies from 
each town. The Fundamental Orders were thus the 
framework of a republican commonwealth similar in most 
respects to JNIassachusetts. 

In 1638, a body of Puritans from England settled on 
Long Island Sound, west of the Connecticut River, and 
called their colony New Haven. The people were Puritans 
of the strictest type; and they now formed a compact for 




Old House in Ouilfor.l, lf..39 

self-government, admitting only church members to a 
share in it. It was their rule " thatt the worde of God shall 
be the onely rule to be attended unto in ordering the 
affayres of government in this plantation." Here the 
laws of the Old Testament were for a time literally applied 
in the conduct of daily affairs. Later, other towns were 
founded in the same vicinity, and these were united into 
New Haven Colony. A general court, consisting of 
deputies from the several towns conducted the colonial 



nings of 
Maine and 

New 



Neiv England 63 

government. The al)sorption of New Haven by Connecti- 
cut removed the pecuUarities above mentioned (see p. 88). 

Settlements which were mere fishing and trading Thebegin. 
stations were established on the coasts of what are now the 
States of Maine and New Hampshire before the settle- 
ment of ^Massachusetts Bay Colony. Traders carried to sWre.^' 
England, lumber, fish, furs, and whale oil, and brought 
back liquors, guns, and ammunition for barter with the 
Indians. In the early history of this region there was a 
complicated series of disputes as to its ownership between 
INIassachusetts and various grantees (especially Sir Fer- 
nando Gorges and John jNIason) who had received patents 
of land north of the jNIerrimac River. 

ENGLISH AND COLONIAL HISTORY, 1040-1600 

The period of Charles I's personal rule (1029-1040) was charies i 
followed in 1642 by civil war. The forces of the King, '''^l^^.^^^l^ 
the Royalists, were arrayed against those of Parliament, 
the Puritans. The war was originally a struggle for con- 
stitutional government under a monarchy; but in the course 
of time, under the leadership of the extreme Puritans, or 
Independents, it became a struggle for a republican gov- 
ernment. The success of this party was followed by the 
execution of Charles I (1649) and the establishment of the 
Commonwealth, \Vith Oliver Cromwell as its central figure. 
This was a time of turbulence and disorder, requiring, 
doubtless, a rule of much harshness. Consequently, the 
enemies of the Puritan government had little, if any, more 
peace than Avas formerly allowed to the Puritans themselves. 

The English people became dissatisfied with this state The Resto- 
of affairs, especially when Richard Cromwell (1658-1660) [f^^^^^ 
showed his incapacity for the position occupied by his 
father. The overthrow of the Commonwealth and the 
establishment of Charles I's son on the throne as Charles II 
were then easily accomplished. This (1660) was the res- 
toration of the Stuart dynasty to the throne of England. 



64 



History 



These events of English history affected in important 
ways the course of colonial history. At the outbreak of 
the Civil War the Puritan migration to America ceased. 
The population of the New England colonies, at that 
time about 30,000, Avas almost exclusively Puritan, and 
hence there existed among them strong bonds of sym- 
pathy. This was especially true concerning JNIassachusetts, 
Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven, where the Puri- 
tan church was supreme. Under the pressure of com- 
mon dangers these four colonies formed, in 1G43, the New 
England Confederation. The dangers referred to were: 

(1) Indian attacks, the Narragansetts and IMohegans 
being particularly restless and liable to cause trouble. 

(2) The territory occupied by Connecticut was still claimed 
by the Dutch. (3) Among themselves the colonies had 
boundary disputes. The Confederation was formed for 
defence at a time when the English Government could 
render no assistance, and "for preserving and propagating 
the truths of the gospel." The settlements on the New 
Hampshire coast and those of Rhode Island were refused 
admission to the Confederation because they did not con- 
form to the strict Puritan ideal of religion and government. 

The governing body of the Confederation was a board com- 
posed of two members from each of the four colonies. Its powers 
were largely advisory; the actual execution of its requirements, 
such as the raising of troops and of money, rested with the vari- 
ous colonial authorities. The Confederation, however, exercised 
great influence on numerous occasions. Besides settling the 
boundary dispute with the Dutch, it held the Indians in check, 
and gave advice and assistance to the general courts of the 
colonies in supporting Harvard College and in attacking the 
Quakers. After 1664, when New Haven was absorbed by Con- 
necticut, its activities became feeble, and the end of its existence 
came when, in 1684, the Massachusetts charter was annulled. 

In 1652, commissioners representing Parliament arrived 
in Virginia and demanded recognition of the Puritan 
government in England. This was granted, since peace 
and industrial prosperity were the main objects of the 



New England 



65 



colonists' desires. The House of Burgesses assumed con- 
trol of the colonial government, and they were now free to 
elect their own governor, without interference by English 
authorities. 

It was at this time that the defeated Royalists, or 
Cavaliers, came in great numbers to Virginia. The popu- 
lation rose from 15,000 in 164S to 38,000 in 1670. More- 
over, this meant a great increase in the numbers of certain 
classes of settlers — the high-born and the w^ealthy. Such 
settlers there had been before in Virginia, but now this be- 
came the dominant class. Their coming brought about 
a change in the character of Virginian society, giving to it 
that aristocratic tone for which it became noted. It also 
resulted in the firm establishment and extension of the 
large plantation system of industry. For now large grants 
of land became common and the demand for labor to 
clear the forests and to plant tobacco brought to the 
colony an increasing number of slaves and indentured 
servants. 

The restoration of the Stuarts was welcomed in Virginia. 
The Assembly elected Sir William Berkeley governor, 
and he soon secured a royal commission. 

The history of toleration in JNIaryland was influenced 
by the trend of events in England, and by the fact that a 
large proportion of the inhabitants, probably three-fourths, 
were Protestants.* In 1648, Lord Baltimore, seeking to 
gain the favor of Parliament, and thus to hold his pos- 
sessions more securely, appointed a Protestant governor 
for Maryland; the next year he drew up a "Toleration 
Act" which was promptly enacted by the Assembly as the 
law of the colony. Under this act, any believer in the 
Trinity might peacefully reside in Maryland. In accord- 
ance with the spirit of the times, blasphemy and denial of 



The Cava- 
liers and 
the growth 
of Virginia. 



How 

events in 
England 
affected 
Maryland. 



* Many Puritans who had settled in Virginia under the liberal regime 
of the London Company, were forced to leave there during the period 
of the Civil War. They found refuge under the tolerant rule of Lord 
Baltimore. 



66 Aincrican History 

the Trinity were punishable with death, and the con- 
fiscation of property. 

During the period of the Commonweahh, the Protestants 
obtained control of Maryland, denied to Lord Baltimore 
his rights, and enacted laws of great severity against the 
Catholics. A civil war on a small scale resulted. Fort- 
unately, under Cromwell's influence, the rights of the 
proprietor were restored in 1657, and with this came the 
firm establishment of the rule of toleration. 

Suggestive Questions and References 

Phpnonth. — 1. General References. Thwaites, The Colonies, 
113-124. Fisher, The Colonial Era, 8.S-100. Lodge, Short 
History of the English Colonies, 341-342. 

2. The Pilgrims in England and Holland. Fiske, Beginnings 
of New England, 6t>-75. Eggleston, Beginners of a Nation, 
1G3-171. Bancroft, History of the U. S., I, 194-206. 

3. The detailed story of the Mayflower's voyage and the land- 
ing. Drake, On Plymouth Rock. Drake, Making of New Eng- 
land, 67-87. Fiske, Beginnings of New England, 79-87. Eg- 
gleston, Beginners of a Nation, 172-181. Bancroft, I, 206-214. 

4. Hart, Contemporaries, I, Why the Pilgrims left Holland, 
No. 97 The Compact, No. 98. Bradford's account of the 
first landing. No. 99. Life in Plymouth, No. 100. 

5. Make a comparison of Jamestown and Plymouth settlers as 
to motives, stability of purpose, the common stock arrangement. 

6. Explain the form in which the date of the Pilgrims' final 
landing is stated as " December 1 1-21, 1620." See Earned, Hist- 
ory for Ready Reference under "Calendar," also, Encyclopsedias. 

7. Fiction. Austin, Standish of Standish. Betty Alden. 

The Puriians. — 1. Religious sects in England. Fiske, Be- 
ginnings, 43-72. Eggleston, Beginners, 98-107. Fisher, 85-88. 
Gardiner, History of England, 470-472. Green, History of the 
English People, 460-472. Bourne, European Background of 
American History, 221-229. 

2. Charles I and his policy. Eggleston, 191-199. Fiske, 
97-101. Gardiner, England, 502-511; 516-520. Green, Eng- 
land, 495-505. 

Massachusetts Bay Colony. — 1. General. Thwaites, 124-140. 



I 



New England 67 

Fisher, 100-114. Lodge, 343-347. Fiske, lOl-KXi. Ban- 
croft, I, 230-238. 

2. Compare Plymouth ami ^lassachusetts as to number and 
eharacter of settlers. 

3. Church policy. EKM'leston, 212-21.5. Fiske, lOS-109. 

4. Rojrer Williams. Lodj^e, 347-348. Fiske, 114-116. Eg- 
gleston, 207-275, 297-208. liancroft, I, 249-256. 

5. Mrs. Hutchinson. Eggleston, 329-341. Fiske, 116-120. 
Bancroft, I, 259-204. Account of her trial. Hart, Contempora- 
ries, I, No. 108. 

6. How the general court came to consist of two houses. 
Fiske, 10()-108. 

7. Fiction. Stimson, King Xoanett. 

Connecticut. — 1. (ieneral. Thwaites, 140-146. Fisher, 126- 
133. Lodge, 373-375. Eggleston, 316-326. Fiske, 122-128. 

2. Compare the views of Winthrop and Hooker. Fiske, 124. 
Compare the views of Cotton and Hooker. Eggleston, 320-322. 

3. How ditl ]\Lxssachusetts and Connecticut differ in the proc- 
ess by which their colonial governments came about ? 

4. The Fundamental Orders. Hart, Contemporaries, I, No. 
120. MacDonald, Select Charters, I, 60-65. 

5. Fiction. Holland, The Bay Path. 

RJwdc /.v/fl« J.— Thwaites, 146-150. Fisher, 114-116; 123- 
124. Lodge, 385-386. 

New Haven.— V'lsko, 134-139. Eyler, P'ngland in America, 
60-64. 

Maine and New Hampshire. — Lodge, 397-405. Thwaites, 
150-153. 

The New England Confederation. — Fiske, 155; 158-160. 
Thwaites, 154-159; 161-164. Drake, Making of New England, 
241-243. 

Further source material upon these colonies is found in James 
and INIann Readings in American History, chap. 5. 



CHAPTER VI 

FURTHER ENGLISH COLONIZATION 

NEW YORK AND NEW JERSEY 



The .strujTgle between England and Spain in the latter 
part of the sixteenth century (see pp. 34-35), was contempo- 
raneous with Spain's wars against her revolted Dutch pos- 
sessions. When Spain absorbed Portugal, in L580, and 
took possession of her colonies and trading posts in the 
far East, Dutch traders were extensively engaged in carry- 
ing Eastern products from Lisbon to the ports of northern 
Europe. This lucrative traffic being broken up as a re- 
sult of the Dutch revolt (L'jTO), the latter were forced to send 
their vessels to the East in order to maintain their carrying 
trade. Here they took possession of many islands and 
trading posts that had formerly belonged to Portugal.* 
Various trading companies were organized as instruments 
for pushing Dutch commercial interests and at the same 
time for weakening the power of Spain. 

Among these the most important was the Dutch East 
India Company (1602). Dutch navigators did not confine 
their Eastern voyages to the route around Africa, but sailed 
around South America f and across the Pacific to Austral- 
asia. They were also bent upon finding a northern route 
around Europe, and it was upon the search for this route 

* Among these were the Moluccas, Java, and other islands still owned 
by the Dutch. 

t Cape Horn was named from a Dutch captain; New Zealand and 
Tasmania are also Dutch names. 

68 



Further English Colonization 



69 



that Henry Hudson was sent (1609) by the Dutch East India 
Company. Failing to accomplish his object, he turned 
westward across the Atlantic in the hope that a passage to 
Asia might be found through America.* Hudson sailed 
into Delaware Bay and then into the beautiful New 
York Harbor and up the Hudson River as far as the site 
of Albany. In this vicinity he remained for several weeks, 
trading with the Indians. 

Following Hudson's voyage, several trading posts were 
established, the present sites of New York and Albany 
being occupied as early as 1613-1614. 

Any extensive policy of trade and colonization authorized by 
the Dutch government would involve the danger of irritating 
Spain; for a truce between these countries had been made in 
1609 which was to last for twelve years. During this period, 
therefore, the peace party in Holland opposed the renewal of 
aggressions against Spain. The year 1621, however, saw the 
incorporation of the Dutch West India Company, which pur- 
posed to renew the war against Spain by attacking its fleets 
and colonies in American waters, f This Company was given the 
monopoly of Dutch trade on the coasts of Africa and America, 
and it had authority to colonize unoccupied regions. 

Among the objects that brought about the Dutch West 
India Company, viz., war, trade, and colonization, the last 
was of least importance. But colonists were sent out and 
several trading posts, each protected by a fort, were planted 
on the Delaware, Hudson, and Connecticut rivers; Fort 
Nassau, opposite the present site of Philadelphia, and Fort 
Orange, where Albany now stands, being the most im- 
portant. Thus the limits of the colony of New Netherland 
were established between the Delaware River on the west 
and the Connecticut on the east. In 1626, the Company 
sent out settlers with a Director-General, Minuit, who 

* John Smith was at this time searching for the isthmus that was sup- 
posed to separate the Atlantic from the Pacific in about latitude 40° N., 
and he had written a letter to Hudson suggesting that it might be found 
north of Virginia. 

t Between 1623 and 1638 the Dutch captured 545 Spanish and Portu- 
guese vessels and gained possessions in South America and Africa. 



Dutch 
coloniza- 
tion in 
America 
begun. 



The Dutch 
West India 
Company 
and its 
posts in 
New 
Nether- 
land. 



70 



American Ilistorii 



purchased Manliattan Island and founded Xew Am- 
sterdam. 

These settlements were at first of slow growth. In 
1629, the Company began inducing the migration of agri- 
cultural settlers by the establishment of the "patroon sys- 
tem." Individuals who would undertake to bring fifty 
adult settlers were given grants of land extending eight 
miles on both sides of a river, or sixteen miles on one side, 
and back into the coimtrv indefinitely. While the patroons 
were to be subject to the regulations of the Company in the 
matters of trade and war, they were given powers of local 
government over their settlers; so that the system re- 
sembled in some ways the feudal customs of Europe. 
Very few patroonships were ever established, and the most 
of these were bought up by the Company. This, like 
other plans for settlements in America where the colonists 
were made closely dependent upon large land owners, was 
a failure and had little influence upon the life of the colony. 
In later years, however, both the Dutch and their successors, 
the English, granted large estates, or manors, and these 
were, of course, worked by tenants. 

The trend of economic life in New Netherland was de- 
cidedly influenced when, in 1638, the trade monopoly of 
the West India Company was abolished in this colony. 
The profitable fur trade and the rich lands Avere now open 
to all settlers. Immigration soon increased rapidly. 
Settlers came from many European coiuitries and from 
neighboring English colonies. When Connecticut and 
New Haven were settled, the Dutch lost their trading posts 
on the Connecticut River. From the time of Hudson's 
voyage the most friendly relations existed between the 
Dutch traders and the Iroquois Indians of the upper 
Hudson and INIohawk valleys. The latter eageriy seized 
the opportunity to acquire European blankets, utensils, 
guns, and rum in exchange for their furs; and this fact 
became of great importance in our colonial history. (See 
chapter VIII.) But along the lowerHudson the Algonquin 



Company. 



Furflirr English Colouhation 71 

tribes and the settlers clashed, and terrible Indian wars en- 
sued. Eventually the Indians were driven back. 

Since colonization was but a minor interest with the Govem- 
Dutch West India Company, it established at the begin- ^^''^^t 
ning a government that was "fit only for a trading post." India 
The bankruptcy of the Company and the consequent lack 
of attention to its colony account for the continuance of 
this bad sj'stem. The chief feature of New Xetherland's 
government was the autocratic rule of the governor 
(called the Director-General). He and his council of five 
members absorbed all local powers, legislating upon lands, 
trade, taxes, defence, and all minor matters, and admin- 
istering its own regulations through subordinate officials. 
Finally, they sat as the highest court of civil and criminal 
jurisdiction. The arbitrariness of the Governors Kieft and 
Stuyvesant led to attempts on the part of the settlers to 
secure a representative assembly and such liberal methods 
of government as they saw enjoyed in the neighboring 
English colonies. But the governors successfully resisted 
the permanent establishment of such reforms. In the 
towns and villages, however, a considerable degree of local 
self-government j)revailed. 

The territory theoretically belonging to New Netherland was The 
encroached upon when, in 1G38, the Swedes founded a trading Swedes in 
post and fort on the Delaware River— Fort Christiana. The Delaware, 
part taken by Sweden in the great European struggle known as 
the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648) brought her into intimate 
contact with the other countries of northern Europe and stimu- 
lated the ambition of her ruler, Gustavus Adolphus, to follow the 
example of other countries in founding a colonial system. The 
Swedish settlements flourished as long as the Dutch and Swedish 
governments were allied in the Thirty Years' War. Soon after 
its close Governor Stuyvesant sent a military expedition that 
conquered the Delaware Bay posts and incorporated them into 
New Netherland. 

The English, because of their alliance with Holland, S1he°"' 

left the Dutch colony undisturbed upon soil claimed Dutch 

rr^i • II- u vvith the 

by virtue of the Cabot voyages. ihis alliance be- EngUsh. 



. - Wicskottine \ 



0^ \m 

.'^"^ Waplipinges 

"Waran arwankxMivS s 

"Kats Zy\c 






f^fcoech koi 
I McdmneTikotick 



. t Schtehle 



f kl> i^t-'i VAN Berqh '^^ ^ / ^n.*"''^ 




"-A 



-& 2.51.2, Sanhicans 

La.CU.3 -r, , '^H_ZM^^°'i r1« 1 v''''^ 



vV* ^,--?? 






tr^D'^i ^falovancons 

^ Aquauachu'iques 

■uPncnhcerh A<i" 

Mispennickx li ^a 






Vmnwrfc 






inri 



»4mnraroncJ< 



1^ Buvtlii'^t 



'^Naraticons jk ^ ^ n 2. ' ^^ 










' ButTtdtgat 

NEW NETHERLAND 

From the Mup of 

A. VANDERDONCK. 

1656. 



New Netherland in 1656 



Further English Colonization 73 

gan in their common struggle against Spain and was 
strengthened by ties of kinship, religion, and political inter- 
est. Then, too, the years of active Dutch colonization 
were years of strife and war in England. After the Stuart 
restoration of lOOO, these conditions gave place to a bitter 
trade rivalry between these nations. The English Naviga- 
tion Act of 1651 (see p. 85), aimed directly at the Dutch 
trade, was followed by war between the two countries. 
Soon after Charles II came to the throne, his brother James, 
the Duke of York, together with several other prominent 
Englishmen, led in a movement for the investigation of this 
trade rivalry by a committee of the House of Commons. 
The result was the secret determination of Charles to force 
a war upon the Dutch by first seizing New Netherland. 

This territory was granted to the Duke of York in spite of The Eng- 
the fact that the English, by their failure to occupy it, had querTew 
no valid claim. An expedition, consisting of three vessels Nether- 

AT 1 !! 1 xi ^ land, 1664. 

carrying troops, was sent to Massachusetts and thence to 

New Amsterdam, where it appeared in August, 1664. 
Since this force greatly exceeded the force at Governor 
Stuyvesant's command, and since the colonists were rather 
glad to exchange the illiberal Dutch rule for the prospect 
of better government under the English, the city was re- 
luctantly surrendered, and New Netherland became 
New York. 

The failure of the Dutch nation to maintain a vigorous Causes for 
colony may be attributed to their small population and oMh^con- 
lack of colonizing spirit. But New Netherland was the quest. 
victim of neglect at the hands of the West India Company, 
which had spent its resources in the strife against Spain. 
From the English standpoint the conquest of New Nether- 
land was a great gain, and its results were beneficial in the 
highest degree, though the means employed were question- 
able. A check was put upon Dutch participation in col- 
onial trade; the valuable fur trade was secured; and the 
middle coast of North America no longer sheltered a rival 
colonizing power. 



74 American Ilistory 

The Duke of York exercised in his eohiny a very com- 
plete autocratic power, especially during the administra- 
tion of Edmuntl Andros (1674-lGSl). He, like Stuyvesant, 
was a zealous servant of his master and a faithful executive. 
Against this system the colonists, especially the increasing 
English element, persistently complained, and finally, in 
1683, the Duke established an elective assembly with power 
to tax the colony. In 1085, when the Duke became James 
II of England, he reverted to his former ideas of absolut- 
ism, and during his reign no more assemblies were elected. 

People of many nationalities came to New York. Most 
prominent, besides the Dutch, were the English, Hugue- 
nots, and Jews. Agriculture yielded a surplus of provisions, 
while trade with the Indians and with European countries 
became an important industry. 

Soon after the Duke of York received the grant of his 
new colony he granted in turn a large part of it to two of 
his favorites, Berkeley and Carteret, who were officially 
prominent in the restored kingdom at home. Their land 
lay between the Hudson and the Delaware rivers, and 
was destined to become New Jersey. This colony con- 
tained a mixed population of Dutch, English, and Swedes. 
INIany Puritans from New England settled there. In the 
western part, on the Delaware River, prominent Quakers 
of England purchased land, and to this region came large 
numbers of their people. East New Jersey was also, for a 
time, the property of Quakers who endeavored to found here 
a colonial refuge for their sect. Owing to endless disputes 
over the rights of the various proprietors and disputes with 
New York over boundaries and trade, no consistent policy 
was carried out in the development or government of the 
colony. New Jersey was surrendered to the crown in 1702. 



THE CAROLIXAS 

Revival of When the Restoration brought comparative quiet to Eng- 
schemes ha land there was a renewal of the earlier interest in coloniza- 
Engiand. t^Qj^ oi^ the part of the government and those closely associ- 



Further Eiu/li.sh Coloin'zafivii 



75 



ated with it. To some of those loyal friends who had assisted 
him in the recovery of his throne, Charles II gave (1663) the 
region south of ^^irginia now occupied by the Carolinas. 

Two of the grantees, Sir John Colleton and Lord Ashley (later 
famous as the Earl of Shaftesbury) were interested in a project 
to relieve the distress of settlers in Barbadoes by colonizing them 
upon the continent. Other 




The Carolina Grant by Charter of 1665 



proprietors were the Earl 
of Clarendon a n d S i r 
George Carteret. The mo- 
tives of the proprietors 
were commercial; this was 
a revival of the earlier 
hopes of profits from the 
planting of colonies. 

The northern ])art of 
the Carolina grant had 
not lacked settlers be- 
fore 1663. This, as Fiske 
points out, was the fron- 
tier of Virginia. Here 
came indentured ser- 
vants upon becoming 

free, now forming an industrious small farmer class. With 
them came also an undesirable element, such as criminals 
and debtors escaping from justice. The growth of this Al- 
bemarle settlement was slow. Having no good port on Carolina, 
the ocean, their communication was chiefly through Vir- 
ginia. The settlers were widely scattered on small farms 
along the rivers, there was little social contact, and the 
colony long retained its "back-woods" stamp. Early in 
its history, many Quakers, driven from New England and 
other places, came to North Carolina. Numerous Puritans 
also settled here. 

The history of the Carolinas under the proprietors be- Charleston 

gins with the founding of Charleston* by a company of Jg^g'^'''^' 

* Not at its present site, but a short distance southward across the 
Ashley River. 



People and 
life in 
North 



76 



American ILhtorij 



settlers sent out from England and reenforced by others 
from Barbadoes and the Bahamas. Besides these, many 
immigrants came from other European countries. 

iluKue- In two respects the jiolicies of Louis XIV of France were fav- 

nots. orable to the EngUsh colonics: (1) His revocation of the Edict 

of Nantes (IG85) drove from France many of those Protestants, 
called Huguenots, whose political and religious rights had been 
secured by that instrument. They became numerous in South 
Carolina, and here "they formed an excellent and influential 
part of the population, were wealthy and of high social j)osition. 
and their descendants were conspicuous in the history of the 
State." * 

Germans. (2) The war of Louis XIV against the Gerrhan Palatinate 

(1689), resulting in the terrible devastation of that province, is 
responsible for another emigration to America. The Palatinate 
Germans came to various colonies, including the Carolihas, and 
constituted a substantial element among the farming population. 

g\viss_ Swiss settlers also came to the Carolinas, under Baron von 

Graffenried, and founded New Berne, a reminder of one of Switz- 
erland's chief cities. 



Social and 
economic 
life in the 
Carolinas. 



South Carolina presented a strong contrast to North 
Carolina in its social and economic conditions. The life of 
the former centered in Charleston. Large plantations were 
the rule; for among the settlers many were wealthy, and 
some bore titles. Plantation life was not isolated, as in 
Virginia; many of the planters lived in Charleston. Those 
w^ho came from Barbadoes had been accustomed there to 
slavery, and soon South Carolina had more negroes than 
whites. In North Carolina, on the other hand, slaves 
were not numerous. 

Rice came to be the principal product of the southern 
colony, and when this was planted in excess indigo proved 
to be more profitable. Besides these products, tobacco, 
lumber, and beef, were exported. In contrast with the 
crude social conditions existing in North Carolina, the 
other colony had much social life and a comparatively 
high degree of refinement. 

* Lodge, Short History of the English Colonies, 173. 



FuHher English Colonization 



77 



The policy of the proprietors in granting toleration to all "The 

sects encouraged the infiux of diverse elements and nation- ^"'^^a- 

!• • r^ !• • II 1 • !• mental 

alities. Foliticallv, their policy was anything but liberal; Constitu 

it was distinctly intended to be aristocratic. The founda- ''°"" 
tion for the government of Carolina was "The Funda- 
mental Constitution," drawn up by Lord Shaftesbury and 
his secretary, John Locke, in 1669. This was a theoretical 




Charleston, South Carolina 

Fn>iii Dapper's America. Aiiisterdam, 167:i 

scheme for the erection in the colony of various govern- 
mental divisions and the creation of numerous officials and 
orders of nobility.* The political institutions thus es- 
tablished were arbitrary, the minute division of classes was 
undemocratic, the numerous officers and the authority 
vested in them were burdensome. In brief, this plan was 
made in England regardless of the actual needs of the set- 
tlers. As Lodge says, the foremost practical politician and 
the foremost philosopher of England united their abilities in 
its construction, and the result was "a simple absurdity." 

* Since no titles might be used similar to those employed in England, 
the terms Palatine, Landgrave, and Cacique were applied to orders of 
officers and nobility. 



78 American Hist on/ 

The charter of lOiYo provided tliat tlie law.s of Carolina 
should be enacted "bv and with the advice, assent and ap- 
probation of the freemen," who were to meet either in 
person or by their representatives. Accordingly, an As- 
sembly was early established, and the later history of 
South Carolina is filled with accounts of its struggles to 
maintain and to extend its rights. The Assembly at first 
.absolutely refused assent to the Fundamental Constitution, 
since it had no part in framing this document. It also suc- 
ceeded in its resistance to the proprietors' plan for having 
all laws first passed by the council, which consisted of the 
proprietors' appointees. It secured the right to elect some 
of the colonial officers, and thus it added to its power. 
The Assembly finally secured the right to originate all bills 
for raising revenue. 

In North Carolina, also, there were many long and 
complicated disj>utes between the peoj)le and the governors. 
Before the publication of the Fundamental Constitution, 
a government had grown up in North Carolina, and the 
interruption of its natural development by the imposition 
of an arbitrary scheme was hotly resented by the unruly 
settlers. The Fundamental Constitution was a dead 
letter in that colony from the beginning. In 1678, and 
again ten years later, there were rebellions in the course of 
which the governors were driven from the colony. North 
Carolina suffered from a succession of bad governors, the 
greater number of whom were favorites of the proprietors, 
more bent upon their own gain than upon establishing the 
prosperity of the colony. 

There was also much friction arising from attempts to 
enforce the navigation laws in North Carolina. The lead- 
ing products were tobacco, rice, indigo, lumber, tar, and 
turpentine. ]\Iuch of the surplus was exported from 
Norfolk or through Charleston. But a considerable 
amount was picked up by New England ships along the 
larger rivers at the planters' wharves. In this trade the 
duties imposed by the navigation acts were uniformly 



Further English Colonization 



79 



evaded. Every attempt on the part of the authorities to 
enforee the law resulted in disorder and met with meagre 
success. 

PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE 

Before the founding of Pennsylvania, many Quakers 
had settled in Rhode Island, North Carolina, and ]Mary- 
land. The Jerseys were for a time under Quaker control. 

Among the men 
who organized the 
(Quaker colony in 
West Jersey was 
William Penn, a 
man of high social 
posit ion in Eng- 
land ; and his inter- 
est in this enterprise 
led to the founding 
of a new colony as 
"A Holy Experi- 
ment" in govern- 
ment. 

During the reign 
of Charles II, the 
Quakers in Eng- 
land suffered per- 
secution, especially 
for ^• i o 1 a t i o n s of 
the conventicle act.* Not less severe were the social pen- 
alties inflicted upon them because of their peculiar doctrines 
and behavior. For the son of Admiral Penn of the English 
Navy, who stood high in the esteem of the Stuart monarchs, 
to adhere to this despised sect and yet to retain his social 
position was evidence of strong character and marked 

* Among other restrictions this forbade the assembling of dissenting 
sects. See histories of England. The Quakers, like the Catholics, were 
penalized for not attending services of the Established Church. 




William 
Penn and 
his re- 
lations 
with the 
Stuart 
monarchs- 



80 



American Hislory 



ability. With the Duke of York, diaries IT's brother, 
Penn was especially intimate. Admiral Penn had loaned 
money to Charles II, but the debt had been repudiated. 
This loss and other financial reverses had reduced his son's 
fortune considerably. 
When the latter ap- 
plied to the King for 
a grant of land in 
America, his influ- 
ence at court readily 
secured the favor 
(1681). 

Quaker I" their religious be- 

beliefs. liefs the Quakers may 

be regarded as Puritans 
of an extreme type. 
Not satisfied with the 
repudiation of outward 
ceremonies, they abol- 
ished hkewise the min- 
istry; for it was a car- 
dinal tenet of their faith 
that spiritual guidance 
came direct to each in- 
dividual and was mani- 
fested in him by the 
" inner light " that pro- 
ceeded from God him- 
self. This source of 
inspiration took the 
place of the Puritans' 
Bible as interpreted by 
their chosen ministers. 

It was a logical consequence of this belief that religious toleration 
should prevail among Quakers. In political matters, democracy 
alone was compatible with this view of religion. The Quakers 
would abolish all social ranks and distinctions. 

penn's Penn's grant of land, after many disputes over bounda- 

ciarter"^ ries, was finally restricted to the limits of the present State 

of Pennsylvania. His charter contained limitations not 




The Middle Colonies 



Further English Colon Izafioii 81 

found in those of other proprietary eohjnies, such as the 
requirement that all laws should be submitted to the ap- 
proval of the government in England, and that the people 
might have the right of appeal in judicial cases to the King 
in Council. These restrictions and the obligation to en- 
force the navigation laws may be regarded as safeguards 
that the experience of the English Qovernment in dealing 
with the other proprietary colonies seemed to justify. 

In 1681, the first body of colonists were located on the The colony 
Delaware River, and the following year Penn's surveyor anTDda- 
laid out Philadelphia upon a healthful site, admirably ware 
adapted for commerce. Penn himself came in 1682 to ^ ^ ' 
superintend personally the founding of his colony. In 
this region there were already a thousand prosperous 
Dutch and Swede settlers. In view of commercial ad- 
vantages, Penn secured as an addition to his grant the land 
on Delaware Bay now constituting the State of Delaware. 
(Quakers came to Pennsylvania in great numbers, and pros- 
j)erity began from the very first. 

Penn was much interested in the political theorizing The 
prevalent at this time, and his "Frame of Government" Qo^.g^t"^ 
for Pennsylvania reflects much conscientious thought, ment." 
Unlike some other proprietors, he made no effort to en- 
large his own prerogatives, but rather sought to favor 
popular rights. The people, said he, must rule. "Any 
government is free to the people under it, whatever be the 
frame, where the law^s rule and the people are a party to 
those laws, and more than this is tyranny, oligarchy, or 
confusion." In accordance wdth this principle, Penn at 
once called a legislature consisting of an Assembly and a 
Council, both elective. In the distribution of powers 
among the Assembly, the Council, and the Governor, 
Penn's plans did not work out successfully ; so that after 
his departure from the colony (1684) many disputes arose. 
As the outcome of these, the Assembly eventually secured 
the right to initiate bills, while the Council became ap- 
pointive and lost its power to share in legislation. So 



82 



American History 



the lefjislature of this colony came to be composed of 
only one house. 

In Pennsylvania no religious sect had cause to feel re- 
straint. A broad humane spirit is shown in the fact that 
the laMs provided capital punishment for only two offences 
— murder and treason.* Other laws established prisons 
and an insane asylum where some regard should be shown 
for the decent treatment of their inmates and for the re- 
form of criminals— ideas far in advance of the times. 

The English colonists constituted but one-half of Penn- 
sylvania's population. Swedes, Finns, and Dutch con- 
tinued to come, while thither flocked many Welsh and 
Palatinate Germans.! German ^Nlennonites and other 
sects having beliefs in harmony with that of the Quakers 
were invited to the colony and foimd there a congenial 
home. Although agriculture was the chief industry in 
Pennsylvania, grain and cattle being exported in large 
quantities, commerce floiu'ished from the beginning and 
the manufacture of many articles was begun. 

Penn's dealings with the Indians, no less than his legislation, 
reflect his peace-loving and humane disposition. Here, as else- 
where in the colonies, pains were taken to purchase Indian lands, 
and Penn proposed a board of arbitration for the settlement of 
disputes, but this was not realized. The freedom of the colonists 
from Indian troubles is owing partly to the Quakers' dislike of 
violence and their sense of justice; and partly to the fact that 
their neighbors, the Delaware Indians, had been subjugated by 
the powerful Iroquois, the Englishmen's friends. 

Penn's influence at the court of Charles II, and his 
friendship with James II had important consequences. 
When Charles II began tlie process of nullifying charters 
(see post, p. 89), that of Pennsylvania was not touched. 
When James II consolidated the northern colonies (see 

* Later, other crimes, raising the number to fourteen, were added. 
Contrast this with the contemporary list of two hundred capital crimes 
in England. 

t Penn had travelled in Germany, "and he wrote letters and sent descrip- 
tive pamphlets to induce immigration to Pennsylvania. 






Flirt Iter Eiif/lifih Colonization 83 

post, p. 89), Pennsylvania was left independent. This 
colony soon ranked third in population, Virginia and 
Massachusetts alone exceeding it; while Philadelphia be- 
came the largest city in the thirteen English colonies. 

Suggestive Questions and References 

Xew York.— I. General. Thwaites, The Colonies, 196-203. 
Fisher, The Colonial era. 177-193. Lodge, Short History' of 
English Colonies, 2S5-2.SS; 294-297. 

2. Henr\- Hudson. Fiske, Dutch and Quaker Colonies in 
America, I, 82-95. Drake, Making of Virginia and the Middle 
Colonies, 108-1 IG. 

3. Why the English conquered New Xetherland. Andrews, 
Colonial Self-government, 74-81. 

4. Stu\-\-esant and the End of Dutch rule. Drake, 135-145. 
Reasons for the surrender. Hart, Contemporaries, I, No. 155. 

Xew Jersey.— I. General. FLsher, 194-198. Thwaites, 210- 
214. 

2. Drake, Making of Virginia, etc., East Xew Jersey, IGl- 
109. West Xew Jersey, 169-170. 

The Carolinas.—l. General. Thwaites, 89-95. Fisher, 76- 
81. Lodge. Xorth Carolina, 132-139. South Carolina, 158-162. 

2. The Fundamental Constitutions. MacDonald, Select Char- 
ters, I, 149-168. Fiske, Old Virginia, H, 273-276. Lamed, 
Ready Reference, 242.5-2426. 

3. The effect of geographical conditions in Xorth Carolina. 
Fiske, Old Virginia, H, 30S^311. Life and Industries, 311-322. 
In South Carolina, 322-333. 

4. Life in Xorth Carolina, Lodge, 152-157. In South Caro- 
lina, 179-186. 

5. A descriprion of South Carolina. Hart, Contemporanes, II, 
Xo. 34. 

Penmylvatua.—l. General. Fisher, Colonial Era, 199-206. 
Thwa'tes, The Colonies, 21.5-217. Lodge, English Colonies, 
199-206. Wilson, American People, I, 300-313. 

2. Fiske, Dutch and Quaker Colonies, I. Penn's early life 
and his religious ideas, 108-126. The Colony, II, 147-158; 30(>- 
312; 324-329. Indian relations, II, 1.58-166. See also Fiske, 
Beginnings of Xew England, 20.5-206. 



84 American Tlistori) 

3. Pcnn and his ffrant. Andrews, Colonial Sclf-i^mvornnionf, 
102-109. 

4. The charter. Fiske, Dutch and Quaker Colonies, II, Ap- 
pendix, II. IMacDonald, Select Charters, 1S3-190. 

5. Penn's Frame of Covernment (1082), MacDonald, 192-199. 
That of 1GS3, 199-204. That of 1()90, 217-222. 

0. Hart, Contemporaries, I. Conditions in Pennsylvania, Xo. 
101. The Indian Treaty, Xo. 102. The Germans, Xo. 103. 

7. Pennsylvania, Xew York, and the Carolinas are treated in 
James and Mann, Readings in American History, chap. G. 



CHAPTER VII 

THE COLONIES AFTER THE RESTORATION— 
16G0-1690 

The early neglect of colonial affairs by the English The navi- 
Governnient under the first two Stuarts was followed by a f^^°^ 
more definite policy of control begun during the Common- 
wealth and developed after the Restoration. The navi- 
gation acts were a part of this policy. In the middle of 
the seventeenth century, Holland was the greatest com- 
mercial nation of Europe, the Dutch carrying three- 
fourths of England's commerce. Great quantities of to- 
bacco were shij^ped in Dutch bottoms from Virginia to 
England and Holland. An act of Parliament, passed in 
1651, required that all goods brought to England from 
Asia, Africa, or America, should be carried by English or 
colonial ships. This act reflects the ambitious policy of 
Cromwell and struck a blow at Dutch maritime prosper- 
ity.* It was, however, only loosely enforced during the 
period of the Commonwealth. After the Restoration 
Parliament renewed this act and added further restrictions 
(1660). Certain colonial products (called enumerated 
articles), including sugar, tobacco, dye-woods, and indigo 
could be shipped only to England or to other English 
colonies. t In 1663, an act provided that all goods brought 

* This and other causes resulted in a war between the two nations, the 
first of a series in which the Dutch lost their maritime supremacy. 

t These were articles that could not be produced in England. The list 
of enumerated goods was changed many times during the next one hun- 
dred years. Molasses and rice were later added, and then rice was allowed 
to be shipped to ports of southern Europe. 
85 



86 American History 

to the colonies must come from or through English ports. 
By an act of 1672 goods shipped from one colony to anothei* 
must either go by way of England or pay a high duty in 
colonial ports. 

English merchants and ship owners were to reap the benefit of 
this legislation: (1) By becoming the only buyers of certain 
colonial products; (2) by becoming the only sellers in colonial 
markets; and (IS) by the exclusion of Dutch competition in the 
carrying business. The English Government would gain in- 
creased revenue from the duties upon goods going to and coming 
from the colonies. 

The effect of these laws in Virginia was marked. The 
value of tobacco fell to a low point, and the cost of clothing, 
furniture, and implements rose.* English vessels charged 
higher freight rates than Dutch because the latter were 
built more cheaply, conveyed larger cargoes, and carried 
fewer sailors. 

These conditions, and the fact that the planters unwisely 
devoted themselves almost exclusively to tobacco raising, 
caused great economic distress. Discontent arose, which 
was augmented by abuses in the government of Virginia. 
Sir William Berkeley, who had again become governor, 




Signature of Governor Berkeley 

managed to control the House of Burgesses completely, 
by proroguing it from time to time, instead of holding new 
elections. His council, appointed by himself, constituted 
an aristocratic ring; the franchise was limited to free- 
holders; heavy taxes were levied and public money was 

* Whereas before 1651 a pair of shoes could be bought for twelve pounds 
of tobacco, in 1657 the price was fifty pounds. Bruce, Economic and 
Social History of Virginia, II, 375-376. Similar results followed in Mary- 
land and later in North Carolina. 



The Colonics After the Restoration 87 

squandered; and incompetent and dishonest officers were 
appointed. 

Open resistance came about when Governor Berkeley Bacon's 
refused to render efficient aid in the defence of the fron- Rebellion. 
tier against Indian attacks. Nathaniel Bacon, a young 
planter, put himself at the head of the militia for this pur- 
pose, and thus brought upon himself the Avrath of Berkeley. 
After a complicated series of attacks and counter attacks 
between the ri\al factions, Bacon died, and his party, 
which was mainly composed of the poorer classes and the 
small farmers, dissolved. In the main the rebellion ac- 
complished its object; reforms Avere made in the govern- 
ment, and the Indians were checked. 

The overproduction of tobacco later caused economic de- 
pression. Determined efforts were made by the colonists, to 
decrease, by agreement and by legislation, the amount of to- 
bacco planted, but these efforts failed. In 1G82, riots ensued and * 
many fields were devastated for the purpose of decreasing the 
supply. In later years, when transportation rates decreased 
and the English demand increased, tobacco growing became 
more remunerative. 

Under the Commonwealth, and immediately after the Efforts of 
Restoration, special boards or committees of the Privy goy^rn™^ 
Council in England were appointed to have charge of ment to 
colonial affairs. Between 1675 and 1688 a committee cZmi.*^^ 
known as the Lords of Trade had exercised authority in 
(1) settling disputes between colonies; (2) collecting in- 
formation concerning trade; (3) advising the King and 
colonial governors as to details of administration; (4) en- 
deavoring to bring the colonies into accord with the policy 
of the home government, and especially (5) trying to se- 
cure obedience to the navigation laws. For the purpose 
last mentioned, customs officers were stationed in the 
colonies, but these seldom worked in harmony with the 
colonial governors. The system of control was, in its 
actual workings, very imperfect. There existed in Amer- 
ica no adequate machinery for the enforcement of the will 



88 American History 

of the home jrovernmcnt, and the extent to which the 
colonies could govern themselves was not definitely stated 
or agreed upon. 

Under these circumstances, the periods of the Civil War 
and Commonwealth were favorable to self-government in 
the colonies. In New England, especially, this was taken 
advantage of, with results that became apparent after the 
Restoration. Massachusetts attracted the attention of 
the home government because of its independence and its 
slowness in acknowledging the King; and Connecticut and 
Rhode Island because their governments had been es- 
tablished without legal authorization by the mother coun- 
try. The latter colonies now sent agents to England ask- 
ing for charters. John Winthrop for Connecticut (1662), 
and John Clark for Rhode Island (1663), succeeded 
in this mission. Their charters left them in reality little 
republics, electing all their officers, and having only a 
general dependence upon the crown. The Connecticut 
charter accomplished the overthrow of New Haven Colony, 
whose inhabitants had offended the home government by 
their kind treatment of two regicide judges who had 
taken part in the con\action of Charles I. The union of 
these two colonies strengthened their defence against the 
Dutch and the Indians. 

In 1664, complaints against Massachusetts becoming 
more frequent, a royal commissioner was sent to examine 
into conditions there. 



The Massachusetts Government was accused of exceeding its 
authority by extending its jurisdiction over the Mason and 
Gorges grants north of the Merrimac River, and by having 
erected a mint and coined money. The restriction of the suffrage 
to church members had been condemned by Charles II, who de- 
manded its extension to all property holders; he also required 
that the English Church should be tolerated there. The colony 
was charged with evading these requirements. The persecution 
of the Quakers was another cause of offence. The colony's 
treatment of the royal commissioners was anything but respectful, 
and it practised a tantalizing policy of delay in all of its rela- 



The Colonies After the Restoration 89 

tions witli the home governniont. It endeavored to preserve 
its original independence by denying the right of appeal from 
colonial courts to England, and by denying the validity of acts 
of Parliament which were not also passed by the colonial Assem- 
bly. Most serious was the charge preferred by royal customs 
officials that the people of Massachusetts systematically violated 
the navigation laws, and that the colonial government connived 
at such disobedience. This practice, it was represented, greatly 
decreased the royal revenues. 

Here were sufficient grounds for the annulment of the The policy 
Massachusetts charter, and this was legally accomplished pg^^f 
by order of an English court in 1684. A temporary gov- control. 
ernment was establisiied, but without a legislative assembly. 
At the same time plans were made for annulling the other 
New England charters and.forthe union of all these colonies 
under a governor-general; also, for the destruction of the 
proprietors' interests in Delaware, INIaryland, and the 
Carolinas — a project never executed. Such was the policy 
of imperial control proposed by the Lords of Trade and 
based upon their experience in dealing with the colonies. 
The arguments in favor of it were: (1) More direct con- 
trol might thus be exercised; (2) the navigation laws could 
be enforced; (3) defence against the French and the Ind- 
ians could be more effective. This policy was advo- 
cated by a class of officials and dissatisfied persons in the 
colonies, as well as by the commercial class in England. 
It would have been a radical departure from the earlier 
policy, and its enforcement would have interrupted the 
tendency towards self-government that prevailed every- 
where in the colonies. 

The Duke of York became King James II of England Despotic 
in 1685. The next year he appointed Edmund Andros ^"g'^Yunder 
Governor-General of New England, who began the policy Andros, 
of consolidation by dissolving the governments of Plymouth, overthrow. 
Rhode Island, and Connecticut.* Later Andros's au- 
thority was extended over New York and New Jersey. In 

* The charter of Connecticut was not surrendered. For the charter oak 
tradition, see Fisl^e, Beginnings, 367-368. Lodge, Englisli Colonies, 380. 



90 American Historij 

Massachusetts his enforcement of the King's orders re- 
sulted in the complete overthrow of self-government. 
When rumors of the revolution in England against James II 
(1688) reached America, Andros was imprisoned and the 
people temporarily resumed their former government. 
In 1691, a new charter was given to Massachusetts by 
William and ]\Iarv which represented a compromise be- 
tween the proposed policy of control and the former 
freedom of self-government. The legislature of the colony 
was made elective;* but the governor was appointed by 
the crown instead of being elected, as formerly. Rhode 
Island and Connecticut resumed their charter govern- 
ments, and these were not again disturbed. 

In New York, also, the Andros government was over- 
thrown. A movement, led by Jacob Leisler, established 
a popular government. The efforts of Leisler to continue 
as governor of the colony were defeated by a governor, 
Sloughter, sent from England. "Leisler's rebellion," so 
called, was put down very harshly. Under the new 
regime, however. New York secured, what it had never 
had, a regular representative assembly.f 

The anti-Catholic character of the Revolution in Eng- 
land gave occasion for an ujjrising of the Protestant col- 
onists of jNIaryland against the Baltimore rule. They were 
successful in gaining control of the colonial government, 
and William and ]\Iary favored their cause by refusing to 
restore to Lord Baltimore his rights under the charter. So, 
for about twenty-five years Maryland was governed as a 
royal province. Then, in 1715, the Baltimore proprietor- 
ship was reestablished, when the heir was a Protestant. 

The English Revolution and its accompanying move- 
ments in America interrupted the execution of the im- 
perial policy put in operation under Charles II and 

* While the lower house was chosen by the people, the Council was 
elected by joint ballot in both houses, the governor having power to 
reject members thus elected. 

t One such body had met in 18S3 (see p. 74). 



The Colonics After the Restoration 91 

James II. Whether under the new line of monarchs 
there was to be a pursuance of this policy, or a reversal to 
the earlier one, was a question of great importance. 

COLONIAL LIFE IX 1690 

"What had a century of English activity in colonization New 
accomplished on the American continent ? A distinct "o^onj^a-"'^ 
change in the moving causes of emigration may be noted, tion. 
At the beginning of the seventeenth century commercial 
motives were uppermost. Colonization upon this basis was 
not successful, but during the century other motives be- 
came predominant. Primary among these was the desire 
to escape troublous religious conditions in European coun- 
tries. Frequently distinct, but often combined with the 
religious motive, was another which was purely economic. 
"The desire to better their fortunes was perhaps the most 
fundamental and enduring consideration that influenced 
immigrants." * The poor and the unsuccessful, the ad- 
venturous and the ambitious, those socially despised or 
legally under the ban, could get in America a new start in 
building fortune and reputation. Freedom from the 
burdensome conditions of European society, the oppor- 
tunity to work, and the chance to become economically 
independent, were tempting the best blood of Europe to 
this fresh field. 

The great underlying economic fact in this colonization how land 
was the existence in America of boundless areas of culti- ^^fredby 
vable land that might be had upon easy terms. In New settlers. 
England, land was uniformly granted without charge to 
individuals and to groups of settlers. All the colonies 
south of New England were originally upon a proprietary 
basis, and the proprietors (whether indi^•iduals or com- 
panies), expected to profit by the disposal of land, as well 
as by trade. They often advertised in Europe for emi- 
grants, and frequently gave farms freely to settlers. Only 

* Cheney, The European Background of American History, 168. 



92 American History 

in Pennsylvania was it customary to sell the land outright. 
Elsewhere, it was commonly granted upon the payment of 
a "quit-rent," i. e., an annual fee (usually one shilling for 
fifty acres), payable to the proprietor, or to the King when 
the colony became royal. The difficulty of collecting quit- 
rents rendered this source of revenue a disappointment. 

The amount of land that might be granted to one person was 
usually limited. But the proportion of immigrants who were too 
poor to pay their passage and to estabhsh themselves as farmers, 
was very large. These came and were settled at the expense of 
others, who thus secured "head rights" — usually fifty acres for 
each person brought to America. This is one way in which large 
estates were built up. In most cases the persons assisted were 
indentured servants; others became tenants and paid rent. The 
attempts made in several colonies to establish manors, upon 
which the tenants were subject to semi-feudal restrictions, were 
usually unsuccessful. It was so easy to become the actual owner 
of land that the tenant refused to enter into such relations 
with the landlord. 

In 1690, the English colonies contained nearly 250,000 
inhabitants. In New England the physical geogra})hy 
determined the industries, and these in turn influenced 
social and political conditions. This was a region of 
cold winters and short summers; a land of hills and 
forests, with a rugged sea coast and some fertile val- 
leys. The soil, generally light, had, because of its stony 
character, a peculiar enduring quality. The rivers were 
short, giving abundant water power, but, excepting the 
Connecticut, little opportunity for navigation. On the 
coast were numerous harbors; the sea abounded in fish, 
and the forests fiu'nished the best of timber. Agriculture 
was profitable, grains, vegetables, and stock being the 
principal products. But the difficulties of cultivation 
made small farms necessary. The Puritans continued to 
settle in church communities. Compactness of settle- 
ment was therefore a characteristic of New England; and 
this was further encouraged by the religious requirement 
of regular church attendance. There were many fishing 



i 



The Colonies After the Restoration 93 

towns on the coast; and with the surphis products of farms industries 
and fisheries, commerce soon became inevitable. To fa- products 
ciUtate commerce, ship building naturally arose. On the 
farms and in the villages hand-made clothing, implements, 
and furniture were used almost exclusively. On the rapid 
streams were to be found grist-mills and saw-mills. In the 
towns, brick, pottery, glass, and shoes Avere manufactured. 
Everything was, of course, upon a small scale, and scarcely 
beyond the stage of domestic manufacture. Back of the 
compactly settled region near the coast, men exploited the 
forests and traded with the Indians. 

The small farm type of agriculture and the variety of in- Social 
dustries in New England gave the best opportunity for ^^'^^^^s- 
the individual to attain economic independence. There 
was a tendency toward industrial equality rather than 
toward the subordination of many laborers to a few em- 
ployers; and this condition affected social and political 
life. Democracy in society and a democratic type of gov- 
ernment were noticeable features of New England life. 
There were here, as everywhere in the seventeenth century, 
aristocratic distinctions; the old families, the official class, 
and the wealthy were given prominence, both by law and 
by custom; but the importance of the individual of what- 
ever class was very great. 

New England was settled almost exclusively by Puritans Religion 
from England. In Massachusetts the first Anglican England 
church was founded in 1686, and in Rhode Island might be 
found Baptists, Quakers, and Jews. The type of religion 
maintained under the congregational system was very 
severe. The ministers were the dominant class, and they 
enforced the Puritan ideals of both public and private con- 
duct most rigidly. The laws prescribing the strict ob- 
servance of the Sabbath and restrictions upon dress, are 
examples of Puritan regulation of private conduct; at the 
same time the church was supported by public taxation. 
In their dislike of certain sports and diversions the Puritans 
excluded from their lives many rational pleasures. In the 



94 



A mericaii H i story 



larger towns and among the wealthier class, social diver- 
sions were common; but in the small towns and the country, 
life was barren and there was little to relieve the hard daily 
toil and the solemn devotion to rigidly conceived duty. 

Education was further advanced in New England than 
elsewhere in the colonies. Here the common school was 
maintained from the beginning, and there were also many 
grammar schools. Harvard College was founded in 1636 
at Cambridge. While the mass of people were given a 
rudimentary education, the purpose of higher education 
was jireparation for the ministry. Theological discussion 
occupied the best minds of New England; there was little 
or no literature that had other themes. No profession had 
yet attained standing except the ministry. 

The severely religious trend of thought, the barrenness of life, 
and the dangers from Indian attacks that impendetl about the 
year 1691, account for the occurrence in Massachusetts of the 
witchcraft troubles. The theory of Satanic manifestations was 
commonly held in European countries, and there claimed its 
thousands of victims. In Salem and surrounding towns, two or 
three hundred persons, some of them being of the highest char- 
acter, were accused of having allowed themselves to become pos- 
sessed by the devil. Of these, nineteen were judicially con- 
demned and were put to death. The comparative brevity and 
mildness of this outburst of religious fanaticism testifies to the 
real saneness of the Puritan mind. Nowhere in the world at this 
time was life more pure or thought more elevated. 

In the local government of the New England colonies, 
the town meeting and the popular election of officers pre- 
served the freest democracy in America. The colonial as- 
semblies were vigorous bodies, and they exercised no little 
control over the towns. Self-government gave to New 
Englanders a political education which in later times had 
important consequences. 

I.,ife in the Southern colonies had aspects in marked con- 
trast with the conditions existing in New England. Vir- 
ginia and INIaryland were most alike. Here people lived 
on scattered plantations, with no towns worthy the name. 



The Colonies After the Restoration 



95 



Physical environment largely acconnts for this method of The influ 
settlement. While attempts were made at raising other ^"*^® ° 



products than tobacco, all were abandoned, except corn, 
the staple food grain. The same fate befell the manu- 
facturing industries that were tried at various times; me- 
chanics were able to get land so cheaply that they drifted 
into tobacco raising. The rivers of the South accommo- 
dated the ocean-going vessels of the time, and so there was 
no necessity for towns as market places. So deeply did the 
rivers penetrate this region and so plentiful were the rich 
lands, that during the Restoration period the estates rap- 
idly increased in size, and the "plantation system" became 
fully developed. One more element, cheap labor, con- 
tributed to make this system possible. Thousands of in- 
dentured servants came annually to the Southern col- 
onies, and toward the end of this period negro slaves 
increased in numbers. 

The great majority of the people in the Southern col- 
onies were of English stock. In Virginia the contrast be- 
tween large plantations and small farms was marked, 
while in North Carolina there were only scattered small 
farms. South Carolina was distinguished by having a 
large city, Charleston, which was the centre of com- 
mercial and social life. Here lived the large planters who 
dominated the life of the colony. Besides tobacco, corn, 
and live-stock, the Carolinas produced the naval stores — 
tar, pitch, and turpentine. Throughout the South, cot- 
ton and flax were raised on a small scale and were worked 
by hand into forms suitable for domestic use. But every- 
where in the colonies woollens were the chief article of 
domestic manufacture. The Southern colonies ex-ported 
large quantities of their staple products. Few vessels were 
constructed here. Ships owned by New Englanders brought 
to them fish from the North, tropical products and slaves from 
the West Indies, and manufactured articles from Europe. 

While many Puritans settled in the South, especially in 
Maryland and South Carolina, the majority of the people 



physical 
geography. 



Industries 
in the 
South. 



Southern 
society. 



96 America)) History 

were Anglicans. Religious convictions exercised no such 
influence as in New England. Both social and political 
life felt the influence of the dominant economic interest 
in the plantation colonies. Tendencies worked toward 
aristocracy rather than toward democracy. The home of 
the planter was the centre of a small community. In- 
dentured servants and slaves tilled his broad acres, while 
other workmen made the common implements, furniture, 
and clothing. The plantation was self-sufficing, except 
for the finer qualities of cloths, furnishings, books, medi- 
cines, and jewelry, which were imported from Europe. 
The small farmer could hardly compete with the planter 
and his family, either economically or socially, and he con- 
sequently tended to move westward to the frontier, which 
had not yet reached the mountains. Here, too, he found 
cheaper land. 

In the South, as in New England, the colonists adapted 
to their new environment certain forms of local govern 
ment to which they had been accustomed at home. The 
smallest local division, the parish, became less important 
than was the town in New England, because of the sparse- 
ness of population. The parish was governed by a group 
of men called the vestry, which had charge of church af- 
fairs and the relief of the poor. The most important func- 
tions of local government were exercised in the larger unit, 
the county. A board of justices, known as the county 
court, levied taxes and made local regulations, besides 
sitting as a court to try cases. The sheriff was an im- 
portant county officer, having in his hands the collection 
and expenditure of public money. Members of the county 
court were appointed by the governor, and vacancies in 
the vestry were filled by the remaining vestrymen. Thus, 
in the absence of town meetings and popular elections, 
local government in the South fell into the hands of the 
influential planter class. 

In the South, both religious life and educational inter- 
ests suffered on account of the method of settlement, the 



The Colonies After the Rcstorati 



97 



sparsoncss of population, and the difficulty of travel. The 
Anglican ministers in these colonies were not the intel- 
lectual or religious leaders of the people. Efforts to es- 
tablish public schools were largely failures, though many 
private elementary schools were maintained. The plant- 
ers' sons were taught at home, and often completed their 
education in English schools and colleges. 

Conditions of life were much more varied in the INIiddle The Mid- 
colonies than in either New England or the South. The ^\^i^^\'^ 
people, as we have seen (pp. 74, 82), were of many nation- 1690. 
alities. While agriculture was the dominant industry, 




('<)tt;i;;o HI Boave 



there were many flourishing towns and tw^o large ports, 
New York and Philadelphia. Intercolonial trade and 
foreign commerce stood second to agriculture in import- 
ance. Philadelphia was the centre of trade for the region 
bordering on Delaware Bay and River; and its shipping industries, 
carried abroad large quantities of grains, meats, and furs, 
returning with imports from the West Indies and Europe. 
Ship-building early became an important industry in 
Pennsylvania. New York City was the centre of com- 
merce for the Hudson River region. Here the fur trade 



98 



America)! History 



was of greater consequence than anywhere else in the 
colonies. 

JAie in New York presented aristocratic tendencies. 
This is accounted for by the presence of large estates on 
the Hudson and the importance of the official class in New 
York City. But elsew^here in the Middle colonies there ex- 
isted economic and social equality. The professional 
classes were at this time weak and unimportant. There 
was a great variety of religious sects. Dutch Reformed, 
Congregational, Lutheran, and Jewish churches existed 
in New York; while Quakers, Lutherans, and other 
Protestant sects flourished in Pennsylvania. Nowhere in 
these colonies were public schools to be found. Education 
was at a low stage in New York, but there w^ere good 
private schools in Pennsylvania. 

Local government in the Middle colonies included both 
towns and counties; but here the functions were quite 
equally divided betw^een these organizations, instead of 
being chiefly confined to one or the other, as in New Eng- 
land and the South. 



THE COLONISTS AXD THE IXDIAXS. 

The colonists came into contact with three great groups 
of Indians. The largest of these constituted the Algon- 
quin family, occupying nearly all of the region east of the 
Alleghany INIountains, as well as the Ohio and upper 
Mississippi basins. Prominent in this family were the 
Narragansetts, Pequots, Powhatans, Delawares, Illinois, 
and Ojibwas. South of Kentucky, extending to Florida 
and the Gulf, was the Muskhogean family. The Chicka- 
saws, Choctaws, Creeks, and Seminoles belonged to this 
family. The Iroquois Indians occupied the region of 
central New York State and upper Canada (see pp. 105, 
106), while an independent branch of this family was situ- 
ated on the western borders of the Carolinas. 

The earliest settlers in the English colonies were in- 
debted to the Indians in several ways. They learned the 



The Colonics Affrr the Restoration 



09 



Indians' methofls of luintino;, fishinj;, and trapping; also, 
the value of maize and how to produce it upon new land. 
Thus colonization was assisted by a more available food 
supply. The Indians' canoe and their methods of travel 
and fighting were also adopted by the settlers. 




a U LF 1 
M EX ICO 



LOCATION OP 

INDIANS 

ill the 17th Ceiituix 

Algonqiiins 

1 I Troquois 

f IVnsklwaeans 
\ \ Sioux 



Location of Indians in the Seventeenth Century 



On the other hand, the natives soon acquired from the 
whites tools and utensils, es])ecially guns; these, together 
with cloth and horses, changed in many ways the character 
of their daily life. They learned few virtues, but acquired 
destructive vices, especially the use of intoxicants. Some 
efforts were made by the English to convert the Indians, 
but they were conducted, on the whole, without enthusiasm 
or persistence. The loud profession of missionary zeal with 
which the English colonization began was not made good. 



100 America)) History 

In the New England colonies, Massachusetts especially, some 
efforts were made to convert the Indians. These were most suc- 
cessful in the work of John Eliot, who brought about four thou- 
sand Indians to ailopt Christianity and civilized ways of living. 
John and Charles Wesley made imsuccessful missionary efforts 
in Georgia. 

The history of Indian rchitions in colonial times is one 
of continual strife. This was inevitable at that ])eriod in 
the contact between a superior and an inferior race. Of 
incidental cau.ses for these troubles tliere was a large 
vari(>ty; the vicious and the drunken, whether whites or 
Indians, were es})ecially numerous on the frontier, and 
they were ever ready to commit outrages and to begin 
quarrels. But the fundamental cause for this condition 
was the land question. The character of Indian industry, 
which was nuiinly hunting and fishing, with comjmratively 
slight attention to agriculture, and the frequent movements 
of most tribes from one locality to another, made the In- 
dians occupants rather than owners of the land in the true 
sense. In their simj)licity and short-sightedness they were 
ever ready to part with their right of occupancy; but they 
did n<»t comj)rehend the white man's idea of permanent 
transfer and pos.session. The purchase of Indian lands 
was a universal practice in colonial times. The different 
colonial governments imdertook to regulate this subject . 
by law, prohibiting the settlers from occupying lands 
until the Indian title was extinguished. The laws en- 
joined in many ways the fair treatment of the Indians in 
other transactions; for instance, the sale of fire-arms and 
liquors was quite generally })rohibited. These laws, how- 
ever, were little obeyed. 

Trouble aro.sc as soon as the natives realized the slow 
but sure advance of the whites into the country and the 
permanency of this process. Hunting grounds were de- 
stroyed, and the strip between the frontier of settlement 
and the Alleghany Mountains became gradually narrower. 
The Iniiians were able to make but spasmodic, and on the 
whole, feeble, resistance to the advance of settlement be- 



The Colonics Ajivr the Rcstorutioii 101 

cause they did not present a united front; and (his in turn 
was owing to their lack of j>olitical organization. 

The lowest organization of social and political life anions the political 
Indians was the clan — a group of related families. Clans elected orRaniza- 
sachems, and chiefs, or war leaders. The number of these !;'"". °^ '^'^^ 
officers varied according to the number of availal)le men; their 
authority was al.so a matter of popularity and influence. The 
clans were united into tribes, the governing body of which was 
the tribal council composed of the chiefs just mentioned. The 
council had authority over (piestions of war and peace, and inter- 
tril)al relations. Of higher organizations among (he eastern 
Indians the only permanent example was the Irocpiois confed- 
eracy with which the iMiglish and Dutch settlers were in alliance 
during the seventeenth century. There were temporary leagues 
among other tribes at various times; but in the main the settlers 
were confronted by separate tribes, with vacillating j)olicies, 
rather than by a compact nation capable of effectually resisting 
the invasion of their lands. 

Under these circumstances the result was inevitable: 
civilization triuin|)hed over savagery, doubtless tliroiigh 
the commission of innumerable wrongs, in our judgment 
of which we must remember the etliic-al s(andar(js of that 
time and the failure of each race to comprehend (he odier's 
point of view. 

To understand the real meaning of this century of Tim cen- 
colonizadon in America, we must take account of two oidzaUon 
general fac(s. One is the preservation among the col- miows two 
onists of the old European life in a new environment; tendencies, 
(lie other is the tendency toward a different type of life 
under the new conditions. At the end of the seventeenth 
century, the colonies were in reality an outlying part of 
Europe. Isolated from each other, their social and eco- 
nomic relations were chiefiy with the mother country. 
The creation of even the weakest semblance to a national Tho pnscr- 
life was the work of (he next century and the outcome of Knropcan 
many struggles against Indian and French foes here in fiviiiza- 
America, and finally against the English government. 
Until then, the most striking characteristic of colonial life 
is the conservative preservation of manners and customs, 



102 



American History 



industries and ideas, political ritjhts and processes that 
were the fruit of centuries of growth in Europe. 

Turning now to the new tendencies, we find a growth 
away from social class distinctions and toward greater in- 
dustrial and political freedom than Old World conditions 
permitted. There were several reasons for this: (1) The 
colonists were mainly from the middle and lower classes, 
those least favored by aristocratic institutions. (2) In 







Palisaded Indian Village 

From De Bry 

America the struggle for existence was at first hard, tend- 
ing to place all men upon a basis of social equality. (3) The 
free ownership of land, and the unlimited supply of new 
land made an oppressive landlord system impossible. 
(4) The removal of monarchical control gave opportunity 
for the rise into prominence of those free local institutions 
with which Englishmen had been in a measure familiar. 

The keynote of this tendency is democracy. The seven- 
teenth century saw its beginnings, but saw also the begin- 
ning of a policy of imperial control (see pp. 87, 89) that 
threatened its development. The problem of eighteenth- 
century colonial history is the balancing of these two 



The Colonies After the Redoraiion 103 

forces: the political and economic freedom of colonial life 
versus eontrol exercised by the home government through 
its agents in America. Which of these forces was destined 
to become dominant ? 

Suggestive Questions axd References 

1. Charles Il's policy towards the New England Colonies. 
Fisher, Colonial Era, 149-151. Lodge, English Colonies, 376- 
377; 389-390. Fiske, Beginnings of New England, 191-198. 
Thwaites, The Colonies, 166-170. 

2. Bacon's Rebellion. Fiske, Old Virginia, II, 54-67; 96-107. 
Thwaites, 78-79. Lodge, 19-23. 

3. The rule of Andros. Fiske, Beginnings of New England, 
267-278. Fisher, Colonial Era, 159-164. 

4. Relations of England with the colonies. Thwaites, The 
Colonies, 166-167. Lodge, 354-361. Elson, History of the 
United States, 120-127. 

5. Show how the economic law of supply and demand as de- 
termining price is illustrated in this chajiter. 

6. INIake a list of facts showing the colonists' love of self-govern- 
ment in this period. 

7. Was the proposed policy of imperial control a reasonable 
one? Andrews, Colonial Self-government, 36 40. 

8. On indentured servants, see Fiske, Old \'irginia, II, 176- 
189. Bogart, Economic History of the United States, 78-83. On 
slavery, Fiske, 190-203. Bogart, 83-86. 

9. The colonists' relations with Indians. Fiske, Beginnings 
of New England, 199-206. Coman, Industrial History of the 
United States, 43-45. 

10. Education in the Colonies. Lodge, English Colonies, 
464-466. Hart, Contemporaries, II, No. 95. Fiske, Old Vir- 
ginia, II, 116-119; 123-129; 245-254. 

11. Colonial religion. Lodge, English Colonies, 429-438. 
Earle, the Sabbath in Puritan New England. 

12. How may the colonies be grouped according to industries;' 
Andrews, 334r-.336. 

13. James and INIann, Readings in American History, chap. 7. 

14. Fiction. Goodwin, ^Yhite Aprons (Virginia). Hawthorne, 
Scarlet Letter (Puritans). Bynner, The Begum's Daughter 
(New York). 



CHAPTER VIII 
THE FRENCH IN AMERICA 

THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIZATION 



Revival of 
French 
coloniza- 
tion. 



First 

period, 

1603-1635. 



Cham- 
plain. 



TiTE work of French explorers and the feeble at- 
tempts made at colonization during the first half of the 
sixteenth century (see pp. 28-30) were interrupted by un- 
favorable European conditions. The victory of Henry IV 
over the warring factions that opjiosed his accession to the 
throne of France, and the Edict of Nantes (1598)* issued 
by him, finally brought peace; and with peace came a re- 
vived interest in American exploration. During the en- 
tire century French fishermen had visited the banks off 
Newfoundland and had traded with the Indians of the ad- 
jacent coasts. It seemed natural, therefore, that this 
region should be the scene of French colonization. 

For a third of a century, the principal figure in this story 
is that of Samuel de Champlain, whose strong character 
and persistent labors have won the greatest admiration. 
Like many other soldiers of the wars of Henry IV, Cham- 
plain found an outlet for his energies in time of peace 
by undertaking voyages of discovery. f When, in 1604, 
De Monts was granted by the government of France a 
monopoly of the fur trade between the parallels 40° and 
46°, Champlain, as royal geographer, sailed with him to 

* This Edict gave the Huguenots privileges, including legal equality 
and religious freedom, except in certain cities. 

t He first visited Central America and Mexico. While at Panama he 
commented upon the advantages that would accrue from the construction 
of an isthmian canal. 

104 



The French hi America 



105 



found a colony. This became Port Royal, on the Bay of 
Fundy, at the present site of Annapolis, Nova Scotia. 

For several years Champlain led exploring expeditions down 
the New England coast, nearly as far as Rhode Island. In these 
and similar explorations in the St. Lawrence valley, he took care- 
ful note of geographical features and Indian life. His accounts 
are extremely valuable for his descriptions of Indian life before 
its contact with civilization. 

The renewal of the De INIonts grant in 160S brought 
Champlain to the St. Lawrence River, w^here he founded 
Quebec in that year. It was his purpose "to find a way 
to China, avoiding at the same time the cold of the North 

and the heat 
of the South." 
Upon the basis 
of stories of 
"great waters" 
that lay to the 
westward, Cham- 
plain iniagined 
the nearness 
of the Pacific 
Ocean. He was 
mindful also of 
the advantages 
to be gained from the fur trade and from discoveries of 
gold mines. The conversion of the Indians soon became 
another prominent motive in his work. He bargained 
with the Algonquin Indians to assist them in their wars 
with the Iroquois if they w^ould help him in his western 
explorations. This agreement was kept when, in 1609, 
Champlain accompanied a war party of his Indian friends 
up the St. Lawrence and Richelieu rivers to the beautiful 
Lake Champlain, which he was the first white man to 
visit. Here they met and defeated an Iroquois party. In 
1615, Champlain ascended the Ottawa River, entered 
Georgian Bay and Lake Huron, and, returning by way 




The Explorations of Champlain 



His 

motives 
and Indian 
policy. 



106 



A merican II istonj 



of Lake Ontario, entered the heart of the Iroquois country 
(now central New York State). Here his Indian allies 
unsuccessfully attacked a fortified Iroquois village. 

The Iroquois were "the fiercest, boldest, most politic, and most 
ambitious savages to whom the American forest has ever given 
birth."* Their villages were well fortified by palisades. Two 
other facts gave the Iroquois great strength. (1) Their geo- 
graphical position, upon the head-waters of streams flowing in 
every direction, made both defence and attack easier for them 
than for their enemies. (2) We find among the Irocjuois the 
best example of a permanent confederacy among Indian tribes 
north of Mexico. The five " nations " of this confederacy were 
the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas. For 
two generations they scarcely ceased their attacks upon the St. 
Lawrence settlements (Quebec, Three Rivers, Montreal), murder- 
ing the inhabitants, terrifying the garrisons, and thus deterring 
greatly the progress of that colony. In the meantime the Iro- 
quois established friendly relations with the Dutch. When the 
English conquered New York they succeeded to the Iroquois 
friendship, continued to furnish them with guns in trade, and 
incited them to attack the French. 

Champlain's efforts to plant an agricultural colony were 
opposed at the court of France by persons whose interests 
were in the fur trade. At Champlain's death, 1635, the 
colony on the St. Lawrence contained not more than sixty 
persons, sustained chiefly by supplies brought from France. 
During this period began the Jesuit missionary activity, 
which was so prominent a feature of French colonization. 
With the greatest devotion and with untold suffering, these 
priests pursued their unselfish work. 

During the second period of French colonization, from 
the death of Champlain to the accession of Colbert as 
minister to Louis XIV, the colony increased in population 
to 2,500; but it was still upon a weak foundation. A 
trading company, the Hundred Associates (1626-1663), 
headed by Richelieu held a monopoly of the fur trade, and 
their profits were divided among the stockholders instead of 

* Parkman, Pioneers of France, 389. The Hurons were of Iroquois 
stock, but they refused to join the confederacy of the Five Nations. 



The French in America 



107 



croing toward tlie upbuilding; of a strono; colony in Canada. 
Here, as in the ]Mi<ili.sh colonies, it was proved that mere 
mercantile interest was not adequate to the establishment of 
a self-suj)j)orting colony. The Iroquois utterly destroyed the 
Huron villaj^es (1()48) and broke up the western fur trade. 
Colbert applied his polic-y of industrial administration 
in France to the colonv in America. Here his al)lc assistant 




was the intendant Talon. The colony was supplied with 
more soldiers; its debt and the expenses of its maintenance 
were assumed by the King. "The new settler was found 
by the King, sent over by the King, and supplied by the 
King with a wife, a farm, and soraetinies with a house." 
Large tracts of land were granted to seigneurs who were to 
establish settlers upon them. Thus, the actual cultivators 



Third 
period of 
coloniza- 
tion, 1663 
1689. 



108 



American Ilistorij 



The fur 
trade. 



Explora- 
tion by 
Nioolet, 
1634. 



Joliet and 

Marquette, 

1673, 



of the soil were tenant.s, and were restricted in various 
ways. Their farms lay in ribbon-like strips running back 
from the river front. 

The fur trade was a constant influence undermining the 
strength of New France as an agricultural colony. The 
wild, free life of the bushrangers (courrurs du hois), coupled 
with the chances for great profit, drew young men into 
the western wilderness. Here the interlacing water-ways 
offered a perpetual inducement for penetrating the forests 
to their farthest extremities. 

Much of the strength gained by New France during the 
tliird period of its history (1()G3-16S9) must be attributed 
to the work of its great governor, (^ount Frontenap. He 
extended his influence in two directions: (1) along the 
great water-ways of the INIississippi Valley, and (2) among 
the Iroquois Indians. 

One of the last acts of ChampLiin's achiiinistration was the 
commissioning of a yoimg French interpreter, Jean Nicolet, to 
find a water-way leadino; to the Pacific. C'hamplain had heard 
of a strange people who dwelt upon a western shore and who 
had come from across "the great water." Were they Chinese? 
Nicolet, ascending the Ottawa River and passing through Lakes 
Huron and Michigan, entered and ascended Green Bay. Here 
he found the "strange people," who proved to be Winnebago 
Indians, a branch of the Sioux family, whose home was west of 
the Mississippi. 

The exploration of Xicolet was tardily followed up. In 
1659-1660 and subsequent years, two traders, Radisson 
and Groseilliers, penetrated to the western extremity of 
Lake Superior. Passing thence southward along the rivers 
of Wisconsin, they doubtless reached and crossed the 
]Mississippi River. 

In 1673, Talon selected Louis Joliet as an official ex- 
plorer to follow the jNIississippi and determine whether it 
emptied into the Gulf of ]\Iexico or the Gulf of California. 
Starting from Quebec, Joliet stopped at the Jesuit mission 
at jMackinac, where he was joined by Father Marquette. 
Theirs was a wonderful journey, through Green Bay, up 







The Routes of French Explorers 



110 



American Ilisiory 



the Fox River, and clown the lower AVisconsin and the 
Mississippi, as far as the mouth of the Arkansas River. 
From here they returned, being practically certain that 
the river would not carry tiiem to the Pacific coast. 

Greatest in the long list of French explorers was La 
Salle. Between La Salle and 
Frontenac there was "the 
s>Tn pathetic attraction of two 
bold and energetic spirits." 
They wished that the buffalo 
skins and heavy ])eltries of 
the western streams might 
find an outlet by transporta- 
tion down the Mississipj^i 
River. Thi.s, too, would \m\\ 
within French control a water- 
way, which, unlike the St. 
Lawrence, was not frozen for 
a great part of the year. 

Fort Frontenac was estal)- 
lished on Lake Ontario as an 
advanced post from which 
the fur trade might be controlled. Then, in 1679, La Salle 
built on Niagara River, above the falls, a sailing vessel. 
The Griffon. In it he sailed through Lakes Erie and 
Huron, and entered Lake ]\Iichigan. From the head of 
Lake ^Michigan La Salle proceeded by way of the St. 
Joseph and Kankakee rivers to the Illinois, where he 
established a post called Crevecoeur.* Later, he made 
several journeys between Canada and the Illinois country. 
The crowding event of this history is his successful descent 
of the Mississippi to its mouth (1682), where he took 
formal possession of all the land drained by its tributaries 
under the name Louisiana. He then founded Fort St. Louis, 
at Starved Rock, on the Illinois River, as a means of main- 
taining French ascendency among the tribes of that region. 
*The present site of Peoria, III. 




A possible portrait of Marquette 



Du Lhut 



The French in America 111 

On his first journey to Illinois, La Salle was accom- 
panied by Tonty, one of the bravest French explorers. 

Father Hennepin also accompanied La Salle to Crevecoeur, and Hennepin 
thence ascended the Mississippi to northern Minnesota. Here ^^^ 
he was a captive among the Sioux Indians, and met the fur trader 
Du Lhut, by whom he was rescued. La Salle desired to establish 
a military post and depot at the mouth of the Mississippi; for 
this purpose he transported colonists directly from France to the 
Gulf of Mexico. But the ships missed the mouth of the Missis- 
sippi, and the colony wasted away on the Texan shore. La Salle 
was murdered while attempting to reach Canada to find aid for 
this colony (1G87). 

Frontenao's policy toward the Iroquois was to concili- 
ate and intimidate them by turns. He succeeded but 
temporarily. The Iroquois raided the entire West as far 
as the JMissLssippi and southward to the Ohio. Nowhere 
was a French trader safe from their attacks. For these 
offences they were severely punished by Frontenac's suc- 
cessor, Denonville, but they were not permanently subdued 
until the timeof Frontenac's return to America (1689-1698), 
during the period of the first French and Indian war. 

THE FRENCH WARS AND FURTHER COLONIZATION 

At three points the conflicting interests of the French Causes of 
and the English in America brought the colonists to the Amerrca."^ 
point of war. (1) The fisheries of northern Atlantic 
waters were invaded by the enterprising New Englanders. 
(2) The limits of Acadia on the west were disputed by the 
settlers of Maine. (3) Both nations claimed jurisdiction 
over the ^Mississippi Valley. This dispute, like that over 
Acadia, involved more than a theoretical title to an un- 
inhabited region. Practically it involved the friendship 
or enmity of powerful Indian tribes and the profits of their 
trade. Is^o peace between the rival colonists could be ex- 
pected while the Iroquois, under English influence, terror- 
ized the western tribes, and diverted the furs to their own 
country, where they acted as middlemen in selling the furs 
to the English at Albany. 



112 



American History 



Four wars were fought in the struggle for American 
side were the greater miUtary ad- 



territory. On which 
vantages? The 
government of New 
France was highly 
cen t ral i zed, and 
hence the military re- 
sources of the colony 
were in immediate 
and effective control 
from Quebec. The 
English colonies, on 
the other hand, were 
disunited, jealous, 
and at first penurious ; 
they were slow, too, 
in rallying in suffi- 
cient force to meet 
their enemies. Again, 
the French had the 
advantage in the 
support of larger 
numbers of Indian 
allies than the Eng- 
lish could command; 
but these fickle 
friends readily de- 
serted the French 
when the latter suf- 
fered defeat. 

In the end the final 
struggle for the pos- 
session of North 
America was to be 
determined largely 
by the "staying qualities' 
spect the English were 




By Treaty of Itreoht 

I I Frmch 



North America in 1689 and 1713 

of the combatants. In this re- 
greatly superior; for they were 



The French in America 113 

backed by the greater j)()i)ulati()n and wealth of the col- 
onies, and by the superior resources, particularly the 
naval power, of the mother country. 

The actual outbreak of hostilities awaited the course of events European 
in Europe. The revocation of the Edict of Nantes by Louis XIV 
(1085), and the coii.sequent pensecution of the Huguenots, 
aroused the anger of Englishmen. The dismissal of James II 
from the English throne (IGSS), and the subsequent favor shown 
to him by Louis, added fuel to the fires of passion in both coun- 
tries. Finally, the invitation to William of Orange to ascend 
the throne of England, led directly to the War of the Palatinate 
(1G89-1G97). 



causes. 



William's 
War. 1689 
1697. 



The struggle in America, known as King William's King 
War. divides itself into three phases. (1) There was 
attack and counter attack in the Iroquois region; these 
Indians devastated La Chine, while the French and Indians 
destroyed Schenectady. (2) The severest attacks of the 
French fell upon the outlying settlements of Maine, 
Dover, Pema(|uid, and Salmon Falls. (3) The revenge 
for these attacks was planned at an intercolonial con- 
gress held at New York (1690). Here plans were made 
for a concerted land-and-water attack upon Quebec 
and ^Montreal, but they failed through mismanagement. 
The treaty of peace that ended the war in Europe (Treaty 
of Ryswick, 1G97), left the combatants with the same 
territorial limits in America as before, and the same 
causes for enmity. 

The last struggle of Louis XIV against his enemies in Queen 
Europe, precipitated by his attempt to unite the thrones of 
France and Spain, is known as the War of the Spanish 
Succession. In America it gave occasion for Queen 
Anne's War. Again the French and Indians fell upon the 
outlying New P^ngland settlements; Wells, Saco, Casco, 
Deerficld, and Haverhill were stricken. In revenge, the 
New Englanders captured Port Royal, Acadia, and at the 
conclusion of the war this important station was retained 
by the English and named Annapolis. The surrounding 



Anne's 
War, 1701- 
1713. 



114 



American History 



country, with indefinite limits, became Nova Scotia. The 
English likewise obtained Newfoundland and the PVench 
gave up their claims to the borders of Hudson's Bay. 
The Treaty of Utrecht (1713), whose terms as they affect 
America have just been stated, was the beginning of the 
downfall of French colonial power in America. (See 
map p. 112.) 

In the years immediately preceding and following Queen 
Anne's War, the French were actively pursuing their policy 
of establishing military and trading posts throughout the 
West. These were all situated at strategic points, guard- 







&' 



ZASt.Lavirence^ ^^4^ 



The French and Indian Wars, 1689-1748 



ing important water-ways and routes of travel. As the 
posts of Mackinac and Sault Ste. jNlarie were stations on 
the older routes of the northern waters, so Detroit was 
founded (1701) to aid in controlling the more direct routes 
to the Mississippi. Fort ]\Iiami on the Maumee and Fort 
St. Joseph, on the river of that name, had been located on 
important routes of travel. In the Illinois country the 
posts at Cahokia (16G9) and Kaskaskia (1700) were trad- 



The French in America 115 

irig centres, and near them F'ort Chartres was built in 1720. 
At about the same time the French built a fort on the upper 
Wabash River; and by 1727 they had another stronghold 
at Vincennes. At Mobile (1701) and New Orleans (1718) 
French power was upheld on the Gulf. Fort Rosalie was 
early established near the present site of Natchez. 

Such was the French "chain of posts" reaching from 
Quebec to New Orleans. The weakness of this method of 
occupation lay in the sparseness of population found within 
the territory. A handful of soldiers was all that France xheinhabi- 
could spare for all her posts; these could not move aggres- J.*"*^ °^ 
sively against the English frontier — the Alleghany ^loun- 
tains. Besides the soldiers, the huts that were crowded 
within the palisades of the western posts sheltered the 
courcurs du hois, who came and went on their trading 
expeditions. Here, too, in most cases were a few hardy 
peasants {habilans) who dared till the soil within easy 
reach of the posts. ^Yatching over this varied collection 
of French subjects were the priests, e^•er\'Avhere working 
to bring the Indians within their influence. 

Another European struggle (the War of the Austrian Kingr 
Succession) gave occasion for the outbreak of King warT744- 
George's War in America (1744-1748). Soon after the 1748. 
preceding war the French had begun to spend money lav- 
ishly in making an impregnable fortress at the town and 
harbor of Louisburg, on Gape Breton Island. Louis- 
burg's position made it the guardian of the St. Lawrence; 
here French fleets could rendezvous. It was the base of 
supplies from which the English fishing fleets were men- 
aced. It is not strange, therefore, that New Englanders 
should organize an expedition against it. Sheer pluck and 
bravery, witii the assistance of an English fleet, won a 
memorable victory, and Louisburg fell (1745). Great was 
the disappointment and anger of the captors when this im- 
portant post was returned to the French.* 

* The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle (1748) confirmed the English possession 
of Bombay, India; and this accounts for the surrender of Louisburg, 




French Posts and Portages in the West 



The French in America 117 

The final strug^rle in America could not be long The 
postponed; the outcome depended partly upon the ^Tw^^ °^ 
character of the French colony in America. In 1750, France. 
the white population of New France (including Acadia, 
Canada, and Louisiana) was about 80,000; in marked 
contrast, the English colonies contained at that date 
more than a million people. The causes for this dif- 
ference are found partly in the motives that prompted 
colonization in the two mother countries. Political and 
religious persecution had worked powerfully to depop- 
ulate France; but the exiled Huguenots were, after 
1685, absolutely forbidden to settle within the limits of 
New France. Consequently, those who crossed the At- 
lantic added their strength to the English colonies. 
(See p. 76.) ]\Ioreover, the French lacked the colon- 
izing spirit that characterized the English — that desire 
for economic improvement through the toilsome process 
of building homes in a new land. The spirit of ad- 
venture, the missionary spirit, and the desire for gain 
by trade Avere the motives of the colonists who came to 
New France voluntarily; still others Avere sent, either as 
soldiers or as settlers. The natural increase of population 
in Canada was slow. 

The leading industry of New France was the fur Their in- 
trade. Geographical conditions account for this fact, ^"'^'^"'^s. 
and the effect of this industry was to strengthen the 
wandering and adventurous tendencies of the people. 
The agricultural system prevailing in the colony did 
nothing to foster a self-reliant and progressive class 
of farmers. Here, as in the paternalistic policy al- 
ready outlined (p. 107), the people were trained in 
dependence, rather than in self-reliance. 

This fact is still more plainly seen in the governmental Their gov- 
system of the colony. The Governor-General and the ^'■""^^"^• 
Intendant were the chief executive officers, and these 
were appointed by the crown of France. Instead 
of having distinct functions, these officers continually 



118 



A merican H idunj 



clashed.* These .secular officers were also in frequent 
conffict with the church officials, who likewise received 
appointment in France. The existence of the fur-trade 
monopoly was another disturbing element in the situation. 
For the violation of the law granting the monopoly often 
yielded rich rewards, which sorely tempted both settlers 
and officers. 

There existed no elected legislative body in either the 
central or the local government of New France. An effort 
of Frontenac to set up an elected council at Quebec met a 
rebuke from Colbert, who ordered its discontinuance, say- 
ing, "You should very rarely, or, to speak more correctly, 
never, give a corporate form to the inhabitants of Canada." 
Instead, therefore, of having a voice in their local affairs, 
the people obeyed the commands of their rulers, and these 
in turn were subject to constant and minute direction by the 
King and his ministers at Paris. 

WESTWARD IMIGRATIOX AND THE FRENCH AND INDIAN 
WAR 

The movement of the English colonists westward from 
the Atlantic Ocean was influenced most profoundly by 
physical geography. It has already been noted that the 
physical characteristics of New England promoted coast- 
line settlement mainly. The geography of the South, on 
the other hand, was favorable to an industry that caused 
the expansion of settlers over a larger area. Here, how- 
ever, the coastal plain was much wider. 



The first advance of settlement in any section was to the fall 
line. This name has been given to a hne connecting the points 
on rivers where rapids indicate the hmits of the coastal plain 
proper. As far inland as these points extends the "tide-water" 
region, where tidal influence can be felt. Beyond the fall line 

* In fact, it was the deliberate policy of the home government to avoid 
separating the jurisdictions of the Governor and the Intendant, to the end 
that they might spy upon each other. Am. Hist. Review, XII, 25-26. 



The F 



III urimenca 



119 



ocean vessels could not go; water power was often developed at 
these paints. These considerations determined the location of 
cities: on the fall line are situated Philadelphia, Washington, 
Fredericksburg, Richmond, Petersburg, Raleigh, Camden, and 
Columbia. 



By 1700 population had advanced somewhat bevond the Poimiation 
'' i ^ •' in the 




English 
Colonies. 



fall line, but the 
region westward 
to the mountains 
was unexplored. 
It was a remark- 
able feat per- 
formed by Gov- 
ernor Spotswood 
of Virginia when, 
in 1716, he led a 
body of horse- 
men as far west 
as the Blue Ridge, 
where they 
V'iewed the beau- 
tiful "Valley of 
Virginia" — the 
Shenandoah Val- 
ley. Spotswood 
was one of the f ew- 
who saw the stra- 
tegic importance 
of possessing this region and holding the mountain passes 
against the advance of the French. 

Fur traders were the first to penetrate the wild mountain The first 
regions of the Alleghanies. These returned with accounts ^ttiers!'" 
of fertile valleys and wide plains beyond. In New York 
westward advance was checked by the Catskill IN Fountains, 
and in the Mohawk Valley the Iroquois Indians were long a 
barrier in the way. In the extreme South, the people of both 
Georgia and South Carolina were deterred from settle- 



Govemor Spotswood 



120 



A III erica N Ili.sfori/ 



ment in the West by the liostility of the Indians on their 
borders. Hence it was that the mountain vahevs were 
first settled in Pennsylvania, where the Scotch-Irish and 
the Germans * found ready access to them by way of the 
Susquehanna River and its tributaries. 

The movement of these mountain settlers was not, how- 
ever, due westward. Better lands were to be found farther 
south, and in this direction the river valleys opened the 
line of least resistance. From Pennsylvania, then, the 
first settlers came into the Siienandoah Valley (about 
1732). Others pushed farther on, finding the head-waters 
of the New and (rreenbriar rivers that feed the Great 
Kanawha, a tributary of the Ohio; and the head-waters 
of the Holston, Clinch, and P^rench Broad rivers that 
feed the Tennessee. These mountain frontiersmen were 
reenforced by settlers from Virginia, many of whom were 
ex-indentured servants, and from North Carolina. f 
The Ohio In 1748, a body of prominent Virginians organized the 

Company. Qj^j^ Company and the next year obtained a grant of land 
west of the mountains in Virginia. Their purpose was to 
engage in the fur trade and to colonize the lands. Their 
post at Will's Creek (later Cumberland, Md.), was on the 
mountain trail that ran westward to a tributary of the 
INIonongahela River. The activity of English traders in 
the Ohio country and this project of the Ohio Company 
for settlement were answered by the French when they sent 
an expedition under Celeron, which followed the Alleghany 



* For discussion of Scotch-Irisli and Germans, see pp. 76, 129. 

t "These pioneers were of different type from the planters of the South, 
or the merchants and seamen of the New England coast. The Scotch- 
Irish element was ascendant, and this contentious, self-reliant, hardy, 
backwoods stock, with its rude and vigorous forest life, gave the tone to 
Western thought in the Revolutionary era. A log hut, a little clearing, 
edged by the primeval forest, with the palisaded fort near by — this was 
the type of home they made. As they pushed the frontier on, they held 
their lands at the price of their blood shed in incessant struggles with the 
Indians." Turner, Western State-Making in the Revolutionary Era. 
Am. Hist. Review, I, 72-73. 



The Froir/i in America 



121 



and Ohio rivers tlown to tlie mouth of tlie Great Miami. 
Leaden plates were buried at various points inscribed with 
the claim of France to the entire region. This presaged 
the final struggle between the French and the English in 
America. 

The most \ital point of contact between the rival col- French 
onizing powers was the upper Ohio Valley. The next \°^l ^[j". 

move of the French ghany. 
w a s the establish- 
ment of a series of 
posts — Presque Isle 
on Lake Erie and 
Forts Le Boeuf and 
Venango on the Al- 
leghany River. In 
response to this ac- 
tion, Governor Din- 
widdie, of Virginia, 
sent George Wash- 
ington, whose experi- 
ence as a surveyor on 
the frontier qualified 
him for the enter- 
prise, to warn the 
French that they had 
encroached upon 
English territory. 
The warning proved futile and the French proceeded to 
erect Fort Du Quesne, at the junction of the Alleghany and 
the ]\Ionongahela rivers— the most important point on the 
western frontier. When, the next year, Washington was sent 
with a small force to drive the French from this post, he 
was defeated; being forced to surrender at Fort Necessity • 
(July 4, 1754), he withdrew to Virginia. 

The situation was now critical, and though France and The^^^ 
England were nominally at peace in Europe, each made congress. 
active preparations for guarding its possessions in America, i^^^- 




Western Forts — French and Indian War 



122 



A mericaii II istorij 



In 1754 the New England colonies, New York, Pennsyl- 
vania, and Maryland sent delegates to a congress at Al- 
bany. This congress renewed the alliance with the Iro- 
quois, and then discussed j)lans for a union of the colonies 
that would render their military forces more efficient. The 
plan adopted was drawn up by Benjamin Franklin. It 
provided for a President-General, to be appointed by the 
crown, and a Grand Council to be composed of delegates 
elected by the colonial assemblies. In the latter feature 
the English Government saw too much of colonial self- 
government and so rejected the plan. The colonial 
assemblies, on the other hand, objected to the presence 
of a royal officer, and none of them approved the measure. 
The last The situation in America when the French and Indian 

Indian ^"^ ^^^^ began in earnest reveals four principal points of attack 
War, 1755- and defence. (1) Fort Du Quesne was essential to the ]K)wer 
that would hold the West. (2) Fort Niagara guarded the 
French communications with Du Quesne, with the Iro- 
quois Indians, and with Detroit and Mackinac. (3) The 
Lake Chainplain route was the most direct line of com- 
munication between New York and Canada. (4) Louis- 
burg was essential in the naval defence of Quebec; and it 
menaced English interests on the Atlantic coast. 

During the years 1755-1757 the French were, in general, 
successful, chiefly because of the incompetency of the 
English officers. Braddock's expedition against Fort Du 
Quesne (1755) resulted in a terrible defeat; but it served to 
arouse the colonists to more prompt action. For three 
years, while the French held Du Quesne, the frontiers of 
neighboring colonies were harassed by Indian attacks. 
Unfortunately, the authorities and people of the tide-water 
regions refused to send adequate means of defence to the 
frontier. 

In 1756, English attempts against Niagara and Louis- 
burg failed, and Oswego fell into French hands. In the 
Lake Champlain region a French force under Montcalm 
pushed their line forward and built Fort Ticonderoga. 



The French in America 



123 



From here they .successfully attacked the Eno;lish Fort 
William Henry. (See map, p. 114.) 

But a new day dawned for the cause of England when William 
^Yilliam Pitt assumed control of the government. The JJfp^Sey. 
personality of this great man— his faith in himself, in the 
people, and in the destiny of England— aroused great 
enthusiasm in both England and America. The Seven 




William Pitt 

From the National Portrait Galk'i y 

Years' War had begun in Europe (1756). Pitt sent aid 
to Frederick the Great of Prussia in his single-handed 
struggle against France, Austria, and Russia. He put men 
and money into the war in America and sent over com- 
petent commanders. Generals Wolfe and Amherst took 
Louisburg (175S), and so made possible the naval attack 
upon Quebec. Fort Frontenac was captured. A well- 



124 



American Jlistorij 



oi'fjanized e.vpcdiiioii vindor (lonorul Forbes crossed tlie 
Alleglianies from Philadelj)hia and se(;ured Fort l)u 
Qiiesne. The otlier Frencli posts in that neigliborhood 
were then abandoned, and in 1759 Fort Niagara capitu- 
lated. Thus the French posts of the far West were cut off 
h\m\ communication with Canada. 

The war now concentrated upon Quebec, wliose defences 
were commanded by ]\Iontcahn. While a naval force 
under Saunders, cooperating with the troops under Wolfe, 
held close siege during the summer months of 1759, a 




View of Quel )fc fnim P. 



tardy expedition under Amherst moved northwartl from 
Lake Champlain, but failed to render assistance. The 
strategic problem, which almost baffled the energy and skill 
of Wolfe, was at last solved in a most dramatic, and to the 
French unexpected, attack upon the rear of Quebec. Here, 
by the battle upon the Plains of Abraham, the outcome of 
the war was virtually decided. With the fall of Montreal 
in the next year, the conquest of Canada was complete. 
The terms of the Treaty of Paris (1763) were dictated 
largely upon the basis of European politics. (1) England 



The French in America 



125 



returned to France some of her West Indian islands which 
had been captured. (2) All the former French possessions 
on the continent east of the Mississippi were ceded to Eng- 
land. (3) France ceded her claims west of the Mississippi* 
to Spain. (4) England had been at war with Spain also, 

and had captured 



The Treaty 
of Paris, 
1763. 




European Possessions by Treaty of Paris 



INIanila and Havana. 
These were restored, 
and, in exchange, 
England received 
Florida. 

The consequences Results of 
of this war were mo- ^AmeTa!" 
mentous. On its 
American side, it de- 
termined the possi- 
bility of westward 
expansion for the 
English people, with 
the ideas and insti- 
tutions that are fun- 
damental in the 
United States of to- 



day. In its immediate effects the war gave military train- 
ing to the colonists; it gave thern self-confidence; and of 
the British troops and officers they acquired accurate ideas 
that were to be of service in years not distant. The col- 
onists also had some experience in cooperative efforts 
against a common enemy. Finally, it was not unobserved 
at the time that the banishment of the French power from 
America removed the necessity for colonial dependence 
upon the British Government, a necessity which had 
hitherto been distinctlv felt. 



* The island of Orleans, including the city, went with the western part 
to Spain. Thus France lost every foot of her colonial empire on the 
continent; but she retained fishing rights in Newfoundland waters and 
two small islands (St. Pierre and Miquelon), south of Newfoundland. 



126 American History 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. Parkman's Pioneers of France in the New World. Cham- 
plain's early life and voyages, 236-242. Settlements in Acadia, 
243-275. FoundinjT of Quebec, 324-338. Expedition of 1609 
against Iroquois, 339-352. Second expedition against Iroquois, 
399-416 (map). Champlain's character and work, 446-454. 

2. Do you agree with Drake (The Making of the Great West, 
p. 72) that Champlain's Iroquois policy was "consummate 
folly"? 

3. Fiske, New France and New England. Champlain's policy, 
58-71. Summary of his work, S9-9.3. La Salle, 109-132. Fur 
traders and missionaries, 98-109. 

4. The later French explorers. Thwaites, The Colonies, 246- 
249. Drake, Making of the Great West, 7.5-85. Fiske, Dis- 
covery of America, II, 528-540. 

5. Parkman, Old Regime in Canada. Colbert and his system, 
232-237. Talon's influence, 268-275. 

6. Parkman, Frontenac. His character and policy, 17-18; 
22-24; 389-396. 

7. Nicolet. Parkman's La Salle, chaps. 23, 24. Thwaites, 
Story of W'isconsin, 19-35. 

8. Marquette and Joliet. Parkman's La Salle, 48-78. Drake, 
Making of the Great West, 85-92. Hart, Contemporaries, I, 
No. 42. Thwaites, Father Marquette — an interesting biog- 
raphy. 

9. Parkman, The Jesuits (from a Protestant point of view), 
chaps. 3, 4, 16, 20. The success of the Jesuits, 317-320; 446- 
449. Parkman's La Salle, 28-38; 92-94. 

10. Conditions and events preceding the French and Indian 
wars. Fiske, New France and New England, 258-283. Also, 
French colonial policy, 100-109. 

11. Parkman, Old Regime. Canadian feudalism, 304—315. 
Colonial government, 320-.329; 337-344; 348-351. Trade re- 
strictions, 352-361; 366-379. Life in the colony, 434-460. 

12. Royal measures fostering New France, Hart, Contempo- 
raries, I, No. 41. The fur trade, 320-324; 327-330. 

13. Make a comparison of the French and the English colonies 
under the following heads: — 1. Situation of each, with reasons. 
2. The people, numbers, motives, classes. 3. Industries. 
4. Government. 5. Relations with the mother country. 6. Re- 



The French in America 127 

lations with Indians. 7. Military strength. Read on this topic, 
Parknian's works, Old Regime, 4()1-4(W. Frontenae, 414-417. 
Half Century of Conflict, II, 63-77. :\Iontcalm and Wolfe, I, 
20-35. Also, Sloane, French War and Revolution, 22-27; 33-37. 
Greene, Provincial America, 114-118. 

14. Parkman, Half Century of Conflict, I. The attack on New 
England towns, chaps. 3, 4. French policy, 262-267; 2SS-290. 

1.5. The capture of Louisburg. Harper's Magazine, 108: 
209-218 (map). Parkman, Half Century of Conflict, II, chaps. 
18, 19, 20 (maps, frontispiece, and p. 113). Hart, Contempo- 
raries, II, No. 120. Fiske, New France and New England, 249- 
257 (map). 

16. Are the French to-day a successful colonizing nation? 

17. Braddock's defeat. SlOane, French War and Revolution. 
40-45. Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, I, chap. 7. Hart, 
Contemporaries, II, No. 127. Bancroft, II, 420-425. Fiske, 
New France and New England, 283-293. 

18. The Albany Congress and Franklin's plan. Hart, Con- 
temporaries, II, No. 125. Bancroft, I, 385-388. James and 
Sanford, Government in State and Nation, 114. Old South 
Leaflets, No. 9. 

19. William Pitt, the Great Commoner. Green, History of 
England, 748-753. Gardiner, 746-753. 

20. The capture of Quebec. Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, 
chaps. 25, 27, 28. Hart, Contemporaries, II, No. 129. Ban- 
croft, II, 503-512. Fiske, New France and New England, 344— 
359 (map). Kendall, Source Book of English History, 345-349. 
Colby, Selections from the Sources of English History, 247-250. 

21. The Treaty of Paris, Sloane, French War and Revolu- 
tion, chap. 9. 

22. The people and government of New France. Thwaites, 
France in America, chap. 8. The frontiersmen of the English 
colonies, ibid, 145-148. 

23. Historical fiction. Catherwood, The Romance of Bol- 
lard. The Story of Tonty. Doyle, The Refugees. Thackeray, 
The Virginians'. Parker, The Seats of the Mighty (Fall of 
Quebec). 

24. Source material, James and INIann, Readings in Ameri- 
can history, chap. 8. 



CHAPTER IX 

THE ENGLISH COLONIES IN THE EIGHTEENTH 
CENTURY 



Growth in 
population. 



Between the years 1(590 and 
grew in population from about 



The 

German 
immi- 
grants. 



7()0 the English colonies 
2-4r),000 to 1,()00,000. 
Here, as in all new countries, -where conditions of life arc 
easy, the natural increase was large; and there was much 
immigration. In New England, non-English immigrants 
were not welcomed, though there were some Huguenots in 
the cities and Scotch-Irish in New Hampshire. Eamilies 
were large, and there was little migration out of New 
England. In the middle colonies, this period saw a great 
influx of non-English immigrants. 

The circumstances under which the Huguenots and the 
Germans left Europe have been mentioned (pp. <S2, 117). 
Added to these European conditions were the inducements 
presented by the New World: free land, free thought, and 
the certainty of better economic conditions for both the 
immigrant and his children. These attractions were ad- 
vertised by Pennsylvania and by the agents of land com- 
panies. The English Government sent to America sev- 
eral thousand Germans who had fled to that country. 
The immigrants in America also advertised the attractions 
of this country most effectively in correspondence with 
their friends and relatives at home. While some of the 
Germans settled in Xew^ York and the Carolinas, the great- 
est number went to Pennsylvania, where they found more 
liberal conditions. Here they made homes on the frontier, 
and became a substantial and very conservative element 
of the population. 

128 



English Colonies in the Eighteenth Century 129 



The Scotch- Irish immigrants constituted another im- The 

Scot( 
Irish. 



portant element in the colonies. The settlement of north- ^^°^'^^- 
eastern Ireland bv Scotch and English peasants in the reigns 
of Elizabeth and James* accounts for this alien Protestant 
element in that country. They were mainly Presbyterians, 
and oppressive laws aimed at Catholics often bore hard 
upon them also. There was economic oppression be- 
sides — restraints put upon their industries and exorbitant 
rents exacted by landlords. Scotch-Irish immigration be- 
gan early in the eighteenth century and continued during 
the entire period now under review. f Pennsylvania, Vir- 
ginia, and the Carol inas were the favorite destinations of 
these immigrants. They pushed to the western frontier, 
among the foot-hills of the Alleghanies and into the valleys 
that lie between the parallel mountain ranges. Often 
they moved northward or southward in these valleys, and 
they were among the first to cross the mountains into the 
fertile lands that lay invitingly beyond. 

The Germans and the Scotch-Irish constituted the largest 
non-English element in the colonies. Smaller numbers of 
Swiss, Welsh, Highland Scotch, and Irish came to various 
colonies. 

Great numbers of these immigrants came as servants un- The 
der indenture contracts (see pp. 43-44) ; some were convicts [J^'pfopilg 
and some were given free land by the English Government, in America. 
In the colonies where they settled, though sometimes re- 
stricted from full political privileges, the non-English im- 
migrants finally acquired naturalization. Thus the ming- 
ling of peoples of different stocks, which is one of the funda- 
mental facts in American history, became marked in the 
first half of the eighteenth century. 

Industrially, this period was one of substantial growth. 
The beginnings of colonial industries have been traced 
(pp. 91-98). The agriculture of the Southern colonies 

* See Gardiner's History of England, 452, 475. 484. 
t One authority estimates the number at 12,000 yearly between 1729 
and 1750 



130 



American Hisiory 



Industrial 
growth and 
changes 
in tile 
South. 



Growth of 

varied 

iadustries. 



Commer- 
cial ex- 
pansion. 



became more systematic; larger crops were raised and 
more produce was exported. In the Carolinas rice was the 
principal product, and toward 1750 indigo became im- 
portant. These were exported, together with naval stores 
and lumber. In Virginia and South Carolina the tendency 
toward the growth of large estates continued, while in 

North Carolina small 
farms were the rule. 
Virginia and jVIary- 
land continued to be 
the great tobacco- 
producing colonies. 
The non-English 
settlers on the bor- 
ders of all the South- 
ern colonies lived on 
small farms, which 
they worked them- 
selves, and raised 
chiefly grains, cattle, 
and horses. 

In the middle col- 
onies industries be- 
/aried. Here and in New England manufactur- 
ing grew to greater importance. Coarse woollens, chiefly 
worn by the colonists, were made in the homes; much linen 
was manufactured. Iron began to be an important article 
of manufacture in the middle colonies. Pottery, glassware, 
hats, rope, furniture, and shoes were made in crude forms 
and on a small scale. The finer materials and articles 
were still imported from Europe. 

In New England fishing and ship-building grew to great 
importance during the eighteenth century, and these in- 
dustries in turn stimulated commerce. When a period of 
jieace (1713-1744) ensued after the series of wars between 
England and France, the seas became safer and English 
capital was invested in colonial bottoms. At this time the 




A Colonial Fire Engiii 



came more 



aiKl 
imiiorts. 



English Colonics in the Eiijhfccnih Coifnri/ 131 

fast-sailing schooner was brought to perfection. A race 
of sturdy and skilful seamen was bred in the cod and 
mackerel fisheries of t!ie Atlantic coast, while the venture- 
some quest for whales carried New Englanders from Arctic 
to Antarctic waters. 

The forests of New England, New York, and Pennsyl- i:xport.s 
vania yielded timber for siiips, which became an important 
article of export. From the middle colonies were siiip{)ed 
grains, meats, furs, and lumber; from New England, fish, 
horses, meats, clapboards, and staves. For the greater 
amount of these products England offered but a small 
market, since her industries yielded similar pnjducts. 
The countries of southern Europe and the West Indies 
were the chief markets for tlie e.\-p(M-ts mentioned. From 
Spain and France in return came wines, oil, silk goods, and 
products of the East — sugar, coft^ee, and drugs. IMolasses 
and sugar were imported from the West Indies. From 
this mola.sses rum was mamifactured in large cjuantities 
in New England. 

Besides being a common beverago and a staple article in the Tlie slave 
Indian trade, rum was exported. Traders who includetl it as a trade, 
part of their cargoes generally touchetl at an English or a West 
Indian port on their way to Africa. There cloth and trinkets, 
together with the rum, sufficed to secure a cargo of slaves. Then 
began the horrible "middle passage" back to America in which 
often a large proportion of the wretched negroes died. Many 
were disposed of in West Indian ports, whence more sugar and 
molasses were taken. During colonial times no i)rotest seems 
to have arisen against the inhumanity and wickedness of this 
traffic. 

Manufactures were purchased in large quantities from Thebai- 
England, thus throwing the balance of tra(k> against the 1^^^^°^ 
colonists. Since the balance with the West Indies was in 
their favor, much French and Spanish coin, of gold and 
silver, came thence in payment. This was in turn mainly 
shipped to England in settlement of the balance due there. 

Little hard money remained in the colonies, and there were no Paper 
precious metals produced from which to coin it. Hence arose money. 



132 



American Ilisfori/ 



a demand for paper money, a demand to which all the colonial 
governments yielded, with unfortunate consequences. Its 
fluctuating value resulted in loss to many and benefited only 
speculators. Colonial governors were instructed by the home 
government to p r o - 
hibit such issues. 

During the Euro- 
pean wars of these 
times privateering was 
allowed, and upon the 
cessation of a war the 
privateer often turned 
pirate. The laxity of 
moral ideas upon this 
subject allowed the pi- 
rates to conduct, moi ( 
or less openly, a proht 
able trade in their 
stolen goods. The in- 
lets of the Carolina 
coasts and of the 'W est 
Indies furnished ton 
venient shelters. \ ig- 
orous efforts, howe\er 
were made to suppu ss 
piracy. 

Besides beiiif; a 
source of great profit 
to the colonists, their 

foreign commerce brought them into touch witli the peo- 
ples of other lands. This, and the mingling of the Eng- 
lish with the foreign elements of colonial population, 
broadened their ^'ision and compelled the enlargement of 
their ideas. Partly for this reason, the strictness and sever- 
ity of life were somewhat relaxed in the eighteenth century. 
There was a greater degree of comfort among the common 
people and of luxury among the rich. As the struggle 
for existence became easier there was more time for 
refinement, as well as for indulgence. In religious mat- 
ters, especially in New England, the church ceased to 
prescribe minute rules of conduct and the ministry lost its 




English Colo)iies in the Eighteenth Century 133 

preeminent influence. The professions of law and med- 
icine became more respectable and had greater influence. 

A revival of religion, known as the "great awakening," Religion 
that had a profound influence, began in New England, education. 
in 1734, and lasted ten years. In this movement, which 
aff'ected all the colonies, Jonathan Edwards and George 
Whitefield were the leaders. In educational matters, while 
the spread of common schools was slow, a number of col- 
leges were founded: Yale, 1701; Princeton, 1746; King's 
(now Columbia rni\ersity), 1754; the University of 
Pennsylvania, 1755; and Brown, 1764. Newspapers were 
permanently established, the Boston News Letter (1704) 
being the first. 

In the constitution of their governments the colonies colonial 
may be classified into three groups: royal, proprietary, and n^gnts"' 
republican. This classification is based upon the three 
different methods by which their go\ernors obtained office; 
i. €., by royal commission, by appointment of the pro- 
prietor, and by popular election. In the first group there 
were, in 1690, New Hampshire, ^Massachusetts, New York, 
^Maryland (temporarily), and Virginia; in the second, Penn- 
sylvania, Delaware, New Jersey, and the Carolinas. Of the 
latter group only the first two remained proprietary, the rest 
becoming royal, while Maryland was restored to the Balti- 
more family. Rhode Island and Connecticut alone re- 
tained their elective governors, and so may be classed as 
republican. With them, the colonial charters Avere the 
basis for the governor's authority; in the proprietary col- 
onies, the royal charter specified the powers of the governor; 
while in the royal colonies the commission of the governor 
and the instructions issued by the home government from 
time to time outlined his powers. 

In the royal and proprietary colonies the governor was Governor 
assisted and advised by a council, the members of which council, 
(except in INIassachusetts) were appointed by the crown 
or by the proprietor, usually upon the governor's recom- 
mendation. The council was thus a part of the admin- 



134 



American Ilisfon/ 



istrative branch of government; it had also jii(Hcial func- 
tions, in certain cases, sitting as a court of appeals; finally, 
it participated in legislative work, being (in every colony 
except Pennsylvania) the upjier house of the colonial leg- 
islature. It was natural that the members of the council 
should have been, generally speaking, in sympathy ^^ith 
the governor. With him they represented the external au- 
thority of government; they were favorable to the policy of 
control of which we have seen the beginnings (p. S9), and 
which was destined to develop in the eighteenth century. 

The popular element in the colonial governments, rep- 
resenting the spirit of self-government, and often oj)posing 
the policy of control, was found in the representative as- 
semblies which were elected in the various colonies. The 
origin of these assemblies has been traced, and the strug- 
gles by which they acquired legislative powers, that of 
taxation, especially, have been noted. In the enactment 
of laws the assemblies were not absolute; for the council 
(except in Pennsylvania) must also vote its consent, and 
the royal and proprietary governors had the power of 
approving or vetoing bills. Finally, the crown exercised 
the right of veto over laws which were disapproved by 
its advisers. 

The policy of external control found vigorous ex-jjression 
in the early years of the reign of William and 'Slavy (1G89- 
1702). Colonial governors urged upon the home govern- 
ment a firmer and more uniform system of colonial gov- 
ernment, with a view especially to the enforcement of the 
navigation laws and to better measures of military action 
against the French. In 1696, a new body, known as the 
"Board of Trade," consisting of members of the Privy 
Council and other men interested in the commercial rela- 
tions of England, was established as the central adminis- 
trative body in colonial affairs. Its powers were advisory, 
but it exercised considerable influence over the legislation 
of Parliament and over the royal instructions issued to 
colonial governors. An effort was made to bring the 



gation 
acts. 



English Colonies in the Eighteenth Century 135 

governors to a greater sense of responsibility in the enforce- 
ment of laws by the reqnirement of a new and stricter oath 
of office. For the better enforcement of the navigation 
laws, courts of admiralty were set up in the colonies. 
These courts acting without juries and being thus beyond 
the influence of local sympathies, aroused the enmity of 
the colonists. 

Xew laws of trade were enacted by Parliament: (1) Col- New navi 
onial trade in wool and woollen goods was prohibited, and 
consequently extensive woollen manufacture was impossible. 
This was a measure protective of British manufactures, and 
later similar protection was extended to hats (1732) and 
to all iron manufactures (1750) beyond the stage of pig 
and bar iron. (2) Parliament extended the list of enumer- 
ated articles (see p. 85), that could be shipped to England 
only, by the inclusion of rice, naval stores, and ship timber. 
As an offset to the last provision a bounty was granted on 
naval stores exported to England, which was intended to 
encourage their production. (3) The molasses act of 
1733 was intended to foster the production of sugar in 
the British West Indies; it imposed duties so high as to 
be prohibitive upon all sugar and molasses imported from 
the French and the Spanish islands. Since the latter were 
the main source of supply for these products, and since 
an important branch of colonial trade was based upon 
them (p. 131), the observance of this act would have 
been a serious burden. It was practically a dead letter. 

On the side of administrative control, the history of this 
period shows great activity on the part of the Board of Recom- 
Trade in their investigation of colonial conditions and their J^^^g^foj. 
recommendations for bringing the colonial governments imperial 
into closer conformity with the home go\ernment. Had ^°'^^''°'- 
they been better supported by the ministry, imperial con- 
trol would have been much more thorough, and colonial 
liberties would have sufTered accordingly. One line of 
action recommended by the Board was the extinction of 
the proprietary grants and of the Rhode Island and Con- 



13G 



jvmerican 



Histor 



necticut charters. This policy, however, vas not vigor- 
ously pursued. The Jerseys became royal in 1702, and 
later the Carolinas (1729). Georgia, originally proprietary, 
was made royal (1754). But in all these cases popular 
discontent with the proprietary government was an active 
cause in the change. 

The central point of conflict in the oj^jiosing govern- 
mental tendencies of this period is found in the disj)ut('.s 
that arose between colonial governors and assemblies. 
These authorities engaged in controversies that may be 
grouped into three cla.sscs: (1) The a.sseinblies en- 
deavored to control the making of representative districts; 
to secure the right of dissolving their own sessions inde- 
pendently of the governor's will; to provide for frequent 
elections; to free themselves from the governor's influence 
in the election of their speakers; and to judge of the validity 
of election of their own members. 

(2) Many bitter controversies arose over the appoint- 
ment of colonial officers, especially treasurers; also, over 
the question of salaries, that of the governor in particular. 
The governors followed instructions from the home gov- 
ernment in their eflForts to secure permanent salaries; the 
assemblies, on the other hand, insisted upon annual grants 
of salaries. The former policy would render the governor 
more independent of the a.ssembly in his action; the latter 
would give the assembly a very effective means of control- 
ling the governor, through their refusal to grant a salary 
until he conformed to some popular demand. The contro- 
versy over this matter raged in New York, ^Massachusetts, 
South Carolina, and Pennsylvania, but it was quite uni- 
formly settled in favor of the assemblies, so that it was said 
that every governor had two masters: "one who gives 
him his commission, and one who gives him his pay." 

(3) In their efforts to exercise control over public money, 
the colonists proved to be worthy descendants of their 
English ancestors. The assemblies claimed the same 
rights in this respect as the House of Commons, even in 



,'<y, y. , .i*f,T(«»*»R. 



m^'.r;jgmmmim*m/K^^ 



J C A T E C H I S h., >&c 



^Q_ U E S T I O N. 

ftrUATh ihi chief end cf a modern pioifmciai Gr 
*^ An-'^v.'ER. a mndrn provincial Goiurnorh i:h 
ih; ml'.iih-. thac hf may be (o'Jtxd vjor t hy to t;' 
rc-^ t) .'. •■t.'f" f'r.y thmugVi his favour. 

Q_ fVooi rule ka( the mitiiftcr givn in dlr^r: .;, 
vcruor?, how they w,?v ferve /'^iw CKd enjjy their pia\\ 

A. Mi^ifterial in.'h'Uhanu WJuch are contain.- ^ 
daf! ^u\ coi.i-nandi^ and which a nid'in provincir.' 
ubfUuie!-/ to cl'.u src the etily rules to Afcct him h 
.'■,;■. '■,'■ .'"' f'»j'>y i i-" tinficn. 

V' /' ^ vr/ the 'd;drines !.■ 
,'' r ; "- ' : • t.-jiJht a r'l.- 




, rr fcrve 
'cial Go- 



:.-vc :ki 



Incial Covcrnr.r 



crdci 



CI he 



Q^ //'>-,.' is a mlnifiw f ^ . 

/i'. A w/T/yftfr isa creature uiip;. ..-..v, but iatc'-y (een 

■-. Engl^'id, tnfalHblc, abfu:ute, uncoRUc.u';iVo ■ C f -A-ildom, which none 
. ar!> ca I m qjeSton : Of power which none crrn rcfift*. Oi boliticis fuch 

as fiiiis hi5 ihtlon : Of jui^ice, i^oodncfi and tn^r!- ,, .. ,",.' ,.. ,..,i., ,-,-..:. 

/. Tli.'v h-/o. .---c' .-r:.^.:ifVf:-^c r- -^■' 



r'. !'■•,'_.•■.■:.■ or a rc'vl-'^-'ii ccrti^in ' v /, r 
/'•;..?<..>;.., :.nif J t'oith accoi ding to the council of hii c. 

IMS cwn /,.>^-;-.-. rr- ''■'!•'■••' r'-'V"' '" v^;'> ^c^oi^ 

A 111 the woiks o; c •«<,,'.,.■■; a.iJ Pr6\jiJ^ni^, 



A Satire oa lloyal Govenmieut 



138 



American Ili.slurij 



direct contradiction to roval instructions sent to jrovemors. 
They resisted the efforts of councils to share in the pas- 
sage of taxation bills; they insisted that appropriations 
should be made for specific purposes, instead of granting 
lump sums to be disbursed at the governor's discretion. 
All efforts of the governors to collect fees or payments as 
substitutes for taxation were resisted. 

In these contests between external authority, as embodied 
in the governors, and popular will, as represented in the 
assemblies, the popular side was on the whole successful. 
So that the most striking feature of colonial government 
during this period is not the extension of imperial control, 
but the firm assertion of colonial rights. The colonists 
were encouraged in this assertion by a growing feeling of 
economic independence, as industries became more stable; 
by a growing feeling of conmion interests, as intercom- 
munication became easier and the wars with the French 
com])cllcd them to act in unison; and by a growing con- 
tempt for the authority of the home government, as they 
continued succes.sfully to evade the navigation laws and 
as they won victories in their contests with the colonial 
governors. 

The issue between imperial control and local self- 
government was not decided in this period. While tiicre 
came about no formal understanding upon the subject, 
there was yet a practical com]iromise, which, while it left 
some irritation in the minds of the colonists, was yet gen- 
erally satisfactory, both to them and to the home govern- 
ment. Had this condition been suffered to continue, 
colonial loyalty to the mother country would not have been 
shaken. It remained for the British Ciovernment to under- 
mine the foundations of colonial allegiance by the adop- 
tion of "a new policy," to be discussed in a later chapter. 



It was almost precisely fifty years after the founding of 
Pennsylvania that the last of the thirteen English colonies 



E)i(jli,s/i Colon ica in flic Eighfceiiih Cciifiirtj 139 

of the Atlantic coast was established. The Carollnas oc- Reasons 
cupied territory that was claimed by Spain, and the de- colony, 
sirability of preventing Spanish aggression led to the 
placing of forts in the region that is now Georgia. These 
were, however, but temporary. Here also there was com- 
petition for Indian trade between the English colonists 
and the French traders of the Gulf coast. The English 
Government, therefore, gladly granted the country be- 
tween the Savannah and the Altamaha rivers to a com- 
pany of twenty or more prominent gentlemen who pro- 
posed founding a colony that would serve as an outpost 
guaranteeing English possession and trade. A leading 
motive in the undertaking, and the one upon which it was " 
initiated, was philanthropic. George Oglethorpe was an 
officer in the English army, a member of Parliament, and 
a man of much ability and of good reputation. Having 
served upon a Parliamentary committee investigating Eng- 
lish prisons, he was moved to undertake the relief of worthy 
debtors then in confinement by aiding them to remove to 
America. Under its charter, the company, known as "The 
Trustees," could make no profit from the enterprise, but 
collected funds by private subscription and was aided by 
Parliamentary grants. Settlers were provided with arms, 
and with tools and food sufficient to start them in their new 
life. Roman Catholics were excluded from the colony. 

Savannah was founded under Oglethorpe's personal 
supervision in 1733. Other poor and worthy persons be- 
sides imprisoned debtors were brought to the colony, and 
many Germans and Scotch Highlanders also received as- 
sistance. The latter were settled on the southern border 
of the colony as a defensive force.* Each family was 
given fifty acres of land. 

The Trustees, endeavoring to establish a model com- Policy of 
munity, forbade (1) the sale of intoxicating liquors; (2) the 

* "Georgia, more nearly than any of the North American provinces, 
approximates the Roman conception of a military colony planted for the 
defence of the empire." Greene, Provincial America, 260. 



settlement. 



140 Amcriccni Ilislori/ 

use of slaves, and (3) the alienation of land, except to male 
heirs. Within a few years complaints arose against these 
restrictions. They served to keep away other colonists, 
and, silk and gra])e production having proved unjirofitable, 
slaves seemed necessary, especially in the rice fields. The 
Trustees finally agreed to abolish the restrictions, and the 
colony then grew more rapidly. In 17G0, the population 
(10,000) wa.s becoming typically Southern in economic 
and social life. 

Once Oglethorpe led a military force against the Spanish 
in Florida, and later the S])anish unsuccessfully attacked 
the colony. In 1754 the Trustees surrendered the colony 
to the crown. Then there was established the t\']:)ical 
colonial government, with royal governor, council,, and 
elected assembly. 

Referenxes 

1. Life in Virginia. Fiske, Old Virginia, II, 28-44; 20.>-241. 
Hart, Contemporaries, I, 301-306; 235-238. Thwaites, The 
Colonies, chap. 5. 

2. New England Life. Lodge, English Colonies, 441^56. 
Thwaites, chap. 8. Earle, Customs and Fashions in Old New 
England. 

3. Make a comparison of the New England colonics with Vir- 
ginia on the following point.4: (1) Motives of settlers. (2) Meth- 
ods of settlement. (3) Industries. (4) Government. (5) In- 
fluence of religion. (6) Relations with Indians. In this con- 
nection, review chapter 7. 

4. Dutch life in New York. Fi.ske, Dutch and Quaker Colo- 
nies, II, 264-288. Thwaites, chap. 10. Lodge, 312-339. Hart, 
Contemporaries, II, 576-579. Earle, Colonial Days in Old 
New York. 

5. Quaker life. Hart, Contemporaries, II, 65-68. Fiske, 
Dutch and Quaker Colonies, II, 320-329. Lodge, 237-262. 

6. Colonial commerce. Thwaites, 103-106; 185-186; 226. 
Lodge, 409-411. Coman, Industrial History of United States, 
72-79. Greene, Provincial America, 283-291. 

7. The navigation laws. Fiske, Old Virginia, II, 45-53; 111- 



EiKjlLsJi Colonies lit the Eighteenth Centurij 141 

113. Thwaites, see Index. Coman, Industrial History of United 
States, 79-83. Bogart, Economic History of the United States, 
34-46. 

8. Colonial industries, Bogart, 49-60. Colonial farm imple- 
ments, 66, 68, 73. Greene, Provincial America, 270-282. 

9. Colonial governments. Fisher, Colonial Era, 60; 165-167; 
208-211. Thwaites, 53-63. Channing, The United States, 26- 
29; 33-38. Hart, Formation of the Union, .")-17. Wilson, The 
State, 449-469. 

10. Source material, James and INIann, Readings in Ameri- 
can History, chap. 9. 

11. Historical fiction. Cooke, The Virginian Comedians. 
Hawthorne, Twice-told Tales. Johnston, Audrey. 

12. Interesting and valuable are Earle, Child Life in Colonial 
Days, Home Life in Colonial Days, and Curious Punishments 
of Bygone Days. 



CHAPTER X 
CAUSES OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 



The navi<;iition laws have been noticed (pj). So, SO, 135) 
as an ever-present source of irritation between En<rlanci and 
her colonies. These laws were based upon an economic 
theory known as the "mercantile system." * This in- 
cluded the idea that colonies e.vut for the benefit of the 
parent .state; they were, indeed, to be protected and fostered 
by parental care, but in a conflict of economic interests the 
colonies were to be subordinate. For the benefit of Eng- 
lish merchants and ship owners, trade must be controlled 
by restrictive acts instead of being allowed to take its 
natural course. 

The laws regulating colonial manufactures illustrate an- 
other idea of the mercantile system; viz., that the manu- 
facturing processes are of greatest value in a country's 
industry, and consequently these must be confined to the 
mother country; while her colonies should furnish raw ma- 
terials and should purchase the manufactured products. 
From the standpoint of the colonists, on the other hand, 
competition with the merchants and manufacturers of Eng- 
land and free trade w^ith other countries was their best 
economic policy, and hence, they reasoned, it was their 
natural right. 

Some features of the navigation laws fostered colonial indus- 
tries. New England shipping received an impetus through the 
exclusion of foreign vessels from England's commerce. Bounties 
were paid in England upon the importation of indigo, naval 
stores, and timber from the colonies. Again, the sugar act of 

* .\dam Smith in his Wealth of Nations (1776) overthrew this 
theory, and laid the foundations for modern economic thought. 
142 



Caimc.-i of the American Revolution 143 

1733 was purposely left a tlead letter, and much of the most profit- 
ible export trade was under no restriction whatever. In judg- 
ng the navigation acts we should remember that the same 
principles ruled in all European governments of that time. 
\ comparison of the Spanish (p. 24) and French (p. 118) re- 
strictive systems with English policy will readily show how much 
Tiore liberal was the last. 

The suppression of colonial manufactures (beyond the Theexecu- 
purelv home stage) was in the main succe.ssful; but in onlv 1'°";°!!/''' 

J . p . . , * na\ igaiion 

united sections oi the colonies was there any economic laws. 
orofit in extensive manufactures. Consequently, little dis- 
idvantage was suff(>red from this restriction. Concern- 
ng trade, the opposite was true. All the colonies depended 
jpon European manufactures, and seini-tropical products; 
md these could be paid for only by colonial exports. Hence 
he economic necessity of the situation made the violation 
)i the navigation acts profitable. It is estimated that in 
1760 nine-tenths of the colonial imports were smuggled, 
rhe cost of the English revenue system in the colonies was 
our times the amount collected. 

There was regular illicit trade with the West Indies, Mediter- 
anean ports, and Holland. The desire for profit was stronger 
han law or commercial honor; and when it appeared that the 
English Government was too careless, or too inefficient, to en- 
orce the laws it was no longer considered culpable to violate 
hem. The connivance of English officers made smuggling 
■asier. The landing of goods in obscure ports and the false 
leclarations as to the destination of vessels and their cargoes 
ire samples of the shrewd tricks that circumvented the laws. 

During the last French and Indian war there were in- The dis- 
tances of the seizure of smuggled goods by virtue of w^Us'oT'^ 
'writs of assistance" — a kind of search warrant. In assistance. 
.661, application was made by Charles Paxton, surveyor 
)f the port of Boston, to the Supreme Court of Massachu- 
etts for authority to use these writs. The right of the court 
o grant the authority was challenged by certain Boston 
nerchants, on the ground that they Avere general rather 
han special warrants. They were directed to any officer 
nto whose possession they might fall ; they authorized of- 



144 American Ilistorij 

ficers to enter and search any place and to seize any p;oods. 
merely upon suspicion, instead of particularly describing 
the places to be searched and the goods to be seized.* 
The court declared the writs to be legal, and they were sub- 
sequently used in the discovery of smuggled goods. 

The case was argued for the merchants by James Otis, who 
showed that their issuance would be a viohition of the "spirit of 
the British Constitution," and a reversal of the long historical 
movement toward individual liberty that occupies such a prom- 
inent i)lace in English history. He al.so declared with much fire 
and eloquence that the enforcement of the navigation laws meant 
the subjection of the colonists to obnoxious laws that they had 
no share in making. His speech had great influence upon the 
people; for it first clearly defined the issue of Parliamentary 
supremacy in the colonies. 

The head of the British ministry was now (17()3) George 
Grenville, an able man, but lacking in breadth of view, 
tact, and statesman-like (jualities. He determined that the 
inconsistencies in colonial relations and the inefficiency of 
the Government's control should cease. The three points 
of his "new policy" were: 

(1) The enforcement of the navigation laws. 

(2) The placing of a standing army in the colonies. 

(3) The partial support of this army by a colonial tax. 

This policy seemed to be justifietl by new conditions that 
followed the Seven Years' War. England's debt (£140,000,000) 
demanded the severest economy of resources. The danger from 
the French in America was not over. The years 17();^-17G4 saw 
Pontiac's rebellion, when the frontier of the middle colonies was 
swept by war. At the same time Indian attacks threatenetl the 
frontiers of Georgia and the Carolinas. For efficient protection 
a standing army seemed necessary, and in Grenville's judgment 
the expense should be shared by the colonists. 

The sugar act of 1764 announced as one of its objects 
the raising of a revenue in the colonies. The terms of the 
molasses act of 1733 (see p. 135) were altered so that if 
the duties were enforced they would yield considerable 

* Compare Amendment IV of the United States Constitution and a cor- 
responding clause of your State Constitution. 



Causes of the American Revolution 145 ' 

revenue. High duties were levied on other imports. The 
enforcement of the sugar act, said the New Englanders, 
would seriously injure, if not absolutely ruin, the West 
Indian trade and also the fishing industry that depended 
upon it. There now came a storm of protests from colo- 
nial assemblies and their agents in England. 

Such was the ominous situation into which Grenville The 
now introduced a most powerful stimulant of discon- i76j'P'^^^' 
tent— the proposition for a stamp ta.x to be levied in 
America. 

Calling together the colonial agents in London (1764), Gren- 
ville announced his purpose of raising one-third of the expense 
necessary for maintaining 10,000 troops in the colonies. As the 
agents could propose no satisfactory alternative, in the absence 
of a central authority in America, Grenville asserted that Parlia- 
ment must assume the responsibility and enact the least burden- 
some tax possible. The law (1765) required the use of stamps 
(or stamped paper) upon legal instruments (such as bonds, leases, 
etc.), and upon newspapers, bills of lading, playing cards, and 
almanacs. No part of the money was to be employed otherwise 
than in defraying the expense of the army in America. 

The smouldering fires of discontent in x^merica now burst 
into flame. Everwhere there were public meetings and 
demonstrations of disapproval. In the Virginia House of 
Burgesses Patrick Henry spoke out colonial sentiments in 
El burst of oratory. Resolutions drawn up by Henry were 
adopted, boldly claiming the sole right of taxation to 
reside in the colonial assemblies. These resolutions had 
3:reat influence in other colonies. Everywhere in the 
L'olonies there were organized patriotic clubs called 
'Sons of Liberty,"* and among these a lively corre- 
spondence ensued. Meanwhile, citizens entered into 
igreements not to buy English manufactures, and col- 
onial merchants threatened to pay no debts owed in 
England until the act was repealed. Riots occurred in 

* For the origin of the name, see Frothingham, Rise of the Republic, 
.75-183. Lamed, History for Ready ileference, United States, 1765. 
Bancroft, III, 110-112. 



Colonial 
opposition. 



146 



American History 



several colonies.* Stamp collectors were j)ublicly abused, 
stamps were destroyed, and the people utterly refused 
to use them. 

Meanwhile, upon the suggestion of the Massachusetts 
assembly, a general congress of the colonies met in New 
York on October 7, 1765. Delegates were present from 




Benjamin Franklin 

From a medallion by Jean Martin Renand 

nine colonies; among them were James Otis, Christopher 
Gadsden (South Carolina), John Dickinson (Pennsyl- 

* The most notable riot resulted in the destruction of Lieutenant- 
Governor Hutchinson's house in Boston. This gentleman, whose real 
character and motives have until recent j-ears been misunderstood, was 
opposed to the Parliamentary policy, but saw no alternative to its en- 
forcement. He incurred the bitterest enmity of the popular leaders, 
among whom were James Otis and Samuel Adams. 



Causes of fhr American Revolution 147 

sania), and I'liilip Livino;ston (Xew York). Thouo;li not 
unanimous in opinion, the Congress agreed upon a Declara- 
tion of Rights, and Addresses to the King and both Houses 
3f Parliament. Their Declaration breathes at once the 
spirit of loyalty to the King and Parliament and firm ad- 
herence to the principle, "no taxation without representa- 
tion." Their rights were declared to be those of natural- 
born citizens of Great Britain. The importance of this 
Congress in forming public opinion and fostering the spirit 
of united action among the thirteen colonies cannot be 
overestimated. 

Upon the grounds of expediency the Stamp Act was re- The repeal 
pealed in 1766. The following reasons account for this: g^ampAct. 
(1) There had been a change of ministry; the Whigs, 
under Rockingham, were disposed toward a more lenient 
colonial policy and were anxious to obtain the favor of 
the mercantile classes. (2) In his testimony before the 
House of Commons, Benjamin Franklin pointed out the 
fact that by persisting in their opposition the colonies 
could ruin British trade and build up manufactures for 
themselves. (3) English merchants and manufacturers, 
already feeling the evil effects of colonial anger, deluged 
Parliament with petitions for the repeal. 

The colonial denial of Parliament's right to levy this tax was 
explained by Franklin, who drew the distinction between ex- 
ternal and internal taxes. He said: "The authority of Parlia- 
ment was allowed to be valid in all laws, except such as should 
lay internal taxes. It was never disputed in laying duties to 
regulate commerce." 

Some members of Parliament rested the right of colonial taxa- The theory 
tion upon the theory of "virtual representation," thus stated in of virtual 
the words of Lord Mansfield: "A member of Parliament, chosen [^P^^^f"" 
from any borough, represents not only the constituents and inhab- 
itants of that particular place, but . . . all the other commons of 
this land, and the inhabitants of all the colonies and dominions 
of Great Britain." This can be understood only in the light of 
conditions then existing in England under the "rotten borough" 
system.* The theory was not accepted by Burke or by Pitt. 

* Gardiner, History of England, 713-714. 



148 America)! Hifitory 

The idea was certainly incomprehensible to Americans, among 
whom a very different system of representation had pjrown up. 
A "Declaratory Act" accompanied the repeal of the Stamp 
Act. It proclaimed the right of Parliament to make all laws to 
bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever. This act was over- 
looked in the midst of the general rejoicing that followed the 
repeal. 

The colonists now desired nothino; better than the restor- 
ation of the former relations with the British Government. 
But the latter adopted the disastrous policy that led to 
American independence. A new ministry was formed 
(July, 1766), with ^Yilliam Pitt, now Lord Chatham, at 
its head. But a prolonged illness made Chatham's leader- 
ship only nominal. The colonial policy was dictated in- 
stead by Charles Townshend, Chancellor of the Ex- 
chequer, "a brilliant statesman, but unscrupulous and 
unwise." (1) Townshend proposed to raise a revenue by 
duties upon paper, tea,* glass, lead, and painters' colors im- 
ported into the colonies. Since the purpose of the new 
duties was the raising of revenue, instead of the control of 
commerce, the colonists regarded them as "internal taxes," 
and so beyond the power of Parliament. (2) The enforce- 
ment of revenue laws was rendered difficult by the fact 
that judges and crown attorneys were paid by colonial 
legislatures and were consequently under their influence. 
Townshend proposed that these officers should be paid 
from the customs receipts. (3) It was very difficult to 
find a colonial jury that would convict smugglers for viola- 
tion of the trade laws. For the trial of such cases Town- 
shend proposed to establish courts of admiralty, in which 
there were no juries. (4) A Board of Commissioners was 
created, to be resident in the dblonies, who were to secure 
more efficient administration of the navigation and rev- 

* This duty was 3d. a pound. Under this law, when tea was imported 
into England, paying there a duty of about 25 per cent., and was sub- 
sequently exported to America, the duty was paid back to the exporter; 
and in this way it was expected that tea could be sold more cheaply in 
America than in England. Am. Hist. Re%iew, III, 266. 



Causes of the Atnrrica)! Revolution 



149 



enue laws. Such were the Towiishend acts passed by 
Parliament in 17(37. 

The colonial response to these acts was prompt and Measures 
decisive. (1) The non-importation agreements that fol- ancr/ifthe 

lowed the Stamp Act colonies. 
were renewed and with 
them were non-con- 
sumption agreements. 
(2) Colonial protests 
were voiced by the writ- 
ings of John Dickinson 
of Pennsylvania, who, 
in his "Farmers Let- 
ters," stated the colonial 
position so cogently that 
public opinion was uni- 
ted in opposition. (.3) 
A similar service was 
performed by Samuel 
Adams, from whose pen 
came a series of peti- 
tions directed to the 
King and other English 
officials, and a circular 
letter adopted by the general court of Massachusetts and 
directed to the other colonial assemblies. The British 
ministry regarded this circular letter as an insult, and 
ordered the general court to rescind it; but the proposal 
to rescind was resolutely voted down. As punishment for 
the adoption of certain resolutions (1769), the governor 
of Virginia dissolved the House of Burgesses. But its 
members met the following day and adopted a non- 
importation plan. 

The year 1708 saw the landing of two regiments of British 
British troops in Boston; there followed considerable Bostoa'." 
friction over the question of providing them with quarters. 
It is not strange that a settled state of animosity existed 




.lohr 

Fro 



Dickinsfin, of Pennsylvania 

1 a imintinK hy (_' W. Poale, 17ai 



150 



A incrican II is-fori/ 



between citizens and sokliers and that the ontconie should 
be a clash between the latter and the disorderly element of 
the city. The "Boston massacre" (March, 1770), re- 
sulting in the death of five persons and the woundino; of 
six, greatly inflamed 
popular passions. 
The more conserva- 
tive element, depre- 
cating the use of vio- 
lence, approved the 
position of John 
Adams and Josiah 
Quincy, Jr., who 
acted as lawyers for 
the soldiers in the 
trial that ensued. 
Through the influ- 
ence of Samuel 
Adams, Lieutenant- 
Governor Hutchin- 
son was obliged to 
remove the troops to 
Castle William in the 
harbor. 

Samuel Adams, the most influential leader in Massachusetts, 
displayed great skill as an agitator and a moulder of public opin- 
ion. He showed also remarkable ability as a writer, in stating 
the fundamental doctrines of colonial resistance. John Adams, 
his relative, was a young lawyer of brilliant qualities, but more 
conservative and better balanced than Samuel. His influence 
was destined to grow. 

Lord Xorth was now Prime Minister, and this meant the 
complete dominance of George IIL The motion was 
made in the House of Commons (1770) to repeal all the 
duties of the Townshend acts except that on tea. The 
vote on this policy was carried by the "King's friends" 
against the protests of Chatham and Grenville, who 
plainly saw its folly. 




Samuel Adams 



Causes of the American Revolution 151 

Lord North was "an easy-going, obstinate man, with a quick George III. 
wit and a sweet temper." George III was but twenty-two years 
of age when he came to the throne in 1760. He had persistently 
followed a course that was in accordance with his early training 
and the emphatic injunction of his mother, "George, be king!" 
To secure a dominant influence over Parliament he used the cor- 
rupt means tliat had flourished under the Old Whig supremacy. 
He then entered upon a bitter contest with the colonies and with 
the friends of liberal government in England. For the latter, 
too, the principle of adequate representation was at stake. 

George III and his ministers now issued "royal in- Goverment 
structions" to colonial governors ordering acts that were oniesfby'' 
often in violation of both colonial customs and charters, royal in- 
In Massachusetts and South Carolina, the assemblies were 
removed from the capitals to other places. In several 
colonies assemblies w^ere ordered dissolved; royal officials 
in Maryland and North Carolina demanded fees that were 
virtually taxes; in other instances local governments were 
interfered with by these instructions. The efforts of 
Virginia to check the importation of slaves were negatived. 
In these ways, the King was arbitrarily legislating for the 
colonies. 

When the sessions of the Massachusetts general court Origin of 
were interfered with, the Boston town meeting passed a mi«eesof 
resolution, conceived by Samuel Adams, resulting in the correspon- 

Cl6nCG. 

establishment of "committees of correspondence" in each 
of eighty or more tow^ns (1772). Thus was promoted unity 
of thought and feeling. In Virginia, a motion was carried 
in the House of Burgesses that a committee of correspond- 
ence be appointed to communicate with similar committees 
in other colonies. 

After the repeal of the duties (except that on tea), in The tea 
1770, there was a revival of trade between England and ^°"gy°' 
the colonies; but the colonists still smuggled tea and re- 
fused to patronize the British East India Company. In 
1773 the King determined to bring about the payment of 
duties on tea, and thus to secure a practical recognition 
of the I*arliamentary right to tax. The British East India 



152 



A incrica ii II i story 



Company was allowed to send several <argoes to the colonies 
under such conditions that the purchasers would pay still 
lower prices than before. The colonists refused to be 
caught in this trap; to them the duty was nothing, the 
principle everything. In New York and Philadcli)hia the 
cargoes were sent back; at Charleston, the agents were 
forced to resign. . At Boston, wliere the consignees stood 
ready to receive the tea, the people would not jx-rmit its 
landing. When the officers were about to force its landing 
it was suddenly dumped into the harbor (December, 1773). 
This incident aroused the extreme resentment of the 
British ministry, and under the King's direction Par- 
liament passed a series of acts in retaliation (1774). 
(1) The Boston port bill ordered the cessation of all coiii- 
merce at that port until the tea (valued at ;^18,000) should 
be paid for. (2) Another act revised the charter of Massa- 
chusetts, making members of the council appointees of 
the crown. The powers of the governor were greatly ex- 
tended; he was to appoint and remove judges and sheriffs, 
the latter having the selection of juries. (.3) Government 
officers charged with murder committed in the ])ei-form- 
ance of their duties might be taken out of the colonies for 
trial. (4) The quartering act gave complete authority to 
royal officers for the hiring of vacaiit buildings as quarters 
for the soldiers. 

The Quebec act was classed by the colonists with the four just 
mentioned; but it was not passed in the same spirit of retahation. 
It extended the bovmdary of Quebec to include the territory be- 
tween the Great Lakes and the Ohio River, and established the 
government for that province, providing full toleration of the 
Roman Catholic religion. 

S^^npathy for Boston, suffering under the port bill, 
stimulated the spirit of union.* From the ^Massachusetts 

* South Carolina and Maryland sent to Boston corn and rice. Salem 
and Marblehead offered free the use of their wharves and wafehouses. 
George Washington subscribed £,bO, and Israel Putnam drove a flock of 
sheep from Connecticut to Boston. Resolutions of sympathy in the 
Virginia house of burgesses led to its dissolution. 



>^SK^ 




mmm-'s^&^T^ 



Carpenters' Hall, Philadelphia 
Wliere the First Continental Congress met 



154 ^imcricaii Ifi.sfDri/ 

Assembly tlicrc cainc the jjropo.sal tor a Conffress to he 
held at Phila(lelj)hia, September 1, 1774. 

The First Continental Congress was the logical result 
of many preparatory steps in the direction of union. 
Fifty-five delegates represented all the colonies but Georgia. 
Its acts may be summarized as follows: (1) It passed reso- 
lutions of sympathy and encouragement for Boston and 
]Ma.ssachusetts. (2) A petition to the King asked re- 
moval of grievances, but claimed loyalty to England. 
(3) Addresses were issued to the people of England and 
Canada. (4) A remarkable paper, known as the "Decla- 
ration and Resolves" stated fully the grievances of the col- 
onists and their principles of government. (5) An " A.s.so- 
ciation" was adopted, binding the colonists not to import 
or consume British goods after December, 1774, and not to 
e\-])ort goods to England or her colonies after September, 
1775. As the enforcement of previous similar agreements 
had proved to be difficult. Congress advised the appoint- 
ment of committees in every locality who should recom- 
mend that the colonists should have no dealings with per- 
sons who would not observe this policy. Such committees 
were quite generally organized. These, together with the 
committees of correspondence and committees of safety, 
assumed governmental authority and constituted, in reality, 
revolutionary governments. 

Several propositions were introduced into Parliament 
looking toward reconciliation with the colonies. Chatham 
would have retained the Continental Congress as a per- 
manent body. Burke, in a speech that ranks foremost 
among the great argumentative orations of history, pleaded 
for the repeal of the oppressive acts. 

In Massachu.setts the militia was completely organized, 
"minute-men" were ready for instant mobilization, and 
stores of war materials had been collected. General 
Gage's effort to capture such stores at Lexington and Con- 
cord led to the memorable fight of the 19th of April, 1775. 
Its outcome, the complete discomfiture of the British regu- 



Cawscf of the American Reeolutiou 



15; 



lars, gave courage to the patriots and brought to the vi- 
cinity of Boston 1.5,000 troops from the New England 
colonies. Then began the siege of Boston, which lasted 
nearly a year. 




The Vicinity of Boston During the Siege, 1775-1776 

^leanwhile, the Continental Congress met again, May 
10, 177.5.* The necessity for military action being recog- 
nized, the army around Boston was adopted as the Con- 
tinental Army, and it was voted to raise companies of ex- 
pert riflemen in other colonies. On June 15, Colonel George 
Washington was elected Commander-in-Chief of the 
Continental Army. Congress then voted to issue $2,000,- 
000 in paper money. 

On June 17, 177.5, was fought the Battle of Bunker Hill. 
The intention of the Continental troops in fortifying Charles- 
town peninsula was to anticipate such a movement on the part 

* In the early hours of the same day, Ethan Allen, commanding a few 
soldiers from New England, surprised the British garrison at Fort Ti- 
conderoga and compelled its surrender. A few days later Crown Point 
was taken. 



The Sec- 
ond Conti- 
nental 
Congress, 
1775-1781. 



156 



American Ilisforij 



of the British and to command a portion of Boston harbor with 
their guns. The blunder of the Americans in fortifying Breed's 
instead of Bunker's hill was offset by the greater blunder of the 
British in making a front attack, instead of capturing the neck 
of the peninsula, where they might have cut off the Americans 
and compelled their surrender. The defeat, at first depressing, 
later gave confidence to the patriots, since the British lost heavily 
in men and officers and gained no ground. 

In July, the Continental Congress at Philadelphia, under 
pressure of its conservative members, adopted another 
petition to George III, and promulgated a statement of 
causes for taking up arms. The latter declared: "We 
mean not to dissolve that union which has so long and so 
happily subsisted between us, and which we sincerely wish 
to see restored. . . . We have not raised armies with am- 
bitious designs of separating from Great Britain, and 
establishing independent states." However much the rad- 
ical leaders may have desired independence, their follow- 
ers were comparatively few. FrankHn, Jay, Washington, 
and Madison all testify that in the summer of 1775 there 
was no general desire among the people for independence. 

But this situation was changed by the contemptuous atti- 
tude of King (jeorge in his refusal to receive either the 
petition of Congress or the messenger who carried it. In- 
stead, the King issued a Proclamation declaring his Ameri- 
can subjects to be rebels and threatening their punishment. 
Worse yet was his policy of hiring troops in Gennany. 
During the months that followed the,se events, the radical 
patriots had little difficulty in convincing a majority of the 
people that reconciliation was impossible and that indepen- 
dence was the logical outcome of the conflict. 

In the army besieging Boston, the lack of discipline and 
of supplies was the despair of the commander. Finally, 
Washington made a bold move in ordering the fortifica- 
tion of Dorchester Heights, commanding Boston harbor. 
The British hesitated to attack, and soon loaded the troops 
and 1,000 Tories aboard vessels and sailed away to Hali- 
fax (March, 1776). 



Causes of ihe American Revolution 



157 



A daring invasion of Canada was made during the winter of 
1 775-1 77G by armies under Richard Montgomery and Benedict 
Arnold. It failed, through mismanagement; the French people 
of Canada were alienated by ill-treatment at the hands of the 
colonial troops, and the province remained loyal. 



In various colonies royal 
111(1 j^rovineial congresses 



gov 



ernors were 



driven out Movement 
1 , 1 towards 

assumed governmental con- jndepen- 
trol. This was espe- dence. 
cially true in New Eng- 
land and the South, 
but in the middle col- 
onies the Tory party 
was at least equal to the 
patriot faction. Con- 
gress took decisive ac- 
tion on May 10, 1776, 
in advising that each 
colony should adopt its 
own permanent repub- 
lican government. This 
was the prelude to the 
motion of Richard 
Henry Lee made in 
Congress, June 7, that 
"these United Colonies 
are and of right ought 

to be, free and independent States." The motion was 

seconded by John Adams. 

On June 8th and 10th Lee's motion was debated, but further 
debate was postponed until the members could better learn the 
opinions of their constituents. June 11th a committee was 
chosen to draught a Declaration of Independence; its members 
were Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger 
Sherman and Robert Livingston. The Declaration was reported 
in Congress June 28th. On July 1st the great debate began; the 
leaders were John Adams for independence and John Dickinson 
against. Lee's motion was carried July 2d, and the Declaration 
was adopted July 4th. On August 
signed the Declaration. 




Richard Henry Li 

Paiuting by C. W 



B, of Virginia 

Peale, 1791 



The Dec- 
laration 
of Inde- 
pendence. 



2d, members of Congress 



158 



American History 



In the Declaration we have an abstract statement of 
human rights, derived by its author, Thomas Jefferson, 
from the great Enghsh philosophers, Hobbes and Locke. 
The list of grievances that follows is directed solely against 
the King; the authority of Parliament is ignored, except 
in the statement that the King "has combined with others," 
etc. The attitude of the Americans during the contro- 
versy is stated in the final paragraphs. 

Following the advice of Congress several State govern- 
ments were at once organized, New Hampshire, Massa- 
chusetts, South Carolina, and Virginia taking the necessary 
steps before the Declaration of Independence was adopted. 
Virginia framed a permanent constitution. During the 
war all of the States established new governments, Con- 
necticut and Rhode Island using their colonial charters as 
constitutions. 



About one-third of the entire population of the colonies were 
Tories, or Loyalists. In the middle colonies and North Carolina 
they were equal in number with the patriots; in South Carolina 
and Georgia they were in the majority. They were chiefly 
(1) the office holders and those who hoped for official appoint- 
ments; (2) the clergy of the Church of England; (3) the large 
land owners and the substantial business men, especially those 
engaged in commerce; and (4) the professional classes. "They 
were the prosperous and contented men, the men without a 
grievance." The Tories argued that the English theory of rep- 
resentation (p. 147) was valid, and that Parliament would not 
enact laws that were really oppressive if the colonies would admit 
the principle of the Declaratory Act of 1766. Wherever Tories and 
patriots were nearly equal, between them there was virtually 
civil war. Where the Tories were in the minority they suffered 
severely. Their houses were searched, their property destroyed 
or confiscated, and they were sometimes imprisoned. Probably 
100,000 were banished or died for their cause — a cause which, it 
has been said, was "in argument not a weak one, in sentiment 
not a base one, and in devotion and self-sacrifice not an unheroic 
one."* 



* Moses Coit Tyler, in Am. Hist. Review, I, 26. 
History of tlie American Revolution. 



See also 



Literary 



Causes of the American Reeoluiioii 



150 



What were the causes that led the Americans to declare Funda- 

their independence? (1) The inherent tendencies of the "^^ntai 

1 . 1 • • 1^ causes of 

people were in the direction ot self-goA'erninent, partly on secession 

account of their environment, which gave free play to in- [^nd^ ^"^" 




Room in Independence Hall in whieii the Declaration was Signed 

dividual initiative, and partly because they were the de- 
scendants of the radicals and dissenters who constituted 
a large part of the emigrants from Europe. (2) This 
tendency liad been fostered by a century and more of 
practical freedom from outward control. (3) The pro- 
posed policy of imperial control conflicted with their po- 
litical ideals and their economic interests. The appoint- 
ment of bishops of the Church of England in the colonies 
had also been considered by the home government. The 
majority of the colonists were not adherents of this church 
and regarded this step with apprehension. (4) The pol- 
icy of the British Government during the controversy had 



160 .liner lean lli.slori/ 

been weak and vacillating. (5) George III had domi- 
nated the government in its American poHcy; he had stub- 
bornly adhered to an impractical course, first from love of 
ruling and then from mere vanity. His will was the chief 
stumbling block in the way of reconciliation. (6) Back 
of all the external grievances of the colonists was the grow- 
ing consciousness that the Americans constituted a dis- 
tinct social body with conunon interests; these could be 
preserved intact, not by conservative yielding, but by 
further advancement into the fuller liberty of economic 
and political independence. 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. General accounts.* Higf^inson, Larger History, chap. 9. 
Lodge, English Colonies, chap. 23. Goldwin Smith, The United 
States, 00-89. Hart, Formation of the Union, 43-6S. Sloane, 
French War and Revolution, 116-178. 

2. The Navigation Laws. Coman, Industrial History of 
United States, 76-83; 87-92. Hart, Formation, etc., 44-50. 
Channing, The United States, 31-33; 41-44. Lecky, The Ameri- 
can Revolution, 41-48; 52-56. Sloane, French War, etc., 118- 
120; 124—125. Howard, Preliminaries of the Revolution, 47-67. 

3. The Writs of Assistance. Samuel Adams, Am. St. Series, 
39-45 (new ed. 130-145). Hart, Contemporaries, II, No. 131. 
MacDonald, Select Charters, 258-261. Otis's speech. American 
Orations, I, 11-17. 

4. The Stamp Act. («) For text, see MacDonald, Select Chart- 
ers, 281-305. Larned, Ready Reference (United States, 1765). 
Am. History Leaflets, No. 21. {b) Discussion. Fiske, Am. Rev- 
olution, I, 14r-18; 20-28. {c) Barre's Speech in Parliament. 
Bancroft, III, 97-101. Frothingham, Rise of the Republic, 175- 
176. (d) Resistance in the colonies. Bancroft, III, 134-141. 
Frothingham, 176-184. Hart, Contem., II, No. 139. (e) The 
Congress and Resolutions. MacDonald, 313-315. Hill, Liberty 
Documents, 155-157. Hart, Contem., II, No. 141. Frothing- 
ham, 184-189. (/) Franklin's examination. Hill, Liberty Docu- 
ments, 158-159. B. Franklin, Am. St. Series, 102-113 (new ed.). 

* In these books will be found excellent brief accounts of the topics 
given in the succeeding headings. 



Causes of the American Revolution 161 

Hart, Contem., II, 407-411. Larned, Ready Reference (U. S., 
1765). ig) The Repeal and Declaratory Act. Bancroft, III, 
174-184. Lecky, 85-97. Hart, Contem., II, No. 142. British 
Orations, I, 98-119. 

5. The English theory of representation. Lecky, 78-79. 
S.Adams, Am. St. Series, 78-89 (old ed.). Bancroft, III, 
190-194. British Orations, I, 159-162. 

6. George III and his ministers. Fiske, Am. Rev., I, 38-45. 
Hart, Contem., II, No. 130. Gardiner, Hist, of England, 765-769. 

7. The Townshend Acts and opposition. Lecky, 107-115. 
Fiske, I, 28-32. S. Adams, Am. St. Series, 98-108; 153-159 
(old ed.), 89-97, 141-164 (new ed.). 

8. Samuel Adams's influence. S. Adams, Am. St. Series, 
109-125 (old ed.), 107-136 (new ed.). 

9. The Massachu.setts circular letter. Fiske, I, 46-50. 
Frothingham, 211-215. 

10. The Farmer's Letters. Hart, Contem., II, No. 149. 
Bancroft, III, 264-205. 

11. British troops in Boston and the "Massacre." Fiske, I, 
57-59; 66-72. Lecky, 119-132. Bancroft, 368-378. S.Adams Am. 
St. Series. 160-182.' John Adams, Am. St. Series, 34-40 (old. ed.). 

12. Committees of correspondence. Fiske, I, 77-82. S. 
Adams, Am. St. Series, 196-206 (old ed.), 176-195 (new ed.). 
Bancroft, III, 419-423; 436-438. 

13. Boston "Tea Party." S. Adams, Am. St. Series, 243- 
256 (old ed.), 228-238 (new ed.). Hart, Contem., I, No. 152. 
Bancroft, III, 447-458. Old South Leaflets, No. 68. 

14. The Retaliatory Acts. Lecky, 164-173, Fiske, I, 93-99. 
S. Adams, Am. St. Series, 264-273 (old ed.), 260-270 (new ed.). 

15. The First Continental Congress. Frothingham, 359-364; 
370-377. Leckv, 173-184. Fiske, I, 100-111. John Adams, 
Am. St. Series* 50-81. Hart, Contem., II, No. 153. Mac- 
Donald, 356-367. 

16. The Declaration of Independence. Hart, Contem., II, 
537-539. Jefterson, Am. St. Series, 26-40 (old ed.). Bancroft, 
IV, 423-425. Frothingham, 412-417; 532-539. Lecky, 244- 
246. Hill, Liberty Documents, 188-203. Fiske, I, 180-197. 

17. The Tories. Lecky, 222-224; 255-260. 

18. Make a list of events that show the growth of the spirit of 
union among the colonists. 

19. James and Mann, Readings in American History, chap. 10. 



CHAPTER XI 

THE REVOLI'TIONARY WAR, 1770-1783 

Sir Henry Clixtox, in command of tlic British fleet, 
endeavored to gain friends for the British cause by ap- 
pearing in Southern waters. His attack on Charleston, 
Soutli CaroHna (Jime, 177G), had the o})posite effect. 
Fort ^louhrie was bravely defended. As a conse(|uence, 
the British made no further effort to gain a foothold in the 
South for more than two years. 

They next struck at the strategic centre of the Atlantic 
coast, viz., New York and the Hudson River, hoping to 
cut New England off from the ^liddle States. Thus, be- 
fore attacking New England more deliberately, they might 
gain a firm base west of the Hudson, and many reenforce- 
ments from the Tories. Washington, anticipating the Brit- 
ish plans, took measures to defend New York City with 
an army of 17,000 men. General Howe, with an army 
of nearly twice that number, and supported by Admiral 
Lord Howe, commanding a fleet, appeared in the harbor. 
General Howe's attempt to dislodge Washington from 
Brooklyn Heights was successful (battle of Long Island, 
August, 1776). The latter was obliged to retreat. This 
he did most skilfully, his escape being made possible by 
Howe's failure to send the fleet to East River and by his 
slowness in following up his victory after the battle. 

Washington, followed by Howe's army, retreated to a 

strong position at White Plains, and Howe did not dare 

make a serious effort to dislodge him. Forts Washington 

and Lee, guarding the Hudson, fell into British hands. 

162 



Tlic Rcvolutioiiarij War 



163 



At tlio former the Americans lost 3,000 troops and ciuan- Tiie re- 

tities of stores. Washington had ah-eady led a part of [[frough 

his army across the Hudson into New Jersey, and here New 
the British endeavored to bring about a decisive battle. 




The Campaign of 1776 

This would have been disastrous to the Americans, and 
so Washington's only policy was that of retreat.* He 
marched rapidly westwartl, through Newark, New Bruns- 
wick, and PrinJeton, constantly losing men by sickness and 
* This was made more necessary by the fact that General Charles Lee. 
stationed East of the Hudson in command of 7,000 men refused to obey 
Washington's order to join the latter's army. 



164 American History 

Discour- desertion, until he had no more than 3,000 under his com- 
hrthe"^^ mand. The British pursued, and gained reenforcements 
American from the deserters of Washington's army and from the 
' "">• Tories, who predominated in New Jersey. The patriot 

miUtia refused to turn out in defence of the country, and 
the people of New Jersey seemed to welcome the invaders. 
The terms of enlistment for many of Washington's troops 
were expiring, and these were rapidly going home. 
Victories Washington now crossed the Delaware River. Before the 

aii(7'^*^"^°" entire British army had advanced to Trenton, he executed 
Princeton, his famous manoeuvre of Christmas night, 1776, recrossing 
the Delaware and capturing 1,000 Hessians at Trenton. 
Again, a few days later, he made a skilful detour about 
Cornwallis's main army and defeated a part of it at Prince- 
ton. He then retired northward into the mountains at 
INIorristown Heights, where he was secure from attack. 
The British withdrew to New York. The effect of the 
victories at Trenton and Princeton was remarkable. 
Hope now inspired the patriots. Washington had shown 
himself to be a master of strategy. The jieople of New 
Jersey were disgusted with the conduct of the British troops 
in their midst, and the Middle States were now ready to 
sustain the American cause. 
Difficulties The American troops had suffered greatly from lack of 
food and clothing in the hard December campaign de- 
scribed above, and this fact deterred many men from en- 
listing. Others were drawn off by the greater attractions 
of the privateering service. Congress had authorized at- 
tacks on British commerce by privateers, and to those en- 
gaged in it, this practice had proved to be exceedingly 
profitable. A third cause that hindered the formation of 
an effective Continental Army was the policy of the States 
in offering larger bounties than Congress gave, for the en- 
listment of men in their respective militia organizations.* 
Nothing but the personal influence of Washington himself 

* Many of these militia companies disbanded when their States were not 
endangered by the enemy. 



m securuiK 
an army 



TJic Rcvolutioiiarif War 165 

held the Continental Army together. To maintain its 
nnmbers reeourse was had to more bounties and heavy 
penalties for desertion. 

The failure to feed, elothe, and ecjuip the army properly, Financial 
was not owing to the poverty of the country; on the whole, '^''^'^""^"^ 
the people were prosperous. But Congress could not ob- 
tain sufficient funds. Late in the year 1776 Congress be- 
gan the policy of borrowing money upon certificates of 
indebtedness; but these yielded little at first. In the same 
year assistance came in the form of gifts of two million 
livres (about $400,000) from France, and one million from 
S))ain. Later, France made larger gifts, a total of some 
$2,000,000. This money was used in the purchase of 
munitions and clothing abroad, with the connivance of the 
French Government.* Congress also established a lottery 
as a source of revenue; but this yielded snuill returns. 

After the failure of the attack ujion Canada of 1775-1 77(5 British at 
(p. 157), it was necessary for the Americans to defend 
the line of Lake Champlain and the up{)er Hudson 1777 
from British attacks directed from Canada. The year 
1777 saw a renewed effort on the part of the British to 
capture those water-ways and thus to divide the States. 
General Burgoyne advanced southward from Canada, his 
destination being Albany. General St. Leger ascended the 
St. Lawrence and Lake Ontario to Oswego, and then 
planned an advance by the Mohawk yalley to meet Bur- 
goyne. General Howe was to have ascended the Hudson 
to join the other armies at Albany. But Howe's superiors 
in England neglected to sign and forward to him the pre- 
cise orders for this movement until he had left New York 
upon a camjxiign in the opposite direction. Consequently, 
that part of the plan failed of execution. 

General Burgoyne ascended theSorel (orliichelieu) River 
and Lake Champlain with a fine army of S,000 men, well 

♦ M the same time, American privateers were allowed to use French 
ports, where they sold their captures. Many men and officers enlisted 
in the American service from France. 



tack from 
he North, 



......>. ROUTE OF BORGOYNE 

ROUTEOFST.LEGER 

4. ^ + 4. ROUTE OF HOWE 




Campaigns of 1777 



campaign. 



The Revolutionary War 167 

supported bv Canadians and Indians. He took Ticonderooa, Burgoyne'i 
and his march to Fort Edward was comparatively easy; but 
beyond this the American array obstructed the road in 
every way possible. At the same time the surrounding 
country was cleared of provisions upon which the British 
might depend. Burgoyne's supplies had to be carried from 
Canada; his army was constantly being diminished by the 
necessity of garrisoning points left in his rear; about him 
the inhabitants were rising to support the American 
cause. 

The advance of St. Leger was successful as far as Fort Stan- 
wix on the head-waters of the Mohawk River. To this fort he 
hiid siege. The Americans under Herkimer attacked the be- 
siegers; later, reenforcements under Benedict Arnold drove St. 
Leger's army precipitately from the fort; and so this part of the 
British plan failed (August, 1777). 

While at Fort Edward, Burgoyne sent a force into Vermont, 
hoping that British sympathisers might be aroused to his assist- 
ance anil supplies obtained. This expedition was utterly de- 
feated at Bennington (August) by General Stark. 

Burgoyne now (September 13, 1777) advanced across the His defeat 
Hudson and marched southward. A series of manoeuvres 
and battles in the vicinity of Saratoga occupied about a 
month. The American force, now several times larger than 
the British, cut off the latter's supplies, almost completely 
surrounded it, and finally compelled its surrender (October). 
The credit for the defeat of Burgoyne belongs to General 
Schuyler, who, in the course of the campaign, was super- 
seded by General Gates, and to Bendict Arnold. Kos- 
ciusko, the Polish patriot, also assisted in these operations. 

^^hile Burgoyne's campaign was in progress. General Howe's 
Howe had placed his troops aboard ships (July, 1777), and ^rmmd^'' 
had proceeded to Chesapeake Bay, landing at its head a Phiiadei-^ 
month later. Washington hastened to the defence of ^"^' 
Philadelphia, and met the British force at Brandywine 
creek. Here his army was defeated, and he withdrew to 
Philadelphia. The British followed and Washington 
again retreated. On October 4, the two armies met at 



at Sara- 
toga. 



168 



American History 



(Jcnnantown, and the Ainoricans were again ck-feated. 
The campaign was now over, the British comfortably oc- 
cupying Philadelphia, while the Americans encamped at 
Valley Forge, a few miles distant. The capture of Phila- 
delphia worked less injury to the American cause than had 
been expected. Congress withdrew to I^ancaster, and 
later to York, Pennsylvania. 

At the same time that the question of independence 
was under consideration (June, 1776) the Continental 
Congress appointed a committee to. draw up a plan of 
union. The "Articles of Confederation," submitted by 
the committee Avere adopted by (^ongress in 1777. This 
was an effort to place the central government upon a firm 
constitutional basis, to determine its powers and its re- 
lations to the States. Its ratification by the States would 
mean a gain in efficiency for the National Government; 
but this action was postponed for various reasons and the 
weak Congress continued its control until 1781. 

The sufferings of tlie army at Valley Forge are evidence of the 
complete failure of the system under which Congress was endeav- 
oring to manage the commissary department. Through mis- 
management and the inefficiency of officers, supplies intended 
for the army never reached it. The membership of Congress 
had somewhat deteriorated in character; strong men were at- 
tracted to service in the States, and delegates to Congress were 
constantly changing. That body had no basis for its authority 
but the acquiescence of the States, and the latter acted inde- 
pendently in following or rejecting the recommendations of Con- 
gress. Again, Congress was not effectively organized, and it was 
endeavoring to handle a mass of details far beyond its power to 
control. As another hindrance to its efficiency, certain members 
of Congress conspired, with bad motives, against Washington. 

During the campaign last described Washington's army was 
joined by Lafayette and De Kalb from France and Baron 
Steuben " an accomplished Prussian officer, trained in the school 
of Frederick the Great, with a record of distinguished service 
in the Seven Years' War." 

After the decisive American victory at Saratoga the 
French Government openly contracted a treaty of alliance 
with the United States (February, 1778). France was to 



llie Rcvolutioitanj War 



169 



aid the Americans in the war, while the latter agreed not The treaty 
to make a treaty of peace, except on the basis of indepen- France. 
dence. Commissioners were sent to America by George III 1778. 
offering guarantees of all the principles in dispute, except 
independence, but their advances were rejected. 

Great credit for the French treaty belongs to Benjamin 
Franklin, who, " under 
the appearance of ex- 
treme simplicity con- 
cealed the astuteness 
of the most accom- 
plished diplomatist." 
The reasons for whicli 
France entered the al- 
liance may be sum- 
marized as follows: (1) 
Revenge for past de- 
feats, especially that of 
the Seven Years' War, 
when the American 
possessions were lost. 
(2) Desire to keep the 
balance of power in 
Europe, by striking a 
blow at the colonial 
and maritime suprem- 
acy of England. (3) 
Great enthusiasm over 
the American cause 
had been aroused 
among the French peo- 
ple. This was shared 
by many persons who 
were influential at 

court; among these were the young nobility, some army othcers 
and philosophers, and the Queen, Marie Antoinette. 

The threatened approach of a French fleet rendered tlie The^eN^cu- 
continuance of the British army in Philadelphia unwise; phuadei- 
consequently, in June, 1778, General Clinton * evacuated Phia. 1778. 

* General Howe had returned to England, where he. like General 
Burgoyne, was busily engaged in explaining the failure of the British 
plans for 1777, 




Lafayette 

From a portrait painted by C. W. Peale, in 1780. for Washins- 
ton. Now owned by General G. W. C. Lee, Lexington, Va. 



170 



imcriraii Ili.storij 



that city and set out for New York. Washington attacked 
the Britisli army at INIonmouth, New Jersey, but the diso- 
bedience of General Charles Lee, who ordered a retreat, 
instead of a sharp attack, rendered the results of this battle 
very unsatisfactory. The British army, now in New 
York, attempted no further general operations during 
the war in the Northern and Middle States. AVashington 
held his army in the Hudson River posts, watching the 
British. 

An important phase of the Revolutionary War cannot be 
understood until we trace further the progress of settle- 
ment in the valleys of the Alleghany [Mountains and across 
to the prairies beyond. Settlers from the ^'irginia valleys 
(p. 120), advancing southward, made homes upon the 
Watauga River (17G9), and here came many discontented 
North Carolinians. Among these were James Robertson 
and John Sevier, the former typical of the Scotch-Irish 
Presbyterians who formed so large an element of the 
backwoods population, and the latter of Huguenot 
descent. Under their leadership, the community on the 
Watauga adopted a constitution and maintained an in- 
dependent government for several years (1772-1777). 
Later, AYatauga . became a county of North Carolina. 
This was "the first instance of a government of the 
people, by the people, under a written compact, beyond 
the mountains, and was established by men of American 
birth."* 

The settlements of the Carolina valleys were outposts 
from which proceeded the first great movement beyond the 
mountains. This movement took place south of the Ohio, 
rather than north of it for several reasons. (1) By the 
treaty of Fort Stanwix, made in 1768, between agents of 
several colonies and the Iroquois Indians, the latter ceded 
their claims to lands south of the Ohio River. (2) The 
region now known as Kentucky and Tennessee was not 
the permanent seat of Indian tribes. (3) Indian tribes 
* Winsor, The Westward Movement, 80. 



The Rcvolutioiiani ]\ ar 



171 



River were defeated in Lord 



living north of ilie Ohi 
Dunmore's war (1774). 

In the v:ingu;u(l of the westward movement was Daniel Boone. 
His father was a Pennsylvania frontiersman who had followed the 
mountain troughs southward to the Yadkin River in North Caro- 
lina. Boone's early exploration of Kentucky opened the route 
through Cumberland Gap, an Indian and buffalo trail. He led 

a body of settlers from 
Watauga into Kentucky 
and founded Boonesboro 
(1775). 

The fortunate eir- 
eiim.stances recounted 
above rendered the 
Kentucky settlements 
comparatively im- 
mune from Indian 
attacks, and their 
growth was rapid. 
Under the leadership 
of Richard Henderson, 
delegates were sent 
from the various towns 
to a convention (1775) 
which organized the 
Colonel Daniel Boone government of Trau- 

Froiii a p.. rtraithy Chester Harding, owned by Colcinel ovlvnnin KptwPPTl tllP 
R. T. Durrett, Louisville, Ky. Syi\aillcl UeiVVeCll UlC 

Ohio and Cumberland 
rivers. This independent government asked Congress for 
admission to the Union; but the sentiment of Virginia was 
hostile to such action and, instead, Kentucky was made a 
county of that State in 1776. 

Later, in 1780, Robertson led Watauga and North 
Carolina settlers to central Tennessee, where Nashville 
was founded on the Cumberland River. 

There were three main routes of travel to these western 
settlements. (1) The Ohio River was reached at Pitts- 
burg by routes through Pennsylvania or by way of the 




Daniel 
Boone. 



Transyl- 
vania and 
Kentucky. 



172 



Anierican Ilisiorij 



Potomac and Monongahela rivers.* Thence the trip to 
Kentucky was easy, but somewliat dangerous on account 
of the hostile northern Indians. f (2) From the Virginia 




The West During the Revolution 



valleys settlers followed the New and Greenbrier rivers 
to the great Kanawha, a branch of the Ohio. (3) The 

* From Philadelphia travellers went by way of Lancaster and Bedford 
to Pittsburg. From Baltimore the route was up the Potomac to Cumber- 
land, Maryland: thence either to Wheeling, or to Pittsburg, following 
Braddock's trail. 

t The canoe, pirogue, batteau, and flat boat were the river craft com- 
monly used. The pirogue was hollowed out of the trunk of a large tree 
and pushed by oars or setting poles. The barge was a square box-like 
construction with a raised deck. It was frequently large enough to carry 
a number of families with their possessions, and required several men 
to "pole" it up stream. In 1780, three hundred of these large boats 
arrived at the falls of the Ohio River, where Louisville was founded. The 
town that year contained six hundred inhabitants. 



Tlw Revolutionary War 173 

greatest number of frontiersmen moved bv the Wilderness 
Road (see map, p. 172), which afforded, even for those from 
Pennsylvania and Maryland, the easiest and best pro- 
tected path to the West. 

Life among the W^estern settlers was simple and pictur- 
esque. All distinctions of rank were broken down, and 
here grew the first true American democracy. 

The British in Detroit encouraged Indian attacks upon Expeditioi 
the Kentucky settlements. This danger was met by the Rogers^^ 
bold scheme of George Rogers Clark, a frontier surveyor Clark, 
and scout, to conquer all the British posts of the Northwest. 
Acting under the authority and with the assistance of 
Governor Patrick Henry, of Virginia, he captured suc- 
cessively Ivaskaskia, Gahokia, and Vincennes (1778-1779). 
This bold and dramatic action strengthened the claim of 
Virginia to this western territory, and was an important 
fact in the determination of our western boundary at the 
close of the war. 

After the evacuation of Philadelphia, General Benedict Benedict 
Arnold was put in command of the American troops in that city. Arnold. 
Here he became involved in quarrels with the city authorities. 
Arnold was convicted, after a court-martial trial, of a few minor 
offences, and was sentenced to be censured by Washington. 
This episode, coupled with wrongs which he had previously 
suffered at the hands of Congress, embittered Arnold's spirit, and 
he resolved upon a treasonable plot — the surrender of West 
Point.* The detection of this plot is a familiar story. This in- 
cident added to the depression of the patriots at this time (1780). 

Financially, the country was in desperate straits. There^ Finances 
were three principal sources of revenue: (1) The issuance united 
of paper monev, begun in 1775 (see p. 155), was con- states. 
tinned as follows: 1776, $19,000,000; 1777, $13,000,000; 
1778, $03,000,000; 1779, $140,000,000. This amount of 
money was greatly in excess of the demand for business 
purposes among a population of three million people where 
commerce was not fully developed. Depreciation resulted 

* The defences of this important post guarding a narrow passage in the 
Hudson River were constructed under the supervision of Kosciusko. 



174 



A m erica n II isiory 




>U UA ^ ' lUTOlCt) 

HMA llOI.LAIt- 
AM^ANHAI.l" 

;ii lin!i!ii\A;inr^'i7''''^ • 



mmmm 



jliriu Currency 



inevitably. Tlie followino; fio;ures state the value of one 
dollar of paper money in terms of specie in November of 
each year: 1770, $.66; 1777, $.20; 1778, $.10; 1779, 
$.02. In subsequent years dollar bills were worth but 
one cent, and later, absolutely nothing.* In 17S0 and 
later, Congress rcdciMiicd some of this money at the ratio 

of 40 to 1, but much 

of it was lost and 
destroyed. The de- 
preciation and prac- 
tical rc{)udiation of 
this money placed a 
heavy burden upon 
those who originally 
received it at face 
value. Unsuccessful 
attempts were made 
to check depreciation 
by laws fixing prices ?ind by legal-tender enactments. 
(2) Congress made requisitions upon the States for 
money with which to pay war expenses. In the two years fol- 
lowing November, 1777, they paid into the treasury about 
$55,000,000, in response to 'requisitions for $95,000,000. 
And this amount was paid in Continental currency worth at 
the time only $1,800,000 in specie. When, in 1780'and 1781, 
Congress made requisitions for $10,000,000 of specie, it re- 
ceived from the States about $1,500,000. The States were 
at this time burdened with the same task of raising revenue 
for the support of their local militias. They had issued great 
amounts of paper money early in the war, and they had bor- 
rowed much money. The ultimate source of all revenue, 
taxation, was difficult to put into operation among a peo- 
ple hitherto unused to it except in a mild form, where popu- 
lation was sparse, and in regions occupied by British troops. 

* Hence the phrase "not worth a continental." Paper money was 
sometimes used for wall paper. Dewey, Financial History of United 
States, 41. 



Tliv Hero/ Iff ion an/ U^ar 



175 



(3) Congress endeavored to raise money by borrowing. 
The specie vahie of SfiS.OOO.OOO borrowed at home during 
the hiter years of the war was only $7,600,000. The fol- 





John Paul Jones 



the .uiginal bust l>y H<. 



Pennsylvania Academy of Fine 



lowing amounts were borrowed from foreign governments: 
France, $6,350,000;* Spain, $174,000; Holland, $1,300,000. 

* It is estimated that France spent an equal amount upon Iier army 
and navy sent in aid of the American cause. 



176 



American Ili.sfon/ 



A part of tliese loans was in sj)oc'ie, and this was used to 
pay interest uj)on the debt contracted at home and to 
purchase supplies abroad. 

No inconsiderable part of the Revolutionary War was 
fought on the ocean. A great many cruisers were commis- 
sioned by State and National authority, and these, together 
with hundreds of privateers, brought havoc to English com- 
merce. While the United States had no naval force fit to 
cope with the British navy, some decisive victories were won. 

Captain John Paul Jones, after commanding various ships in 
American waters, conceived the greater project of using a fleet 
to attack England in her own waters, where her coasts were de- 
fenceless, and where rich fleets might be surj)rised. His {)rimary 
object was not enrichment through prize money, but the injury 
of his opponent and the attraction of British warships from Ameri- 
can waters for home defence. His fleet was fitted out in France 
and cruised around west of the British Isles into the North Sea. 
At Flamborough Head (September, 1779), Jones, with three 
ships, attacked and defeated two English warships convoying 
a large fleet of merchantmen. This victory gained for our 
country the respect of foreign governments. 

In 1778, the British entered upon a plan for the con- 
quest of the Southern States, beginning with the weakest, 
Georgia. Savannah was taken (December), and shortly 
thereafter the English Government was recognized as 
supreme in that State. In May, 1780, General Lincoln 
who commanded the American forces in the South, sur- 
rendered the city of Charleston, South Carolina. Elsewhere 
in that State there was at first .slight resistance. When an 
American army under Gates, faced the invaders at Cam- 
den, it was badly defeated, large bodies of the militia fleeing 
w^ithout giving fight.* As a result, the American army was 
practically dispersed, and the British ruled South Carolina. 

At this point the British plan received a check. Partisan 
leaders, chief among whom were ]\Iarion and Sumter, 
gathered their bands on the western frontier, and an army 
under General Greene, was stationed to resist the north- 

* Here DeKalb was killed, while Pulaski, a Polish patriot, met death in 
an earlier engagement at Charleston. 



The Revolutionary War 



177 



ward advance of General Cornwallis. When the latter 
was ready to invade North Carolina, he sent a force (com- 
posed largely of Tories) under Ferguson to harass the 
frontier. But the backwoodsmen of the mountain settle- 
ments completely defeated Ferguson at King's ^Mountain, 
October, 1780. Again, Morgan, commanding the western 
wing of the Ameri- 
can forces, met a 
part of the British 
army underTarle- 
ton at Cowpens 
(January, 1781), 
and completely 
defeated it. 

These battles 
deprived the Brit- 
ish of their most 
valuable contin- 
gents, the scouts 
and light infantry. 
Greene now fell 
back into North 
Carolina, draw- 
ing Cornwallis in 

pursuit farther from his base into a most difficult country. 
When the American army finally faced the enemy at Guil- 
ford Court House (March, 1781^ each side suffered con- 
siderable damage; but the British could advance no far- 
ther, and withdrew to Wilmington. Greene then returned 
to South Carolina, where he recovered all the strongholds 
except Charleston. 

From Wilmington Cornwallis transferred his army to 
Virginia, thus ginng aid to the forces that, under Benedict 
Arnold, had for some time harassed that State. The Amer- 
ican troops in Virginia, small in number, were commanded 
by Lafayette, then but twenty-three years of age. He 
successfully avoided (\)rnwallis when the latter invaded 




^ — — — Route of 

Oen. Cornwallis 



The War in the Southern States 



American 
victories 
won by 
frontiers- 
men. 



The cam- 
paign in 
Virginia. 



178 



A m erica n IT I star i/ 



The siege 
and sur- 
render of 
Yorktown, 
1781. 



Virginia. Failing to arouse Tory reenforcements and fear- 
ing to remain away from the coast, the British general soon 
withdrew to the York peninsula and asked for reenforce- 
ments from New York. At New York, Sir Henry Clinton 
was expecting an attack by Washington. The latter was 
awaiting the aid of a powerful French fleet, then in the 

West Indies, before de- 

1 



termining where the 
blow should fall. On 
August 14th, news 
reached Washington 
that the French fleet un- 
der De Grasse had 
started for Chesapeake 
Bay. This determined 
him at once upon a bold 
movement. Uniting 
with his 2,000 American 
troops a French force 
of 4,000, under Roch- 
ambeau, he moved into 
New Jersey, leaving a 
force to guard West 
Point. JNIost skilfully Washington now so mancjeuvred as 
to deceive the British into thinking that he contemplated 
an attack upon New York. Instead, his troops marched 
with great rapidity across New Jersey, through Philadel- 
phia, to the head of Chesapeake Bay. 

When Clinton discovered the true state of affairs he des- 
patched a fleet to attack De Grasse in Hampton Roads ; but 
it was worsted and returned to New York. Nothing now 
remained but to transport Washington's army down Chesa- 
peake Bay and up the James River, where, with another 
force brought by the French fleet, they joined Lafayette's 
army. The investment of Yorktown from the land and 
the water sides was now complete. From September, 28th 
to October 17th, Cornwallis withstood the siege and 




Map Showing the Position of the French 
and American Troops at Yorktown 



The Revolutionary War 179 

he repeated assaults of the allied forces; he then sur- 
■endered. 

Many considerations, besides British defeats in America, The end of 
letermined that the surrender of Cornwallis should end the war. 
he war. During the few preceding years England had 
iroused the enmity of nearly every European power. 
Vrrayed against her in open war were France, Spain, 
md Holland. Thus it became increasingly difficult to 
naintain the army in America. At home King George 
vas no longer able to stem the tide of opposition that 
lad condemned the war from the beginning. The mass 
)f common people, as they came to understand the King's 
nethods of government, turned against him with great 
)itterness. A majority of them now regarded the war 
IS "a civil war in which English liberty was at stake." 
liven Lord North's ministry had acted, in obedience to the 
\ing, "under compulsion and against their consciences." 
^n March, 1782, George finally gave in. Lord North re- 
igned, and the government was turned over to his enemies, 
rhe new ministry ordered a cessation of hostilities in 
America. 

The commissioners now sent to Paris to agree upon Negotia- 
erms of peace were Franklin, Jay, and John Adams.* [reaty"'^'^ 
:n the treaty with France (1778), the United States had 
igreed not to make a separate treaty with England. The 
commissioners practically ignored this pledge, and the in- 
itructions from Congress to the same effect, by secretly 
»ming to an agreement with the English Government. 
3ut the treaty was not signed until the European war 
erminated and the nations involved agreed upon terms 
)f peace (1783). 

In acting as they did the American commissioners were in- 
pired by fear that the French minister, Vergennes, would support 
he desire of Spain (the ally of France) that the United States 
hould be restricted to the Alleghany Mountains on the west. 

* Jefferson and Laurens were also appointed, but took no part in the 
legotiations. 



180 American History 

The boundaries agreed upon were exceedingly liberal to the 
United States, but they were indefinite at two points: i. e., the line 
between Canada and New England, and that beyond Lake 
Superior. These had to be adjusted by subsequent treaties. 

The terms The Western boundarv followed the Mississippi River 

°^ ^'^^^ to 31° latitude. Thence the line ran eastward to the At- 

treaty, 

1783.' lantic. The United States agreed to recommend to the 

States that they jmss laws favorable to the Tories whose 
property had been confiscated; also, it was agreed that 
no obstacles should be placed by law in the way of British 
creditors collecting dcl)ts due in America. These two pro- 
visions satisfied British })ridc, but of course, Congress could 
not compel the States to take any action to which they were 
opposed. There was ground for future controversy in 
these subjects . The Americans were guaranteed the 
right to enjoy the privilege of fishing on the coast of New- 
foundland. 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. The defence of Charleston (1776) is described in Fiske, 
American Revolution, I, 198-200. Bancroft, IV, 39S-411. 

2. Conditions in the American army. Lecky, American Revo- 
lution, 253-257. Van Tyne, the American Revolution, 118-129. 

3. The Battle of Long Island and Washington's retreat. 
Fiske, I, 204-212. Sloane, French War and Revolution, 238- 
243. Bancroft, IV, 27-38. Larned, History for Ready Refer- 
ence, United States, August, 1776. For a recent critical view see 
American Historical Review, I, 650-670. 

4. Explain the capture of Forts Washington and Lee. Fiske, 
I, 218-224. 

5. Washington's retreat; the battles of Trenton and Princeton. 
Larned, September-November, 1776. Fiske, I, 224-238. Sloane, 
243-245; 251-258. 

6. Why were laws fixing prices unsuccessful, and what evils fol- 
lowed these and the legal tender laws? Lecky, 290-294. 

7. Who were Silas Deane and Beaumarchais, and how did they 
aid the American cause? Larned, A. D., 1776-1778. 

8. Hart, Contemporaries, II. (a) Nathan Hale and his fate, 
No. 171, (see also Bancroft, IV, 48-49). (6) How the work of re- 



The Rcvoliiiiouanj War 181 

fruiting was done, Xo. 170. (r) Lafayette and his enlistment, 
No. 172, {d) Washington's complaints against the militia, No. 
174. (f) Life in the American Army, Nos. 175, 179, 195. 

9. Paper money and its depreciation. Was it necessary? 
Dewey, FinanciafHistory of U. S., 39-43. Sloane, 283-286. 

10. Conditions at Valley Forge. Washington's letter to Con- 
gress. Lamed, January- Decemher, 1777. Fiske, II, 29. 

11. Steuben's work in disci])liniiig the American Armv. Fiske, 
II, 50-56. 

12. The Conway cabal and (Jeneral Gates, Fiske, II, 32-46. 

13. The story of Lafayette's coming to America is told in his 
memoirs, Old South Leaflets, No. 97, 1-9. 

14. Letters that passed between W^ashington and Lafayette, 
Old South Leaflets, No. 98, 1-10. 

15. Reasons why the French made the treaty of 1778. Fiske, 
I, 238-242. \'an'Tyne, The American Revofution, 20:3-226. 

16. Indians and Tories in New York and Pennsylvania. 
Fiske, 11, 82-94. Lamed, June-November, 1778; July, 1778. 

17. Arnold's treason and the justice of Andre's execution. 
Lecky, 403-4 19. Fiske, II, 206-238. Sloane, 300-301 ; 325- 327. 

18. George Rogers Clark and his expedition. Fiske, II, 103- 
109. Lamed, A. D., 1778-1779. 

19. Topics in Fiske, II. (o) Chatham's la.st speech and his 
death, 11-22. (6) Charles Lee and his character, 59-72. {c) 
John Paul Jones and his victory, 116-130. {d) Marion and 
Sumter, 182-185. {e) King's Mountain and Cowpens, 244- 
255. Cornwallis in ^'irginia and the surrender of Yorktown, 
268-284. (/) Results of Yorktown, 285-290. 

20. Lodge, Story of the American Revolution (illustrated), in 
Scribner's INIagazine, Vols. 23 and 24. 

21. On Boone, see Thwaites, Daniel Boone. 

22. The Western Settlements. Howard, Preliminaries of the 
Revolution, 334-341. 

23. What reasons can you state explaining why the Americans 
won in the Revolution ? 

24. Why should the Spanish wish to restrict the limits of the 
United States on the West? 

25. The treaty of 1783. Hart. Formation of the Union, 95- 
101. Channing, the United States, 102-106. Sloane, French 
War and Revolution, 355-369. Hart, Contemporaries, II, No. 
216. 



182 



Anicricnn II is/on/ 



2(). James and Mann, Readings in American Ilistorv, cha]). 1 1 . 

27. Historical Novels. Cooper, The Sj)y; The Pilot, (^hiirchill, 
Richard Carvel. Ford, Janice Meredith. Thompson, Alice of 
Old Vincennes. Mitchell, Hugh Wynne, 




The old Potts House at Valley Forge, used by Washiagton as Head- 
quarters. 

Now a Revolutionary Museum 



CHAPTER XII 

THE PERIOD OF THE CONFEDERATION, 1781-1789 

The problems of self-government were no simpler than Forming 

were those connected with the winning of independence. Articles of 

To the masses of the people, Congress seemed another Confeder- 

1 • 1 1 ^ • ation. 

government, external to their local governments, assummg 

authority similar to that which the King had striven to 
enforce. As they had previously rebelled against the re- 
strictions of the English Government, so now they objected 
to the exercise of authority by Congress. It became evi- 
dent, to some of the leaders, that if the elements of union 
were to be strengthened it would be necessary to have a 
government more effective than this Revolutionary Assem- 
bly. November 17, 1777, the Articles of Confederation 
were finally adopted by Congress and recommended to 
the States for ratification. Among the problems under 
discussion most difficult of solution by Congress were: 
(1) What powers were to be given the General Govern- 
ment and what powers retained by the States; (2) How 
were disputes among the States to be setded; (3) The 
number of votes to be given each State; and (4) The 
method of raising revenue. 

The Articles of Confederation provided for a "firm Nature of 
league of friendship" between the States. The authority JJ^eTIs.""' 
of the Central Government was vested in a Congress of tabiished. 
delegates who were appointed annually by and were re- 
sponsible to the State legislatures. Not less than two nor 
more than seven members could be sent from each State. 
Each State was entitled to only a single vote on any ques- 
183 



the go\ 
erument 



184 American History 

tion. Among the powers of Confrress were: the "exclusive 
right and power of deckiring war and making peace"; 
authority to raise an army by caHing upon each State for 
its quota of troops and to build and equip a navy; and 
power to establish and regulate j)ost-offices and to send 
and receive ambassadors. 
Defects in There were many defects also in the actual working of 
this government. It provided for no separate executive 
authority to execute and no separate judiciary to interpret 
the laws. Congress might make the laws but could not 
enforce them. This was because the General Government 
had no power of taxation but was obliged to depend upon 
the State legislatures for necessary revenues. Congress 
acted on the States, not on individuals, but it had no 
power to coerce the States. "Its function was to advise, 
not to command." Besides, no important measure could 
be passed in Congress without the votes of nine States. 
The Articles could not be amended save by the ratification 
of all the States. It is clear, then, that the Articles of Con- 
federation did not institute a nation, but formed merely 
a league of States. We think of them as constituting a 
weak instrument of government. We must remember, 
however, that as a constitution for a confederation, it 
was superior to any which had been pre\dously formed. 
But circumstances, which we shall now consider, showed 
that a confederation was not adapted to the growing needs 
of the United States. 

Nearly three years and a half elapsed after the date of 
the submission of the Articles of Confederation to the 
States before they were ratified by the last legislature, that 
of jNIarvland. Delay was due to the disputes which had 
arisen over the disposal of the lands between the Alleghany 
Mountains and the ^Mississippi River. Seven States laid 
claim to this territory. 

The Carolinas and Georgia claimed (under various charters 
and grants) the region south of the Virginia Hne lying west of their 
borders as far as the Mississippi. Massachusetts laid claim, 



The Period oj the Confederation 1S5 

under her charter of 1629 and Connecticut under a charter of 
1662, to strips of land west of the boundary of New York. (See 
map p. 187.) 

But the claims of Virginia and New York were the most far- 
reaching. Virginia maintained that the charter of 1609 gave her 
control not alone of Kentucky but also of the territory extending 
north-west from the Ohio River to Lake Superior. Besides, it 
was stated as an additional right to this claim that Virginia 
soldiers supported by Virginia money and under the leadership 
of George Rogers Clark had won this territory in 1778-1779. 
New York maintained that on account of various treaties she 
had become the lawful successor to the Western lands formerly 
claimed by the Iroquois. 

The other States were unable to advance any claims Maryland 
to Western lands. They maintained, however, that this ratify^the 
territory had been fjained through a war in which there Articles, 
had been common sacrifice and that the individual States 
should surrender their claims. Maryland refused to ratify 
the Articles of Confederation unless first assured that these 
lands were to become the property of the United States. 
The other States had ratified by February, 1779, but Mary- 
land feared the future power of Virginia. Virginia planned 
to pay off her soldiers by grants of Western lands, while 
Maryland would be compelled to meet this obligation by 
taxation. Congress, on October 10, 1780 suggested that 
the States should cede their unappropriated lands to the 
General Government to be disposed of "for the common 
good of the United States." New York had already de- 
cided to give up her claims. Virginia, in January, 1781, 
promised to take like action. Maryland then agreed to 
ratify, and the Articles of Confederation soon went into 
operation. 

New York relinquished all of her western lands in 1781. Vir- The 
ginia, in 1784, completed her cession of western territory, re- 
serving jurisdiction over Kentucky, which remained a part of 
Virginia until 1792, when it became a State. Virginia also re- lands 
served a tract north of the Ohio as bounty land for soldiers of 
the Revolution. Massachusetts surrendered her claims in 1786. 
Connecticut, in her cession of the same year, reserved a strip of 



States 
cede their 
western 



186 



American History 



Roosevelt, 
The Win- 
ning of the 
West, 
I. 219. 



land one hundred and twenty miles long west of Pennsylvania, 
on the shore of Lake Erie. A part of this Western Reserve was 
sold, and the proceeds were used to aid the Connecticut schools. 
In 1800 Connecticut granted to the United States complete 
authority over the "Reserve," some 3,250,000 acres. In 1787 
South Carolina surrendered her claim; North Carolina, in 1790, 
gave Congress jurisdiction over her remaining western lands. 
The territory between the present western boundary of Georgia 
and the Mississippi River was not ceded by Georgia until 1802. 

There can be no doubt about the importance of these 
cessions. A series of inevitable controversies over con- 
flicting claims were thus happily escaped. From that 
time, this western territory was regarded as the property 
of the Confederation to be used for National purposes. 
Here was the beginning of the National Domain. The 
interest felt by the States in this mutual property has 
always strengthened the ties of imion. 

While the contest over the adoption of the Articles of 
Confederation went on, sturdy pioneers continued to cross 
the mountains and take possession in their own way of 
the lands in dispute. "They po.ssessed the courage that 
enabled them to defy outside foes, together with the rough, 
practical common-sense that allowed them to establish a 
simple but effective form of government, so as to preserve 
order among themselves. To succeed in the wilderness 
it was necessary to possess not only daring, but also pa- 
tience, and the capacity to endure grinding toil. The 
pioneers were hunters and husbandmen." . . . "As a rule, 
each knot of settlers was gathered together into a little 
stockaded hamlet, called a fort or station." 

By 1784 it is estimated that there were 30,000 people in 
Kentucky alone, and 12,000 more came during that year. 
Some of them, by blazing a tree and marking it with the 
date and the number of acres, established what was called 
a "tomahawk claim" to the land. Others, by clearing a 
few acres and planting them, set up what was known as 
the "corn title." These possessions must be defended 
against the attacks of the Indians or seizure by other 




L F 



^ \e X I c 




THE UNITED STATES 

■83 
... WESTERN LAND CLAIMS 



O F \ "^l ^1 



SCALE OF MILES 

50 100 200 



90 Longit 




80 from 



Greenwich 70 



187 



188 



American History 



settlers, who came with "land warrants" from the govern- 
ment of Virginia. It is stated that one thousand boats, car- 
rying settlers, descended the Ohio River in a single year. 
Most of the settlers went to the Kentucky side, but many 
ascended the river valleys to the north. Indian lands were 
seized regardless of the proclamation by Congress, in 1783, 
that such occupation was unlawful. 

Congress determined, even before the cessions of west- 
ern lands were completed, to sell them and in this way 
partially provide for the payment of the National debt. 
The provision for the first systematic survey of these lands 
was made in 1785. 

The rectangular survey was to be used. This plan had been 
suggested the year before by a committee of which Thomas 
Jefferson was chairman. According to this system, lands were 
divided into townships six miles square. One section of each 
township was to be set aside for the support of the public schools. 
Land was to be sold at a minimum price of one dollar an acre, a 
price which did not cover the actual cost of the survey. 

Congress had no constitutional authority for governing this 
territory. As early as 1780, however, it had been proposed to 
make new States out of it, and in pursuance of this plan, Jefferson, 
1784, submitted a report providing for the government of 
the whole western country. It was proposed to make four- 
teen States, each having a classic name, as Metropotamia, Poly- 
potamia, and lUinoia. These States might adopt constitutions 
like that of any of the original States and become members of the 
Confederation. The ordinance was adopted by Congress when 
the clause abolishing slavery " after the year 1800 " was removed, 
but the names suggested for the States were rejected. The 
ordinance remained practically a dead letter for the next three 
years, when it became the foundation for the more famous 
Northwest Ordinance. 

In 1786, the "Ohio Company of Associates" was 
organized at Boston in the interests of Revolutionary 
soldiers who desired to procure homes in the West. Gen- 
erals Rufus Putnam and Samuel Parsons and Manasseh 
Cutler, a minister, were the directors. In July, 1787, 
while a committee of Congress was considering an ordi- 
nance for the government of the Northwest, Cutler asked 



The Period of the Co)i federation 18') 

that lands in this territory might be exchanged for the 
soldiers' certificates held by members of the Ohio Com- 
pany. The draft of the Ordinance was submitted to him, 
and he became the author of some of its notable provisions. 
This famous Ordinance, having received the votes of the 
eight States then represented in Congress, became a law, 
July 13, 1787. 

It applied only to the government to be organized for the terri- Some pro- 
tory bounded by the Ohio and Mississippi rivers and the Great ^'sions of 
Lakes, a territory out of which from three to five States were to be ordinance, 
formed. The officers of government to be appointed by Congress 
were a governor and three judges. Provision was made for a 
general assembly so soon as there should be five thousand free 
white men in the territory. This assembly, besides having cer- 
tain legislative powers, was authorized to elect a delegate to Con- 
gress who should have the right to take part in debate but not to 
vote. Settlers were to be granted religious freedom and right of 
trial by jury. Schools were to be encouraged. Slavery and in- 
voluntary servitude were prohibited except as a punishment for 
crime, "whereof the party shall have been duly convicted." 

Nathan Dane and Rufus King were prominent members of the Social and 
committee Avhich drafted the ordinance. The former was chair- religious 
man. Speaking broadly, the ordinance represents the substance and^the^ 
of the discussions of years over the problems of western settle- origin of 
ment. It indicates also the progress which was then being made the North- 
towards social and religious freedom. The legislature of Virginia, Q^dinance 
under the leadership of Jefferson, by an act of 1778, prohibited 
the importation of slaves into that State from foreign countries. 
All of the other States save Georgia and South Carolina had, by 
1787, abolished or placed restrictions on the importation of ne- 
groes. In most of the Northern States, emancipation had been 
accomplished or begun. » 

In 1776 Jefferson, in the legislature of Virginia, had directed an 
attack against aristocracy and had brought about the destruction 
of the rule of primogeniture in that State. Similar action was 
taken in other States. 

The Ordinance became a model for the later organization influence 
of territories. It has been classed in importance with the ordinance. 
Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. "I 
doubt," said Webster, "whether one single law of any 
law-giver, ancient or modern, has produced effects of more 



190 



American History 



distinct, marked and lasting character than the Ordinance 
of 1787." 

On October 27, 1787, the Ohio Company secured about 
a milHon acres of western lands. General Putnam was 
elected leader. Two divisions of the pioneers, forty-eight 
in all, set out from Ipswich, Massachusetts. After cross- 
ing the Hudson, they passed through Pennsylvania and 
reacli(Hl the '^'ouelii'xJflHMu Rixcr. vAy]\ in ITSS. "With 




\ iew of Pittsburg in 1790 

rude boats and canoes, hastily built, the voyagers moved 
down this river to Pittsburg, thence down the Ohio to the 
mouth of the Muskingum. There, as previously agreed 
upon, they founded a town, Marietta. INIeantime, Gen- 
eral Arthur St. Clair had been appointed Governor. He 
reached ^Marietta in July, 1788, was received with "due 
honors," and within a few days put into force the pro- 
visions of the Northwest Ordinance. 

In May, 1788, ffl^out a quarter of a million acres of land 
between the Great and Little Miami rivers were secured by 
John Cleves Symmes and a few associates. The terms of 
purchase were practically the same as those of the Ohio 



The Period of the Conjederaiiou 191 

Company. A New Jersey colony of sixty persons, under 
Judge Symmes, reached the grant, September 22, 1788. 
Within two months a settlement was begun on the site of 
the city of Cincinnati. Here Fort Washington was built 
during the winter of 1789-1790. Governor St. Clair 
established his head-quarters there in 1790. 

Some of the foreign powers early showed a desire to Foreign 
enter into treaty relations with the new Confederation, under'the 
A commercial treaty was made with Holland in 1782, and Confedera- 
in the following year that nation sent a minister. France 
was the only other nation represented in America at the 
time. In 1783, Sweden, and in 1785, Prussia also made 
commercial treaties. 

At the close of the war, however, American foreign trade Commerce 
was chiefly with Great Britain. That nation refused to g^g^jand 
make a commercial treaty, since any State might break it, and her 
and still seem determined to interfere with iVmerican com- 
merce. In 1783, it was decreed, by an Order in Council, 
that trade between the United States and the British West 
Indies could be carried on only in vessels which were British 
built and were owned and manned by subjects of Great 
Britain. The retaliatory measures of the States on British 
commerce were of little effect. 

It was hoped that John Adams, who was appointed 
INIinister to Great Britain in 1785, would secure more sat- 
isfactory relations. But his efforts were futile, and upon 
his own request he was recalled in 1787. "It is very ap- 
parent," he wrote from England, "that we shall never have 
a satisfactory arrangement with this country, until Con- 
gress shall be made by the States supreme in matters of 
foreign commerce and until Congress shall have exerted 
that supremacy with a decent firmness." 

Besides, the terms of the treaty of 1783 had been kept 
by neither party. The States placed obstacles in the way 
of British creditors collecting their private debts in America. 
On the other hand, Great Britain declined to make com- 
pensation for the slaves carried away by the English army, 



192 



A merican H isiory 



and coiitinuod to liold her Western forts, the mo.st important 
bcin^ Oswego, Niagara, Detroit, and IVIackinac. 

Spain contended that the boundary of her territory 
should be farther north than the thirty-first parallel agreed 
upon in the treaty of Paris. In 1785, therefore, Gardoqui, 
envoy from Spain, offered to enter into a treaty of com- 
merce with the United States 
pro\iding the Mississippi 
were closed to American 
traders south of this line, the 
mouth of the Yazoo River. 
Northern merchants, desir- 
ous of Spanish trade, were 
willing to accept these terms. 
The people of the West pro- 
tested; for New Orleans as 
a market, and a port from 
which their products might 
be shipped, would thus be 
closed to them.* 

John Jay, representing the 
United States, on August 3, 
178G, recommended that 
Congress consent to a treaty 
for twenty-five years upon the terms submitted by 
the Spanish Minister. Delegates from New England 
favored this action, but it was opposed by those of the 
South. 

Meantime, the boat and property of a trader from North 
Carolina were seized by Spanish officers at Natchez. 
American soldiers at Vincennes retaliated by sacking the 
store of a Spaniard. The AYestern settlers threatened to 
secede from the Union if the terms favored by Jay were 
accepted. Congress feared to take action, and the contro- 
versy was not finally settled until 1795. 

* Their chief products, corn and pork, were so bulky that it was im- 
practicable to transport them over the mountains to the Eastern markets. 




John Jay 

The earliest known portrait of him, engraved, 

iu 1783. from a pencil drawing by 

Du Simitiere, made in 1779 



The Period oj the Coiijederatioii 



193 



Not only were the States jealous of the power of the Contro- 



among the 

war would result states. 



another. It seemed at times that civ 
from the selfish policy pursued by the States. New York 
taxed the products coming to its markets from Connecti- 
cut and New Jersey. jMerchants of Connecticut agreed 
to hold no intercourse with New York. New Jersey taxed 




The Franklin Tenny 



First United Stales Coin 



problems 
of the 
Govern- 
ment. 



the light-house recently built by New York City on Sandy 
Hook. Similar controversies arose between the other States. 

The financial distress of the Government during the Financial 
Revolution continued, and developed during the years 
of the Confederation. Foreign trade soon drained the 
country of the greater part of its specie. Sales of public 
lands cancelled the certificates of indebtedness, but brought 
in little money. The Continental currency was worthless. 
Robert ]Morris, who had been superintendent of finances 
since 1781, resigned his oflice in 1784. ISIanagement 
of the finances was entrusted to a Congressional Com- 
mittee of three, called "The Board of the Treasury." 
The States became more delinquent in furnishing the sums 
of money asked by Congress. Requisitions amounting to 
$10,000,000 had been made on the States between Novem- 
ber 1, 1781, and January 1, 1786, but less than $2,500,000 
came into the treasury. This sum was not adequate to 
meet the interest on the national debt then amounting to 
$42,000,000. At the beginning of the year 1786, IMadison 



194 



American History 



wrote Randolph: "Our situation is becoming every day 
more and more critical. No money comes into the Federal 
treasury; no respect is paid to the Federal authority; and 
people of reflection unanimously ag;ree that the existing 
Confederacy is tottering to its foundation." 

Business confidence had well nigh disappeared. In 
1785, under the lead of the debtor classes, the demand 
became general for new issues of paper money by the State 
governments. Seven legislatures yielded to the demand. 
Scarcely were the notes in circulation before they began to 
depreciate in value and people refused to accept them in 
payment of debts. In Rhode Island, any person who re- 
fused to accept the bills of the State was subject to a fine of 
one hundred dollars and the loss of his rights as a freeman. 

Discontent was most pronounced in INlassachusctts, a 
discontent due to stagnation in business, lack of employ- 
ment, and the consequent inability of debtors to pay their 
debts. As frequently happens at such times, the restless, 
idle, and vicious, asserted their wrongs. Hatred for 
lawyers who tried cases against helpless debtors and for 
judges Avas especially bitter. Armed mobs prevented the 
holding of court at Worcester and some other towns. 
During the closing months of 1786, some nineteen hundred 
insurgents were collected under the leadership of Daniel 
Shays, who had been a captain in the Continental army. 
He was not a man to maintain discipline among such fol- 
lowers. An attempt to capture the United States arsenal 
at Springfield was foiled through their defeat by the State 
troops. Within a short time they were completely routed 
and Shays and one hundred and fifty of his followers were 
made prisoners. Many others escaped into adjoining 
States. There were similar outbreaks in Vermont and 
New Hampshire. 

Something must be done to supply Congress with rev- 
enue, since the amount received from the States was not 
adequate to pay the running expenses of the Government. 
The attempt, in 1781, to give Congress the right to lay a 



The Period of the Confederation 195 

duty of five per cent, on imports was defeated by the vote 
of Rhode Island. Two years later, Congress proposed, 
in order to provide for the interest on the public debt, that 
it be given authority, for twenty-five years to levy specific 
duties on imports. The States were to appoint the 
collectors. This amendment was also ratified by twelve 
States, but was defeated by the vote of New York. Other 
attempts to amend the Articles of Confederation failed. 
As we have seen, the nation was drifting rapidly tow- 
ard anarchy and open rebellion. In the dark days of 
Shays's Rebellion, Washington wrote to Lee, then in Con- 
gress: "You talk, my good Sir, of employing influence to 
appease the present tumults in Massachusetts. I know 
not where that influence is to be found or if obtainable that 
it would be a proper remedy for the disorders. Influence 
is not government. Let us have one by which our lives, 
liberties, and properties will be secured or let us know the 
worst." This expressed the sentiment which was general 
with Madison, Hamilton, and other leaders. The ad- 
vance toward a stronger Union was thus made possible. 

Suggestive References and Questions 

1. Economic, political and religious conditions (1783-1787). 
McMaster, History of the People of the United States, I, chap. I. 

2. Formation of the Articles of Confederation and Govern- 
ment established. Walker, Making of the Nation, &-14. 

3. Why was the adoption of the Articles so long delayed? 
Hart, Contemporaries, II, 189. Hart, Formation of the I'nion, 
93-95. 

4. Elements of tlisunion among the people. Walker, Making 
of the Nation, 1-5. 

5. Read the Articles of Confederation. Powers of Congress. 
Powers of the separate States. Method of voting. See American 
History Leaflets, No. 20, James and Sanford, Government in 
State and Nation, Appendix AA. 

G. The rectangular survey and its advantages. James and 
Sanford, Government in State and Nation, 329-332. 

7. Slaverv under the Confederation. Fiske, Critical Period, 
70-83. 



196 American Ilisfory 

8. The attitude of Jefferson toward freedom of religion and 
toward slavery. Jefferson, Am. St. Series, 70-83. 

9. The Northwest Ordinance. Old South Leaflets, Nos. 
13, 42. Hart, Contemporaries, III, No. 46. 

10. The Ohio Company and settlement of Marietta. Mc- 
Master, History of the United States, I, 505-oH). Old South 
Leaflets, No. 40. Hart, Contemporaries, HI, No. 32. Roose- 
velt, Winning of the West, HI, chap. 0. 

11. What does the attempt to organize the State of Franklin 
illustrate? Walker, ^Making of the Nation, 12. 

12. Great Britain and American commerce. Fiske, Critical 
Period, 137-140. 

13. The nature of the money of the period and its influence? 
Fiske, Critical Period, 1G2-1S6. McLaughlin, The Confedera- 
tion and the Constitution, 138-154. 

14. Shays's Rebellion and other disturbances. McMaster, 
History of the United States, L 302-3.54. McLaughlin, The 
Confederation and the Constitution, 154-107. 

15. Proposals to amend the Articles of Confederation. Ameri- 
can History Leaflets, No. 28. 

16. James and Mann, Readings in American History, chap. 12. 



CHAPTER XTIT 

THE FORMATION OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION 

Disputes were common between Virginia and Maryland TJ^e^Co^'^;^ 
over the navigation of the Potomac River and of Chesa- Aiexan- 
peake Bay. Finally, in 1785, commissioners from these <iria, 1785. 
States, on the recommendation of INIadison, met at Alex- 
andria. In their report they suggested the appointment 
of a commission every second year to consider the com- 
mercial regulations of those States bordering on the Po- 
tomac and the Chesapeake. When considering the re- 
port, the Maryland Assembly agreed to invite Pennsylvania 
and Delaware to send commissioners. The Virginia Leg- 
islature proposed a convention of delegates from all the 
States to consider the condition of the trade of the Confed- 
eration which was to meet at Annapolis (September 11, 

1786). . 

There were present at Annapolis on the appointed day, The An- 
commissioners from Virginia, Delaware, Pennsylvania, {^^en- 
New Jersey, and New York. Commissioners from some tion. irse. 
of the other States were on their way, but Maryland, 
Georgia, South Carolina and Connecticut had appointed 
none. Nothing final could be accomplished with so few 
States represented; but before adjourning they agreed to 
a resolution framed bv Alexander Hamilton, which pro- 
posed a convention to meet at Philadelphia for the purpose 
of preparing amendments to the Articles of Confederation 
Not until delegates had been appointed by six States did 
Congress practically approve of the plan by recommend- 
ing to the States a convention identical with the one 

^ 197 



198 



American History 



already provided for by the Annapolis resolution. The 
remaining States, Rhode Island excepted, soon a])pointed 
delegates. 

The day fixed for the Convention was May 14, but not 
until May 25 was there a quorum of delegates from 
seven States present at Philadelphia. Seventy-three dele- 
gates were appointed as members in this, one of the most 
memorable assemblies that the world has ever known, but 
only fifty-five attended. "Washington was unanimously 
chosen President of the Convention. He took no active 
part in the debates but his presence was an inspiration to 
the other members, and his infiuence at critical times can- 
not be measured. Besides Franklin, seven other signers 
of the Declaration of Independence were present. Among 
these were Roger Sherman of Connecticut, Elbridge Gerry 
of Massachusetts, and Robert ]\Iorris of Pennsylvania. 
Edmund Randolph and James Madison came, w^ith others, 
from Virginia. Of Madison, called the "Father of the 
Constitution," a member wrote: "From a spirit of industry 
and a])plication which he possesses in a most eminent 
degreee, he always comes forward the best informed man 
on any point in debate." Rufus King came from ]\Ias- 
sachusetts. Delaware sent John Dickinson. Among the 
other more notable members were Alexander Hamilton of 
New York; Governor William Paterson of New Jersey; 
Luther Martin of ]\Iaryland; and the two Pinckneys and 
John Rutledge from South Carolina. 

The Convention lasted from May 25 to September 17, 1787. 
The members sat behind closed doors. The official journal was 
entrusted to Washington, who deposited it in the public archives 
in 1796. It was published in 1819 as a part of the first volume 
of "Elliot's Debates." We can gather little from the Journal 
with regard to what was said by the members in these immortal 
debates. Fortunately, Madison, who was present every day, 
took careful notes on the various discussions. " Nor was I una- 
ware," he wrote, "of the value of such a contribution to the fund 
of materials for the history of a Constitution on which would be 
staked the happiness of a people great even in its infancy, and 
possibly the cause of liberty throughout the world." Hasty 



The Forrmifion of the Federal Constitution 199 

notes were also taken by King, Yates, and a few other members. 
Letters written by some of the members to their friends during 
the first days also give us valuable material on some phases of 
the Convention. 

The inaj:jnitude of the labor of the Convention can bo The 
understood only as we read the discussions in iVIadison's viminia 
Notes. The actual work was begun on May 30, when 
the Convention went into a committee of the whole for the 
purpose of considering a scries of fifteen resolutions that 
had been presented the day before by Edmund Randolph. 
The plan of government set forth in them, known as the 
Virginia Plan, was largely the work of Madison. It was 
under consideration until June 13, and was then sub- 
mitted to the Convention. Among its provisions were 
the following: (1) That a National Government should 
be formed possessing supreme legislative, executive, and 
judicial powers; (2) that the legislative power should be 
vested in a Congress of two separate houses, viz., a House 
of Delegates to be chosen by the people of the States, and 
a Senate to be elected by the Plouse of Delegates ; (3) that 
the representation in both houses should be based on popu- 
lation or on contributions to the support of the Govern- 
ment, and (4) that the executive should be chosen by both 
houses of Congress and the members of the judiciary by 
the Senate. It had been attacked fiercely in the committee 
by the delegates from the smaller States who desired to 
maintain equality of State representation. They held that 
if the plan proposed were adopted the Government would 
pass into the hands of the large States. 

The small States agreed upon a series of eleven resolu- The New 
tions, known as the New Jersey Plan, which were pre- pj^^jfj 
sented by Mr. Paterson of that State on June 15. They 
provided for a continuance of the government under the 
Articles of Confederation, which were to be revised in such 
a manner as to give to Congress the power to regulate com- 
merce, raise revenue, and coerce the States. There were 
also to be executive and judicial departments. This plan 



200 American Ilififorij 

of the small States expressed the ideas of those opposing 
the Virginia }:)lan npon two points; (1) a supreme National 
Government; and (2) proportional representation. It was 
agreed upon among the members from Connecticut, New 
York, New Jersey, Delaware, and Luther JNIartin of Mary- 
land. 

On the same day that the Virginia Plan was brought before the 
Convention, Charles Pinckney submittefl a series of resolutions 
resembhng those presented by Randolj)!!. It never received a 
separate consideration, but had considerable influence on parts 
of the Constitution. 

Hamihon wanted a highly centralized government. He 
sketched a brief outline of government which provided that the 
terms of the "Governor," Senators, and Judges were to be during 
good behavior. It was not, however, formally proposed to the 
Convention and wa.; never referred to a committee. A few days 
before the adjourment of the Convention, Hamilton entrusted to 
Madison for preservation a more elaborate plan. This plan had 
no influence whatever on the final draft of the Constitution. 

The contest centered on the Virginia and the New Jersey 
Plans. Those w^ho opposed the Virginia Plan asserted that 
it would destroy the sovereignty of the States; and that they 
did not possess the power to create such a government. 
Said Paterson: "I came here not to speak my own senti- 
ments but the sentiments of those who sent me. Our object 
is not such a government as may be best in itself, but such 
a one as our constituents have authorized us to prepare 
and as they will approve." To this sentiment Randolph 
replied: "When the salvation of the Republic is at stake, 
it would be treason not to propose what we find necessary. 
. . . The true question is whether we shall adhere to the 
federal plan, or introduce the national plan. The insuf 
ficiency of the former has been fully displayed by the trial 
already made." Finally, the arguments of Madison, Wil- 
son, and King triumphed, and the Virginia Plan was 
accepted as the basis for a new Constitution. The debates 
became even more heated than before as resolution after 
resolution was considered. The critical time came when the 



The Formation of the Federal Constitution 201 

clause whicli provided for proportional representation was 
reached. The opposition asserted that they would rather 
submit to a foreign power than be deprived of equality 
of suffrage in both branches of the Legislature. 

Finally, a vote on June 29 indicated that membership The Con- 
in the House of Representatives was to be based upon ^oli^!^"'' 
proportional representation. This was a victory for the promise. 
national men. How was the Senate to be constituted ? ^^ticie i 
The delegates from Connecticut demanded that the States section 2, 
have equality of representation in the second branch of the *^ '^"^^ 
National Legislature. Over this proposition the votes of Article i, 
the States were evenly divided. A committee of one mem- ^i^ug°gY' 
ber from each State to which the question was submitted 
recommended that each State should have an equal vote 
in the Senate. After another heated debate, this was 
accepted by the Convention on July 16. When the small 
States were given an equal vote with the large States in the 
Senate, they no longer feared "absorption," and united in 
giving yet greater powers to the General Government. 

How were the number of Representatives from each Number 
State to be determined and direct taxes to be apportioned ? sentativts. 
If the number of representatives from each State was to 
depend on population alone, the delegates feared that the 
new States which might be formed west of the mountains 
would gain too great power. "If the Western people get 
the power into their hands," Gouverneur INIorris declared, 
"they will ruin the Atlantic interests." The motion that 
the number of members sent to the House by the new 
States should never exceed those sent by the old, was lost, 
although it was favored by Massachusetts, Connecticut, 
Delaware and ]\Iaryland. 

Were slaves to be counted in establishing the basis of Thftiiree- 

9 rpi fiftliscom- 

representation and apportionment 01 dn-ect taxes i 1 ne promise. 
South Carolina delegates maintained that slaves were a part 
of the population, and as such should be counted. Ob- 
jections were made that slaves were not represented in the 
Legislatures of South Carolina and other States and, in 



202 



American History 



consequence, ouglit not to be represented in the Xational 
Legislature; that they were regarded in those States merely 
as property, and as such should not be represented. At 
this point there was grave danger that the work of the Con- 
vention would fail. Finally, a proposition was introduced 
to the effect that slaves were to be represented as "other 
persons," three-fifths of whom were to be counted. An- 
other clause was inserted for the purpose of reconciling 
the non-slaveholding States: that "direct taxes should be 
apportioned in the same manner as representatives." 

Eastern members representing the commercial States 
wished the National Government to have the right to regu- 
late foreign and interstate commerce. This was resisted 
by some of the delegates from the South. Leading men 
from the Middle States and from Virginia and Maryland 
were opposed to the further imjjortation of slaves. The 
other Southern States were determined to continue this 
traffic. Finally, a compromise was agreed upon which 
gave Congress power over commerce, but forbade any act 
which might prohibit the importation of slaves prior to 
1S08. It was agreed also that a tax of ten dollars each 
might be laid on all .slaves imported. While the Constitu- 
tion may be said to be made up of a series of compromises, 
these three settled, for the time, the questions which were 
most vital and rendered the further work of the Convention 
possible. 

The Constitution divided power among three practically 
independent departments of government; the Legislative, 
the Executive, and the Judicial. In place of the single 
house of the Confederation there was to be formed a leg- 
islative body consisting of two houses. Ex-perience had 
proved that a strong executive power was necessary to en- 
force the laws. It was finally agreed to entrust this power 
to a single person, the President. Hamilton characterized 
the lack of a judiciary, under the Confederation, as the 
crowning defect of that Government. The conviction that 
the Federal Judiciary should constitute one of the three 



the Consti- 
tution. 



The Formation of the Federal Constitution 203 

parts of the Government was general in the Convention, 
and after a brief discussion provision was made for it. 

On September 17, the final draft of the Constitution Signers of 
was submitted to the delegates for their signatures. 
George Mason, Edmund Randolph, and Elbridge Gerry 
refused to sign. Thirteen members were absent, but only 
four of these, including Luther INIartin, were absolutely 
opposed to the Constitution. The other thirty-nine mem- 
bers, representing twelve States, affixed their names to 
the document and the Convention adjourned. While the 
last signatures were being written, Franklin said to those 
standing near him, as he called attention to a sun bla- 
zoned on the back of the President's chair; "I have often 
and often in the course of the session and the vicissitudes 
of my hopes and fears as to its issue, looked at that be- 
hind the President without being able to tell whether it 
was rising or setting; but now, at length, I have the hap- 
piness to know that it is a rising and not a setting sun." 

The Federal Government, according to the Constitu- Supreme 
lion, was no longer, as under the Articles of Confederation, o"the Gov 
to be the agent of or to be dependent upon the States. Its ernment 
laws were to be imperative, not advisonj merely, and were Hshed. 
to operate upon persons and not States. Certain significant 
powers w^ere bestowed upon the National Government 
such as the right to tax; to regulate commerce; to make war 
and peace; to support an army and navy; and to coin 
money. The peculiarity of the new Government lies in the 
division of powers between State and National authorities. 
The National Government was to exercise certain powers 
enumerated in the Constitution. All other powers not pro- 
hibited by the Constitution to the States were to be re- 
served to the States or to the people. "When a particular 
power is found to belong to the States, they are entitled 
to the same complete independence in its exercise as is the 
National Government in wielding its own authority. Each 
within its sphere has sovereign powers. " * 

* Cooley. Principles of Constitutional I>aw. 34. 



204 



American History 



Fortunately, there was little that was absolutely new in 
the nature of the proposed Government. English prin- 
ciples of government were of influence but the main features 
were derived from the constitutions of the several States. 
These, in turn, had been adopted from the colonial govern- 
ments. Many of the delegates to the convention had 
helped in the framing of the State constitutions, and all 
were familiar with their practical working. Thus, " the 
Convention was led astray by no theories of what might be 
good, but clave closely to what experience had demon- 
strated to be good." 

There was a legislature, with two houses, in eleven of the States 
and the terms. Senate and House of Representatives, were com- 
monly used. The Constitution of Delaware provided for the 
election of one-third of the Senators every two years. Connecti- 
cut furnished the example for equal representation of the States 
in the Senate and for proportional representation in the House 
of Representatives. The powers of the President resemble closely 
those granted the governors. Some of the delegates were fa- 
miliar also with other provisions of the State constitutions, such 
as: bills for raising revenue must originate in the House; the proc- 
ess of impeachment; the veto power and governor's message, and 
language of the first ten amendments. It has been said: "The 
process of electing the President is almost the only feature not 
a natural growth." 

The Constitution was submitted to Congress September 
20. It was to go into effect between the ratifying States 
when accepted by conventions of delegates in nine States. 
The period included between September 28, 1787, when 
Congress, without a favorable word of comment, trans- 
mitted the Constitution to the legislatures and June 21, 
1788, the date of its ratification by the requisite number of 
State conventions, was one of the most critical in our 
history. 

Delegates to conventions were elected in all of the States, 
except Rhode Island. In all the conventions the Constitu- 
tion was violently assailed by its foes. Those who supported 
it called themselves Federalists, and those who opposed it 
were known as Anti-Federalists. In general, the men who 



The Formation of the Federal Constitution 205 

opposed the Constitution represented the views of con- Supporters 
stituents who lived away from the great trade centers, opponents 
This rural population, chiefly engaged in agricultural pur- of the 
suits, was frequently a debtor class, and desired that the tion. 
States be left free to issue a depreciated paper money. The 
landed aristocracy of New York opposed the Constitu- 
tion. A tax on their lands would be necessary if the State 
were to be deprived of the duties collected at their chief 
port. It was opposed by the Kentucky and Tennessee 
districts whose connection with the Atlantic coast was but 
slight. 

On the other hand, its advocates were men from the 
commercial centers or those who represented the great river 
valley regions, such as the Connecticut, Delaware, Shen- 
andoah, and Ohio, and other highways of trade. The 
Tories favored the Constitution because it seemed to offer 
them greater protection. 

Among the leaders in the State conventions, who de- Arguments 
fended ably the views of the opposition were Richard rftmca- 
Henry Lee, Elbridge Gerry, George Clinton, and Patrick tion. 
Henry. It was urged that the President would become a 
despot, the House of Representatives a corporate tyrant, 
and the Senate an oligarchy; that equality of representation 
in the Senate was an injustice to the large States; and that 
there was no Bill of Rights protecting the liberties of the 
people against encroachment by the National Govern- 
ment. Newspaper letters, tracts, and pamphlets appeared 
in large numbers denouncing the Constitution as dangerous. 

The ^iews of the Federalists were well presented in a 
letter written by Washington to Patrick Henry, in which he 
said: "I wish the Constitution which is offered had been 
more perfect; but it is the best which could be obtained at 
this time, and a door is open for amendments hereafter. 
The political concerns of this country are suspended by a 
thread. The Convention has been looked up to by the re- 
flecting part of the community with a solicitude which is 
hardly to be conceived, and if nothing had been agreed 



206 American History 

on by that body, anarchy would soon have ensued, the seeds 
being deeply sown in every soil." 

In the NeAV York newspapers a series of political essays 
appeared for many weeks bearing the title "The Federal- 
ist." They presented the case for the Constitution with 
such logic that even now they are considered the best com- 
mentary on that document ever written. Hamilton in- 
stituted the plan and probably wrote fifty-one of the essays, 
Madison wrote twenty-nine, and Jay five. 

December 6, 17S7, the Delaware convention ratified 
the Constitution without a dissenting vote. Pennsylvania, 
New Jersey, Georgia, and Connecticut quickly followed. 
Much depended on the aption of the Massachusetts con- 
vention. The leading opponent of the Constitution in this 
State was Samuel Adams. A letter from Washington, 
which was published in a Boston newspaper, had much to 
do in bringing about ratification by the convention. The 
sentiment was similar to that presented in the letter to 
Patrick Henry. The delegates finally accepted the propo- 
sition that amendments might be made which would take 
the place of a Bill of Rights and ratified the Constitution 
with the vote of 187 to 168. Maryland and South Caro- 
lina, after a heated contest, adopted the Constitution. 
The ninth State was finally secured through the ratification 
by New Hampshire (June 21, 1788). Before this news 
was know^n in the South, Virginia had ratified on the 25th 
of June. Here both parties had notable leaders. "What 
right," exclaimed Patrick Henry, "had they to say. We 
the people? . . . Who authorized them to speak the 
language of We the people, instead of. We the States?" 
He was seconded in his opposition by jMason and Richard 
Henry Lee. But the influence of AVashington, JNIarshall, 
and Madison finally triumphed, and Virginia ratified with 
a vote of eighty-nine in favor and seventy-nine opposed. 

When the New York convention assembled, some two- 
thirds of the members, under the able leadership of Gov- 
ernor Clinton, were opposed to the Constitution. Ham- 



in organiz- 

new 

ern- 

ment. 



The Formation of the Federal Constitution 207 

ilton was untiring in his efforts to secure the ratification 
by this State and to his influence was largely due the favor- 
able action in the close vote of thirty to twenty-seven. 

A second convention was called in North Carolina and, 
November 21, 1789, that State voted to adopt the Constitu- 
tion. Rhode Island, in :SIay of the following year, after 
Congress had threatened to cut her off from the privileges 
of trade, also declared in favor of the Constitution. 

When nine States had ratified the Constitution, Con- J^^^^^^f^^ 
gress passed a resolution for putting the new Government ing the 
into operation. Presidential electors were to be chosen Go^'^" 
on the first Wednesday in January, 1789. They were to 
cast their votes for President on the first Wednesday in 
February. The new Government was to go into operation 
on the first Wednesday of March which happened that year 
to be the fourth of the month. So slowly did the members 
of Congress assemble that the House of Representatives 
was not organized until the first of April and the Senate five 
days later. When the electoral votes were counted, it 
was found, as had been expected, that Washington was 
unanimously chosen President. John Adams was elected 
Vice-President, having received thirty-four votes, the next 
highest number.* 

THE NATION IN 1789 

It is somewhat diflScult for us to picture to ourselves the Area and 
nation for which the new government was to be organized. ^X.' ''' 
The area of the United States was 843,000 square miles, ac- 
cording to the census of 1790, the population was 3,929,000. 
Of these, about one-fifth were negroes, mostly slaves. 
Virginia ranked first in population, having 747,610 in- 
habitants. Five per cent, of the total number of people 
were west of the Alleghanies, Kentucky having a popula- 
tion of 74,000 in 1790 and Tennessee 35,000. 

*There were sixty-nine electoral votes in all. Besides John Adams, 
nine other men received votes. Among them were John Hancock and 
Samuel Adams. 



208 



American Ifi.slori/ 



Tlicrc were no lur^'c cilics. "^riic most important were 
J^liiliulclpliia with a |)0|)iilation of 42,500; New York, with 
38,000; Boston, with 1S,()00; C:harlcston, with 16,000 and 
Baltimore with 13,500. The streets of the cities were nar- 
row and were 
poorly paved 
when paved at 
all. Tliere were 
no sewers, and 
no attention was 
p.'iid to pro|)er 
sanitary condi- 
tions. Diseases 
of the worst sort 
were prevalent. 
The scourge of 
yellow fever in- 
fested the c-ities 
almost yearly. 

Amonjij the 
official and aris- 
tocratic .'lasses 
there was much 
social display. 
The styl(! and 
the fashion of 
the English gen- 
try were still 
copied. The homes of the rich were noted for their spa- 
cious rooms and elaborate furnishings, but the comforts 
of to-day were mostly lacking. Drinking of spirituous 
liquors and gambling were common among all classes. 
Duelling and lotteries were in vogue; many public im- 
provements and a number of academies and colleges were 
assisted by money received from lotteries. 

Farmers usually made their own wooden ploughs and 
wagons, cut the grain with a scythe, and threslied it with a 




r)J«THIBl!TION OF 

POPULATION 

IX17U0 



/•r«m 2 u. 1« m/,„6. < \^ i <f o*h*ma 

Wand aver " " ' ..;;..;• <L » o 

Center 0/ Poindal Um ' ___°^. "' 



DiHtribution of Population in 1790 



Tlie Formafioit oj the I'^nlcral ('oii.sliliilloii. 20!) 

flail. Most of the clothiM^ of the family was hoiiiespuii. 
"^riie fireplace supplied the lack of a stove, aiul lii2;ht was 
fiiniishcfl by the tallow candle. Wondei-ful changes have 
taken |)lace in the lives of day-laborers sinc(! that time. 
Waf];es were, in purchasing |)ower, less than one-half the 
wa^es of to-day. The necessities of life were costly, the 
mechanic bcin^ scarcely able to supply the coarsest foo(l 
and elothint^ for his family and k<*ep out of debt. 

Nine-tenths of the peo|)le were (Mi^ajjed in aj^ricultural occnpa- 
pursuits. Wheat was tin; leading crop and was fijrown 
chiefly in Connecticut, the Middle States, and Virginia. 
These States also j)roduced corn. Hemp and flax were 
cultivated in nearly all of the Stales; the Southern Slates 
jiroduced tobacco, rice, and in(|i<^o. Cattle, sheep and 
hof];s were raised in all of the States. I^'ishin*^ was carried 
on extensively in New England. Manufaclurinf^, with 
the exce[)tion of slii|)-buildinff, was of lilllc! imj)ortance. 
American navigators were familiar with all seas. Besides 
an extensive Euroj)ean and West Indian trade, that with 
the nortli-wcst <"oast of America, because of the furs and 
peltries, was becoming imj)orlant. In 17S9 some forty- 
five vessels went from the port of JJoston alone to this coast 
and to India and China. 

The value of the imports was slightly less than that of imporis 
the exports, which amounted to about twenty million dol- i!!i'j,„rts. 
lars in a single year. Besides tea, having a value of one- 
seventh of the articles iuiported, the leading im])orls were 
niiinufactured articles, sugar, salt, colfee, nails, and distilled 
spirits. There were s<Mit out of the country, in 1 7Si), lidO,- 
()()() barrels of flour from Peimsylvania alone. Other chief 
articles of export were lumber, rice, wheat, beef, pork, fish, 
and pitch. 

A French traveller wrote of tlie cnterjjriso of American sailors: Brissot dc 
" Yon SCO their llaR evcrywhcn; disphiyed; you son thorn exploring ^p*^""^'"*'' 
all islands, studying their wants, and ntturning to supply them. Travels 
A sloop from Albany of sixty tons and cloven men had th(! cour- (ivS^l, 
age to go to China. The (Chinese, on seeing her arrive, took hor ^> ^08. 
for the cutter of some large vessel and asked, where was the great 



210 



lliMorij 



Means of 
communi- 
cation. 



District 
schools. 



Text- 
books 



Town 
scliools. 



ship? We are the great ship; answered they to the Chinese, 
stupefied at their hardiness." 

From a month to seven weeks and even three months 
were required to cross the Atlantic. Domestic trade was 
Umited because of the lack of good roads and bridges. 
Boats and sailing packets were common on the rivers and 
the coast. Stage-coaches were used between the larger 
towns. To make the journey from Boston to New York 
required six days. Mails were ordinarily carried on horse- 
back. Postmen carried the mail from New York to Phila- 
delphia five times each week, and required two days to 
make the journey. 

The intellectual life of the people developed slowly. 
District schools were common in New England, where 
school was "kept" for two months in winter by a man and 
two months in summer by a woman. The boys usually 
attended in winter and the girls in summer. The teacher 
received a small amount of money for his services and 
"boarded round." Pupils were given a limited amount of 
instruction in reading, writing, and arithmetic. 

Text-books were few until after the Revolution. Noah 
Webster's American Spelling Book, which appeared in 1785, was 
really the first of otir modern texts. The author indicated his 
purpose in the preface, as follows: "To diffuse an uniformity 
and purity of language in America, to destroy the provincial 
prejudices that originate in trifling differences of dialect and pro- 
duce reciprocal ridicule, to promote the interests of literature 
and harmony in the United States is the most earnest wish of the 
atithor." A Xeiv and Complete Arithmetic Composed for the 
Citizens of the United States, which appeared in 1788, was the first 
arithmetic produced by an American. The author, Nicolas 
Pike, devoted the greater part of the book to arithmetic proper 
and the remainder to plane geometry, algebra, trigonometry, 
and conic sections. 

Few schools were to be found in the country districts 
outside New England. In the towns it was the custom 
for pupils to remain with a single teacher through the sixth 
reader, when they were admitted to the grammar school. 
Here they were taught the classics. Grammar schools 



The Formation of the Federal Constitution 211 

were generally supported by fees. Girls did not usually 
continue their education beyond the grammar school. 
Daughters of the well-to-do families completed their train- 
ing by learning to do fine needle-work or to play on the 
spinet or the harpsichord. There were no public high 
schools. Private tutors were frequently employed in 
wealthy families. Xight schools had been established in 
some of the cities. 

The need for higher secondary education led to the Higher 
founding of endowed academies by individuals, by towns, 
or by grants of land from the State. The first incorporated 
academy was founded in Philadelphia in 175S through the 
efforts of Franklin. Academies increased rapidly in num- 
bers, and by 1800 over one hundred had been established in 
different sections of the country. Among the most noted 
were Phillips Academy at Andover, chartered in 1780, and 
Phillips Academy at Exeter, founded about the same time. 
Nine years was regarded as the proper age for pupils to 
enter the academy. Discipline in all secondary schools was 
strict, and the rod ordinarily was the only "aid" in teach- 
ing. Courses of study in the better academies were classi- 
cal, in preparation for entering college. 

There were graduated from the colleges of the country, 
in 1789, about one hundred and seventy men. Instruction 
in the colleges was confined chiefly to Latin, Greek, 
mathematics and logic. North Carolina established the 
first State university in 1795. 

The first medical school, afterward a department of the 
University of Pennsylvania, was founded at Philadelphia 
in 1765. King's College and Harvard had also provided 
for instruction in medicine. But the majority of young 
men who desired an education in medicine were accus- 
tomed to become apprenticed to some city practitioner. 

Young men were accustomed to study law in the office 
of a leading lawyer. The first law school was established 
at Litchfield, Conn., in 1784. 

A chair of divinity existed in most of the colleges. No 



212 



American History 



Scientific 
societies 
and art. 



definite organization was given, however, to courses lead- 
ing to a preparation for the ministry. The first theological 
school in the country was established in 1784, in New York 
City, by the Dutch Reformed Church. 

English influence on thought grew weaker and French 
influence stronger after the Revolution. Few of the men 
who were to create a real National literature wxre born. 
Washington Irving was but a lad of six years, and James 
Fenimore Cooper was born in 1789. In 1787, Joel 
Barlow published "The Vision of Columbus," a lengthy, 
prosy production in verse. Philip Freneau was the real 
lyric poet of the time. But Benjamin Franklin was the 
eighteenth-century author of greatest distinction. Besides 
the two works by which he is best known, " Poor Richard's 
Almanac" and his Autobiography, he had won a notable 
reputation by his state papers, scientific discussions, and 
lectures. Americans excelled in political literature. The 
state papers of Washington, John Adams, Samuel Adams, 
Hamilton, Jefferson, and ^Madison, are models of their 
kind. 

James Otis, Patrick Henry, Fisher Ames, and several 
other men of the time have always been given high rank 
as orators. 

The Pennsylvania Packet, founded in 1784, was the first 
daily newspaper. In 1785, the first daily evening paper, 
The Philadelphia Gazette, was established. Newspapers 
were printed on poor paper. There were no editorials. 
They were made up chiefly of clippings from other papers, 
a summary of news from London or Paris, lengthy con- 
tributions on political questions, and advertisements. 

Scientific societies in America had their beginning in 
"The American Philosophical Society for Promoting Use- 
ful Knowledge," which met at Philadelphia. It was in- 
corporated in 1786. The American Academy of Arts and 
Sciences of Boston was founded the same year, and, in 
1791, the Massachusetts Historical Association. 

John Copley, Benjamin West, and Gilbert Stuart were 



The Formafion of the Federal Cousfitution 213 

three Americans who gained reputations as painters in 
England. They preferred to live there because of the poor 
support given artists in America. Stuart, who received 
$100 for his portrait of Washington once said: "A grocer 
will make more by buying a cargo of molasses in a day 
than my labor can bring me in a year." 

In America, as in other countries of the world at the Hospitals 
close of the eighteenth century, there was little responsi- prisons. 
bility felt for the care of dependent classes. Hospitals for 
the sick existed in only a few cities. Insane persons were 
confined in cells underneath the ground floor and were 
treated with great brutality. Prisoners, of all degrees of 
crime, were herded together in dark, loathsome dungeons, 
and their lives, through inhuman treatment, were made 
as miserable as possible. The crime of debt brought more 
people to jail than any other. 

A small property qualification or payment of a certain Right to 
amount of taxes was required of voters in a majority of ^j°{^^ '^"' 
the States. While freedom in religious belief had become ottice. 
general, in a number of the States only Protestants might 
hold office. But the Federal Constitution did not recog- 
nize religious belief as a qualification for office-holding, 
and the States soon followed this example. 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. The attitude of Congress toward the calling of a Conven- 
tion at Philadelphia. Fiske, Critical Period, 217-222. Schouler, 
History of the United States, I, 34-.39. 

2. Problems connected with the appointment of delegates in 
some of the States. McMaster, History, I, 390-399. Members 
of the Convention. Hart, Contemporaries, III, No. 63. 

3. The influence of certain men in the Convention. Mc- 
Master, History, I, 418-423. Fiske, Critical Period, 224-229. 
Walker, Making of the Nation, 23-27. 

4. The "Compromises" of the Constitution. Read Article II, 
Section 8, Clause 3 and Section 9, Clause 1. Madison, Am. 
St. Series, chap. 8. McLaughlin, The Confederation and the 
Constitution, 221-235. 



214 American Historij 

5. The Con.stitution in the Virginia convention. Patrick Henrv, 
Am. St. Series, chap. 18. Schonler, History, I, 70-75. Fiske, 
Critical. Period, 334-33G. 

6. Attitude of the New York convention and why was New 
York a pivotal State. Hamilton, Am. St. Series, 68-82. Ban- 
croft, History of the United States, VI, 455-460. Schouler, 
History, I, 66-67 (old ed.); 77-78 (new ed.). Fiske, Critical 
Period, 340-345. McLaughlin, The Confederation and the 
Constitution, 308-312. 

7. Objections to the Constitution in North Carolina. Hart, 
Contemporaries, HI, No. 75. 

8. What would have been the status of North Carolina and 
Rhode Island if they had refused to ratify? Walker, Making the 
Nation, 73-75. Hart, Formation, 132-133. 

9. Compare the original method of nominating the President 
with that of to-day. James and Sanford, Government in State 
and Nation, 248-255. 

10. The first Presidential election and inauguration of the new 
Government. Fiske, Critical Period, 34()-350. Schouler, His- 
tory, I, 74-86 (old ed.); 79-90 (new ed.). 

11. The nation in 1789; education, literature, religion, etc. 
McMaster, History, II, 1-24; 57-66. Scudder, Men and Man- 
ners in America One Hundred Years Ago. Farle, Stage-Coach 
and Tavern Days. 

12. Extent of American and foreign shipping engaged in the 
commerce of the United States in 1789. Is the showing for this 
country as favorable now? Why? Coman, Industrial History, 
131, 132. 

13. Would you favor the restrictions on suffrage of 1789? Of 
to-day? Fiske, Critical Period, 69, 70. Government in State 
and Nation, 48, 49, 142, 143. 

14. James and Mann, Readings in American History, chap- 
ter 13. 



CHAPTER XIV 

ORGANIZATION OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT 
THE FEDERALISTS IN CONTROL 

Wasttixgton set out for New York April 1(1. He wrote inauKura 
in his diary of that day: "About 10 o'clock 1 bade adieu washing- 
to Mount Vernon, to private life and to domestic felic- 1°"- 
ity, and with a mind oppressed with more anxious and 
|)ainful sensations than I have words to express, set out for 
New York with the best disposition to render service to 
my country in obedience to its call, but with less hope of 
answering its expectations." Well might he hesitate to 
assume the burdens of the office to which he had been 
elected. The Govennnent must prove itself acceptable 
to the people, and under the guidance of a less able leader, 
it must have failed. The confidence of the })cople in 
Washington was expressed in the homage shown him at 
all stages of his journey. April 30, on the balcony of 
Federal Hall, in New York City, the oath of office was ad- 
ministered. Washington then reatl his inaugural address 
in the presence of Congress assembled in the Senate 
Chamber. At the conclusion of the address, the as- 
semblage went to St. Paul's chapel, where prayers were 
offered. Formal addresses were j)rcsented to the Presi- 
dent by both Houses of Congress. This ceremony, dis- 
continued when Jefferson became President, was in keep- 
ing with the other formalities of the time. 

The Federal treasurv was empty. Madison, on April First leeri; 

„ . , , , ". . I ' TT 1 J \.i lation bv 

8, mtroduced a resolution into the House, based on tlie consrress. 
plan of 1783, for raising a national revenue. This led 
to the first tariff act (July 4, 1789). Members from 
Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, and the other States in which ^^'^^^^ ^ 
215 



The tariff, 
Article I, 
section 8, 



216 



American Ilistory 



manufactures were developing wanted protection for their 
industries. The act was sHghtly protective, but its chief 
object was to secure revenue for carrying on the Govern- 
ment. It provided specific duties on wines, teas, nails, 
salt, and twenty-eight other articles, and an ad valorevi 
duty from five to fifteen per cent, on a few articles, as paper, 
leather, and tinware. The average of duties was about 
eight and one-half per cent. The amount of money col- 
lected from taxes on imports was not suflScient to carry on 




Dollar of 1794 



the Government, and on the recommendation of Hamil- 
ton the rates were increased in 1790 and 1792. 

The appropriations by Congress for the first year's ex- 
penses amounted to $639,000. Washington, as during the 
Revolutionary War, desired to serve without salary. It 
was agreed, however, that the President should receive 
$25,000 and the Vice-President $5,000 annually. 

It was taken for granted by the Constitutional Conven- 
tion that executive departments would be formed. Three 
departments were created: the Department of State, 
then called Foreign Affairs, the Department of War, and 
the Treasury Department. Provision was made for the 
office of Attorney-General, although this office was not, for 
many years, considered an executive department. The 
former Post-Office was continued, and it M^as made a 



Organization of the Neiv Government 



2\\ 



department in 1794. Through the appointment by 
Washington and confirmation by the Senate, Thomas 
Jefferson was made Secretary of State, Alexander Hamil- 
ton, Secretary of Treasury; Henry Knox, Secretary of War, 
and Edmund Randolph, Attorney-General. 

Although not authorized by the Constitution, Washington 
early began the custom of calling these four men together from 
time to time to confer with him on public questions. Later 
Presidents have preserved this practice of calling their Cabinets 
into conference. \Miile the President is not obliged to take the 
advice of his Cabinet, their views have usually great weight with 
him. 

By an act of September 24, 1789, Congress proceeded o^^^^^^^;^ 
to organize the Federal Judiciary as outlined in the Consti- judiciary, 
tution. This act provided that the Supreme Court should f/^'^/f^^ V/' 
consist of a Chief Justice and five associate justices. Four clause i. 
Circuit Courts and thirteen District Courts were also cre- 
ated, and their functions as inferior courts were defined. 
John Jay, of New York, a man of sterling character and 
strong convictions was appointed Chief Justice. Regular 
Circuit Court judges were not then pro\aded for. 

The first Congress was called upon to consider some First ten 
three hundred propositions to amend the Constitution, ^"^^^sto 
Of these, more than one-third were submitted by the JJe^Consti- 
States at the time of ratification. Twelve amendments 
finally received the requisite two-thirds votes of both 
Houses of Congress. Ten became a part of the Constitu- 
tion in 1791, having been ratified by the legislatures of 
three-fourths of the States. These ten amendments have 
been called "The Bill of Rights"; for they provide, in 
general, for the preservation (against encroachment by 
the National Government) upon such rights as the freedom 
of religion, and of speech, and that over private property, 
rights which had been enumerated in the "Bills of Rights ' 
of the State consthutions. 

The Constitution provides (Article III, Section II, Clause 1) that Eleventh 
the judicial power of the United States shall extend to contro- ^^^^^ 
versies between a State and citizens of another State, and between 



218 



American History 



a State and the citizens or subjects of a foreign State. These pro- 
visions were intended doubtless to apply only to suits in which a 
State should attempt, as plaintiff, to secure justice in a Federal 
Court. But, contrary to expectation, suits were early brought 
against some of the States by citizens of other States. In the no- 
table case of Chisholm vs. the State of Georgia (in 1793), Chisholm, 
a citizen of North Carolina, began action against the State of 
Georgia in the Supreme Court of the United States. That Court 
interpreted the clause as applying to cases in which a State is 
defendant, as well as to those in which it is plaintiff. The de- 
cision was received with disfavor by the States, and Congress pro- 
posed the Eleventh Amendment to the Constitution, which was 
ratified in 1798 and reads as follows: "The judicial power of the 
United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or 
equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States, 
by citizens of another State or by citizens or subjects of any foreign 
State." 

When Alexander Hamilton, at the age of thirty-two, 
was appointed Secretary of the Treasury, he had already ac- 
quired a notable reputation as a writer on the problems of 
government and as a lawyer. Although fully aware of the 
difficulties to be met, he did not hesitate in accepting the 
burdens of the office at the meager salary of $3,500 a year. 
Shortly after his appointment, Congress requested Ham- 
ilton to prepare a report on the public credit. This led 
to the formation of his financial policy. The carrying out 
of his recommendations placed the National credit on a 
solid foundation. 

Hamilton showed that the National indebtedness was 
about $54,000,000, including principal and arrears of in- 
terest. Of this sum, $12,000,000 was owed in Europe, 
chiefly to the French Government. In his first report on 
the public credit (1790), he proposed that these obliga- 
tions against the Government should be paid in full. 
While there was no objection made to paying the foreign 
debt, a heated debate took place, in Congress, over the 
proposition to pay the remainder, or "domestic debt." 
These certificates of indebtedness had depreciated so much 
that they were worth only about one-fifth of their face value. 
Speculators had been bmdng the certificates, and it was 



Or(joiiizafi<)ii of flic New Govcriimoit 



219 



state 
debts and 
location of 
the Capi- 
tal. 



argued that they and not the original owners would profit by 
the measure. But Hamihon insisted that the credit of the 
Government could be established only by redeeming its 
jiromises to pay at full face value. Hamilton's plan tri- 

umphed, and a bill was 

|)assed by Congress 
providing for the pay- 
ment of both the for- 
eign and domestic 
debts. 

The proposal by Assump 
Hamilton that the Na- 
tional Government 
should assume the un- 
paid debts of the in- 
dixidual States which 
had been incurred in 
support of the Revolu- 
tion, met with bitter 
protest. The total of 
these debts finally 
fixed upon was $21,- 
000,000. INIassachu- 
setts, Connecticut, and 
South Carolina had the largest debts. With the excep- 
tion of South Carolina, the Southern States had already 
paid off the greater part of their debts and were op- 
posed to the plan. New England and the INliddle States 
with the excej:)tion of Pennsylvania, favored assump- 
tion. The Representatives from North Carolina now ap- 
])eared in Congress in time to defeat the measure in the 
House. 

Hamilton saw in the discussion over the permanent 
location of the Capital the opportunity to save his plan 
for assumption. The choice had narrowed down to a 
site on the Delaware River in Pennsylvania, or to one on the 
Potomac. Finally, a bargain was agreed upon in whi(-h 




Alexander Hami 

From the painting l>y John Tr 



220 



. line r ica 1 1 II i.sio ri/ 



Hamilton offered to secure enough Northern votes for the 
Potomac site, providing Jefferson would get Virginia votes 
to carry the assumption of the State debts. Both measures 
were carried. For ten years, the Capital was to be at 
Philadelphia and then to be located in a district ten miles 
square on the Potomac at some spot to be selected by 
Washington. 

Some means must be found to pay the debts. Hamil- 
ton proposed, in a second report on the public credit, pre- 
sented at the close of the year 1790, an increase in the 
import duties on distilled liquors and also an excise upon 
spirituous liquors distilled in the United States. An ex- 
cise, to be laid by the National Government, was especially 
objectionable to many. It was regarded in the same light 
as the stamp duties before the Revolution. It tended, 
they thought, to give too great powers of taxation to the 
Federal Government. In spite of great opposition, the 
measure was passed. One member suggested that it 
would be like "drinking down the National debt." 

The plan for a United States Bank, advocated in a 
special report (December 13, 1790), is even more note- 
worthy. Hamilton had recommended such an institution 
to Robert Morris during the Revolution. He now urged 
that a bank would become the means of increasing the cir- 
culating medium, and at the same time give a safe and 
uniform currency to the country, through the issue of 
bank-notes; and that the Government would be able to 
borrow money and carry on other financial affairs through 
the bank with greater facility. Besides, the men who 
might subscribe for the stock would thus become inter- 
ested in the Government. 

Madison, as the leader of a strong minority party in the 
House of Representatives, asserted that Congress did not 
possess the power of establishing such a corporation, since 
it was not "expressly" granted by the Constitution. 
Hamilton maintained that the power was implied in 
that clause which authorizes Congress "to make all laws 



Orgaitization of the New Gover)imeiit 221 

which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into exe- 
cution the foregoing powers . . . vested by the Constitu- 
tion in the Government of the United States." The bill, 
which finally passed both Houses of Congress, provided 
for the incorporation of a bank for twenty years with a 
capital of $10,000,000. The Government might subscribe 
for an amount not exceeding $2,000,000. Payment for 
a large amount of the stock was to be made in Government 
bonds. The bank was to be used as a place of deposit for 
Government funds and to aid it in borrowing, collecting, 
and paying out money. 

Because of the objections to the measure, Washington, strict and 
before signing the bill, referred it to his Cabinet for their s°ruct^on^ 
written opinions on its constitutionality. The replies sub- 
mitted by Jefferson and Hamilton are noteworthy. They 
set forth definitely the two opposing views on the inter- 
pretation of the Constitution which have so often been con- 
tended for in the course of our history. Jefferson argued, 
as Madison had done, that the incorporation of a bank 
would be unconstitutional and that a bank was neither a 
"necessary" nor a "proper" agent "for carrying into exe- 
cution'.' the "enumerated powers" of the Constitution. 
He stood for what is called the doctrine of "strict" con- 
struction. Hamilton, in his answer, held that all con- 
venient "means" might be employed by the Government 
which were "required in the execution" of powers granted 
by the Constitution. He argued that the creation of a Article i, 
bank was constitutional since it was related to the powers clauses 
of collecting taxes and borrowing money. Thus he de- i- '^■ 
clared in favor of the "broad" construction of the Consti- 
tution. Washington, after some hesitation, signed the 
bill. The Bank was established in Philadelphia with 
branches in New York, Baltimore, and six other cities. 



This doctrine of the impUed powers of the Constitution was in Bryce, 

turn to be adopted by the Supreme Court and stated in the fa- ^'^J^^ 

mous decisions of John Marshall. James Bryce has well said: wealth, 

"The interpretation which has thus stretched the Constitution i, 390.' 



1 mcricaii Ili.sforij 



to cover powers once undreamt of may be deemed a dangerous 
resource. But it must be remembered that even the constitu- 
tions we call rigid must make their choice between being bent 
or being broken. The Americans have more than once bent 
their Constitution in order that they might not be forced to 
break it." 

Congress, on Hamilton's recommendation, also passed 
an act for the establishment of a mint. The free coinage 
of both gold and silver at a ratio of 15 to 1 was adopted, 
i. e., the weight of pure metal in a silver dollar was fifteen 
times as much as the pure metal in a gold dollar. 

At the close of the year 1791, Hamilton made the most 
elaborate of his reports, that on manufactures. The argu- 
ments for the protection of American industries, through 
a tax on imports, stands to-day as one of the best presenta- 
tions ever made in behalf of the protective system. The 
act of 1792, which provided for a slight increase in duties, 
followed, in the main, his suggestions. 

As we have seen, two parties developed over the ratifi- 
cation of the Constitution. After the inauguration of 
the new Government, the Anti-Federalists as a party 
disappeared. But the adoption of Hamilton's financial 
plans was the chief cause for the formation of two well- 
organized political parties. Hamilton favored a strong 
central Government. The policy of loose construction 
which he advocated would deprive the State governments 
of many powers. INIany persons then, as to-day, viewed 
with alarm this growing authority of the central Govern- 
ment and Jefferson declared that the Government was 
drifting toward a monarchy. He believed that Hamilton 
was building up a monarchical party by giving to certain 
members of Congress, which the Secretary of State called 
the "corrupt squadron," financial privileges in return for 
their support. In the ceremonial connected with the 
sittings of the Supreme Court, and in the secret sessions of 
the Senate, Jefferson and his adherents saw also the death 
of Republican institutions. 

These followers of Jefferson, chief among whom was 



Organizafion of the Xnr Government 223 

jNIadison, were soon organized, and called themselves the Repubii- 
Republican Party. They were called by their enemies federalists. 
"Democratic." They insisted on the strict interpretation 
of the Constitution, and were most numerous in the agri- 
cultural States. Those who favored the views of Hamilton 
clung to the name "FederalLst" for their party. They 
were chiefly in the commercial States. Another notable 
difference between the party views grew out of the atti- 
tude of the two leaders toward the people. Hamilton had 




The Home of Ceoroe Waslunston at Mouut Vernon 



little confidence in the ability of the mass of the people 
to govern, and held that government should be in the 
hands of the educated and property-owning classes. 
Jefferson believed in the common people and in their 
capacity for self-government. He had no fears of such 
uprisings as that led by Shays, and declared with regard 
to it: "Whenever our affairs go obviously wrong, the good 
sense of the people will interpose and set them right." 



224 American Ilisforif 

From the sessions of the Cabinet, where, as Jeft'ersoii 
said, he and Hamihon were arrayed against eaeh other 
like "two cocks in a pit," the contest passed to the news- 
papers. Jefferson and Hamihon became personal ene- 
mies. Although the attacks on Hamilton were largely ill- 
founded, it is fortunate that a party was then brought into 
existence which held, as its leading principle, belief in the 
people. 

As the time for the second Presidential election ap- 
proached, Washington, wiio had grown weary of the at- 
tacks on his administration, would gladly have retired to 
the quiet of Mount Vernon. Urged by the leaders of both 
parties, he again allowed his name to be used and was 
unanimously reelected. The contest between the parties 
came in the choice of a Vice-President. John Adams, the 
Federalist candidate, was reelected, having received the 
votes of seventy-seven electors. Fifty electors voted for 
George Clinton of the Republican party. The Repub- 
licans, however, succeeded in electing a majority of the 
members of the House of Representatives. The Senate 
remained under the control of the Federalists. 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. Relation of Washington to the Senate. Hart, Contempo- 
raries, III, No. 79. 

2. Washington's Cabinet; departments since organized and 
chief functions of each. Walker, ]\Iaking of the Nation, 88-93. 
Fiske, Civil Government, 236-240; 2.50-252. James and San- 
ford's Government in State and Nation, 28.3-297 

3. Compare with the English Cabinet; appointment, authority. 
Government in State and Nation, 178-180. 

4. Organization of the Federal Judiciary. Walker, Making of 
the Nation, 97, 98. Hart, Formation, 145, 146. Government 
in State and Nation, .30.^.305. 

5. Process of amending the Constitution and nature of the first 
ten amendments. Walker, Making of the Nation, 74-77. 
Government in State and Nation, 337-341. 

6. Compare the methods of raising revenue under the Consti- 



Organizafioii of the New Government 225 

tution and under the Confederation. Government in State and 
Nation, 182. 

7. Hamilton's Financial Policy. Hamilton, Am. St. Series, 
chaps. 5 and 6. Madison, Am. St. Series, 144-150 (new ed.). 
Hart, Formation, 146-151. Walker, Making of the Nation, 
78-86. 

8. Formation of political parties. Hamilton, Am. St. Series, 
chap. 7. Jefferson, Am. St. Series, chap. 8. INIadison, Am. St 
Series, chap. 12. Hart, Formation, 155-156. Walker, Making 
of the Nation, 94-97. 

9. The slave question in the First Congress. Madison, Am. 
St. Series, 152-164 (new ed.). Hart, Formation, 151, 152, 

10. James and Mann, Readings in American History, chap. 14. 

11. Historical fiction. James Lane Allen, Choir Invisible 
(Kentucky). James K. Paulding, Westward Ho! (Kentucky). 



CHAPTER XV 



FOREIGN RELATIONS, 179:^-1801 



Party contests became more embittered because of the 
relation of the United States to European affairs after 
tlie outbreak of the French Revolution in 1789. For a 
quarter of a century foreign relations were to constitute 
a leading feature in our history. France, as we have seen 
(p. 168), aided America in gaining independence. The 
news of the proclamation of the French Republic (Sep- 
tember 22, 1792), and the execution of King Louis XVI 
(January 21, 1793), were enthusiastically received in 
America. This feeling of joy was heightened when it 
was learned early in April, 1793, that France had also 
declared war against England. 

By the terms of the treaty of 1778, France expected the 
United States to defend the French West India Islands 
against attack and to grant France certain privileges in 
our ports not granted other nations. Appreciating that 
the very existence of the nation might depend on keeping 
out of the struggle, Washington determined that the 
United States should pursue an impartial course toward 
both England and France. His Proclamation of Neutral- 
ity was issued, therefore, on April 22, 1793. It is classed 
to-day as one of the most important documents of the 
period. The United States was thenceforth to keep clear 
of European entanglements. 

Its enforcement was difficult because of the actions of 
Genet, the French Minister, who came to Charleston two 
weeks before the Proclamation was issued.. Counting on 
226 



Foreign Relations 227 

Aniorican sympathy and aid for France, he fitted ont four 
privateers, wliich captured a number of English vessels. 
After ten days he set out for Philadelphia. Ovations were 
given him on the way and in that city. Democratic clubs 
were formed, modelled after those in Paris. Angered at 
his treatment by Washington, who insisted on the principle 
of neutrality, Genet threatened an appeal to the people. 
Disregarding the request of Jefferson and his own promise 
not to do so, he fitted out a captured vessel and sent it to 
sea. His recall was requested by Washington. The party 
by which he was apjjointed had fallen, and the French 
Government, then in the hands of the more radical Robes 
pierre faction, sent Fauchet as his successor. 

The secret plans of Genet relative to the West were of no less French 
moment. Because of the closing of the Mississippi by Spain plans in 
(p. 192), and the seeming disregard of their interests by the ^ ^^ West. 
(iovernment, there was general discontent among the men of 
the West. Genet was secretly instructed, by his Government, to 
make use of this disaffection and enHst men to conquer, for I'rance, 
Louisiana, the Floridas, and Canada. Before leaving Charleston, 
he arranged for an expedition against Florida and similar plans 
for the capture of New Orleans and Louisiana were set on foot 
by him at Philadelphia. These plots were revived by Fauchet 
and by Adet, the successors of Genet. 

The non-enforcement of the terms of the treaty of Difficulties 
1783 between Crreat Britain and the United States was ^;|.*^.^j 
still under discussion by both nations. In June, 1793, Britain. 
Great Britain ordered the seizure of neutral vessels carry- 
ing provisions to French ports. The French Government 
had already passed a similar decree relative to the ports of 
Great Britain. This policy, which struck so heavily at 
American shipping, was based on the doubtful claim that 
"provisions were contraband of war." Upon the outbreak 
of hostilities, France threw open her ports in the W'est 
Indies to trade with neutral ships. According to the " rule 
of 1756," by which Great Britain did not consider herself 
bound, trade which was forbidden a neutral in time of 
peace could not be allowed that nation in time of war. 



228 American Historij 

Great Britain, however, proceeded to enforce this ride 
against American trade with the French colonies. Some 
three hundred American vessels were seized and brought 
into British West Indian ports, by March 7, 1794, and 
their passengers and seamen were brutally treated. 

With even greater arrogance, Great Britain claimed the 
right to stop and search American ships for seamen of 
British birth in order to impress them into her navy. Upon 
the theory, "once an Englishman always an Englishman," 
sailors, English by birth, but who had become naturalized 
Americans were impressed. Even sailors born in the 
United States were seized. With the feeling excited by these 
acts, war seemed inevitable. Congress, in March, 1794, 
voted an embargo for thirty days on shipping in the ports 
of the United States. It was renewed for a month and 
bills were passed providing for the fortification of some 
of the harbors and for increasing the navy. 

But in spite of the clamor for war, Washington deter- 
mined, if possible, to avert it. He selected John Jay, then 
Chief Justice, as Envoy Extraordinary to open negotia- 
tions with Great Britain for the execution of the treaty of 
1783 and for making a treaty of commerce. After four 
months of negotiation, in London, between Lord Gren- 
ville and Jay a treaty was drawn up (November 19, 1794). 
According to its terms, the British Government agreed to 
evacuate the posts by June, 1796. Joint commissions 
were to settle the amount of the claims growing out of the 
non-payment of debts due British subjects and the seizure 
of American ships.* A general commercial treaty was 
agreed upon — an advantage to our merchants and ship- 
owners. 

Nothing was said about an indemnity for the loss of 
the negroes and no mention was made of impressment. 
The British Government refused to yield its position on 

♦Three million dollars was agreed upon by treaty (1802) as the amount 
due British subjects. A commission of five, in 1804, settled on $11,000,000 
as the amount due American claimants for the capture of their ships. 



Foreign Rrlattous 229 

neutral trade. The treaty passed the Senate with the exact 
number of votes necessary to make the required two- 
thirds. The whole country was aroused when the terms 
became known. In many cities Jay was burned in effigy 
and Hamilton, while defending the treaty, was stoned at a 
public meeting in New York City. The British flag was 
dragged througli the streets at Charleston and burned be- 
fore the door of the British Consul. A violent debate en- 
sued in the House of Representatives over the bill pro- 
viding for the money needed to execute the terms of the 
treaty. Finally, the House, by a vote of 51 to 48, passed the 
appropriation bill. The terms of the treaty were doubt- 
less the best which could be secured at that time. Re- 
jection would have meant an almost certain war, a war 
which would have crippled the nation. The opening 
of the IVIississippi by Spain and the settlement of the 
Indian troubles of the West were intimately connected 
also with the acceptance of the Jay treaty. 

Fearing the alienation of the West because of the long Treaty 
standing troubles with Spain (p. 192), Thomas Pinck- gpain, 
ney, in 1794, was sent to Spain for the purpose of making i"95. 
a new treaty. Knowing of the relations about to be 
established by the parties to the Jay treaty, Spain 
thought it desirable to win the friendship of the United 
States. On October 27, 1795, a treaty was signed by 
which America gained all that was asked: the free navi- 
gation of the Mississippi; the right to deposit goods at 
New Orleans;* and the parallel of 31° as the Florida 
boundary line. 

The advance of settlers into the territory ceded by the Indian 
treaty of 1783 was resisted by the Indians and attacks upon J[,g"^'^'' 
the outlying settlements were frequent. f American offi- North- 
cers who made oifers of peace were answered by some of the 

* A place of deposit was necessary in order that goods brought down 
the Mississippi on river boats might be transferred to ocean-going vessels. 

t The early settlements in Ohio were noted on pages 190, 191. Three 
other settlements were made on the Muskingum in 1790. 



230 



American Hisiory 



chiefs of the North-western tribes: "The English com- 
mandant at Detroit is our father and we cannot answer 
without consuhing him." The enormities of the savages 
becoming more frequent, tlie Government, in 1790 sent 
a force against them led by General Harmar. Under the 




Washiiiu;ioii (('iiii-iiiiiati 



leadership of the famous Chief, "Little Turtle," the Indians 
were victorious. An expedition the following year under 
General St. Clair met a like fate. 

The command was then entrusted to General Anthony 
Wayne. Setting out from Fort Washington (Cincinnati), 
he reached the rapids of the Maumee in August, 1794. 
There the desperate battle of "Fallen Timbers" was 
fought in which the Indians were utterly defeated. In 
the treaty at Greenville the next year, they agreed to 
surrender their claims to the greater part of the present 
Ohio. With the promise of security, settlers began at 
once to go into this territory in ever-increasing num- 
bers. 



Fo re i(j / 1 Ilrlat io 1 1 .i 



231 



]\Ieantime, hatred by the inhabitants of the Western 
communities, especially of Pennsylvania, for the excise 
law, gave rise to serious disturbances. Because of inade- 
quate facilities for transportation, Western men, in order 
to get their produce to market most readily, reduced the 
grain to whiskey. Their opposition to the tax on distilled 

spirits finally led to 
open rebellion in 
1794. Collectors of 
revenue were driven 
from their homes, 
mails were seized, 
and the United 
States Marshal was 
fired upon. About 
(),()00 men assem- 
bled at " Braddock's 
Field " and marched 
through the streets 
of Pittsburg to 
frighten the inhab- 
itants. Governor 
Mifflin of Pennsylvania did nothing, and Washington 
determined to enforce the law. He called out 13,000 
militia. This army, commanded by Governor Henry 
Lee of Virginia, marched across the mountains to the 
scene of the uprising, but met with no resistance, for the 
leaders had fled. The prompt suppression of this insur- 
rection served to demonstrate that the National Govern- 
ment had become powerful enough to enforce its laws. 

Declining to be a candidate for a third term, Washing- 
ton, in a masterly state paper (September 17, 1796), mad( 
an appeal for tlie highest standards for the nation, 
urged a "cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment" 
to national union. Americans were to observe good faith 
and justice toward all nations and keep "clear of per- 
manent alliances with any portion of the foreign world." 



Whiskey 
insurrec- 
tion, 1794. 




Wayne's Campaign and Treaty of Greenville 



He 



Washing- 
ton's 
Farewell 
Address. 



232 



A nier lea ii II i,sfo rij 



Public opinion, he wrote, slioukl be "enlightened" and 
public credit "cherished." 

John Adams and Thomas Pinckney were selected as the 
candidates of the Federalists for President and Vice-Presi- 
dent. The Republicans gave their support to Thomas 
Jefferson and 
Aaron Burr. Of 
the 132 electoral 
votes, Adams re- 
ceived 71 a n d 
was elected Pres- 
ident, and Jef- 
ferson received 
68, the next high- 
est number, and 
was elected Vice- 
President. 

John Adams 
had already 
served his coun- 
try ably and with 
honor. He was 
prominent as a 
leader in INIassa- 
chusetts in 
bringing on the 
Revolution; was 

a member of both Continental congresses, became Minister 
to France and then to Holland; in 1785 was made Minis- 
ter to England; and was twice Vice-President. Always 
upright in his relations with his associates, he failed, at 
times, because of lack of tact, jealousy of his rivals, and 
dislike of advice. He soon foinid that he had made a 
mistake in retaining Washington's Cabinet, for they were 
under the control of Hamilton, who was his enemy. Out 
of touch with his Cabinet, Adams was early called upon to 
adjust the troubles with France, which had become serious. 




John Adams 

copy by Jane Stuart, about 1874, of a painting by her 
fatlier, Gilbert Stuart, about 1800— in the 
possession of Henry Adams 



Forcif/ii Riiations 233 

The negotiation and ratification of the Jay treaty by the Unfriendly 
United States was considered by France a grave offence. France 
Because of the sacrifice of the principle that "free ships 
make free goods" and of the privileges secured to France 
by the treaty of 1778, that nation now declared its alliance 
with the United States at an end. American shipping was 
subjected to still greater injury by French war vessels, and 
the French minister to this country was recalled. INIean- 
time, Washington <letermined to send Charles C. Pinck- 
ney to take the place of James INIonroe as IVIinister to 
France.* 

The Directory, jiiqued at the attitude of the United 
States and exalted by the victories of Napoleon in Italy, 
not only refused to receive Pinckney, but ordered him to 
leave France. News of this insult reached America shortly 
after the inauguration of President Adams. In his message 
to Congress, called in sjjecial session, he asserted that the 
world should be convinced that "we are not a degraded 
people . . . fitted to be the miserable instruments of for- 
eign influence and regardless of national honor, character 
and influence." He Avas determined, if possible, to pre- 
vent war. A commission, consisting of C. C. Pinckney, 
John Marshall, and Elbridge Gerry, was appointed to 
make another effort to negotiate. 

Upon their arrival in Paris, they were refused oflScial The 
recognition by the French Government and instead, they 
were waited upon by three secret agents sent by Talley- 
rand, then INIinister of Foreign Affairs. These men, 
called in the dispatches to the American Government 
Messrs. "X, Y, and Z," demanded $250,000 for the Di- 
rectors and Ministers as the price of an audience. Said 
X: "Gentlemen, you do not speak to the point; it is money; 
it is expected you will offer money." "No, no, no; not a 
sixpence" was the reply. The attempt to carry on a sep- 

* Washington thought that Monroe had not pushed the claims against 
the French Government, for depredations upon American commerce, 
with enough vigor. 



"X, Y, Z' 

affair. 



234 



A merica u H isinry 



arate negotiation with Gerrv, who was a Republican was 
also a failure. The President, April 3, 1798, laid the 
X, Y, Z dispatches before (^ongress. The effect produced 
was magical. War measures were quickly passed in both 
Houses of Congress. An army was organized and Wash- 
ington was given the command. New vessels were added 
to the navy, and the Navy Department was organized. 
Treaties between the two nations were declared to be at 
an end. 

President Adams now notified Congress that he would 
"never send another Minister to France without assur- 
ances that he would be received, respected, and honored 
as the representative of a great, free, powerful, and in- 
dependent nation." Public opinion generally sanctioned 
the measures of Congress. The stirring words of "Hail 
Columbia," one of the numerous songs composed at the 
time, seemed best to express the patriotic fervor of the 
people. On February 9, 1799, the Constellation, under 
Captain Truxton, after a hard fight, captured the French 
frigate L'lnmirgente. This and other engagements reflected 
great credit upon the infant navy. 

Talleyrand hastened to say in a message to William 
Vans Murray, American IMinister to the Netherlands, that 
France was now ready to receive an envoy from the United 
States with the respect due to the representative of a free, 
independent, and powerful nation. President Adams 
seized this opportunity to establish peaceable relations and 
appointed a commission consisting of Oliver Ellsworth, 
William R. Davie, and William Vans Murray, to go to 
Paris. Napoleon Bonaparte, then First Consul, also ap- 
pointed a Commission of three, and September 30, 1800 a 
treaty was concluded. Napoleon agreed to regard the 
terms of the treaty of 1778 as no longer binding, and the 
United States relinquished all claims to indemnity. The 
President regarded this as his greatest service to the nation. 
Years later he declared that he desired no other epitaph 
than: "Here lies John Adams, who took upon himself 



Furcicjn Rdations 235 

the responsibility of j)eace with France in the year 
1800." 

While foreign affairs were demanding attention, party Alien and 
spirit continued to grow more bitter. The President and fa^'^'°" 
the Government were openly denounced. Among the 
Republicans were certain foreigners, thought to be French 
agents, who were extreme in their abuse. In 1798, Con- 
gress, under Federalist control, passed three laws by which 
it was hoped to repress these attacks. (1) By the Natural- 
ization Act, the time of residence necessary to become a 
citizen was raised from five to fourteen years (repealed in 
1802). (2) The Alien Acts authorized the President to 
expel from the United States all aliens whom he should 
deem dangerous. (3) The Sedition Act provided for the 
punishment by fine and imprisonment of any person who 
should by writing or speaking bring the Government, 
either House of Congress, or the President, into disrepute. 
The Alien Acts were to be in force only two years, and the 
Sedition Act less than three years. There was not a single 
case under the Alien Acts and only ten persons were con- 
victed of sedition. 

The Alien and Sedition laws were denounced by the Re- Virginia 
publicans for they saw in them the means for a more com- tu^ky ^"' 
plete centralization of power in the National Government, resoiu- 
Influenced by Jefferson, the legislatures of Kentucky and 
Virginia (1798) each passed a series of resolutions condemn- 
ing the Alien and Sedition Acts as "unconstitutional, void, 
and of no force," and asserting the right and duty of the 
States to interpose and "arrest the progress of the evil." 
The more moderate Virginia resolutions were prepared by 
]\Iadison. Jefferson was the author of the Kentucky 
resolutions. The legislatures of the other States refused 
to sanction these resolutions. 

The Legislature of Kentucky (1799) passed a still stronger 
set of resolutions declaring the States to be sovereign 
and independent, and "that a nullification by those 
sovereignties, of all unauthorized acts done under color 



23G 



American Ilhtori/ 



[the Constitution] is the rightful 



of that instrument 
remedy. " * 

The Federahst party lost many of its adherents because 
of the Ahen and Sedition laws. Their policy was brought 
into disfavor also on account of increased taxation and 
especially the direct taxes made necessary in preparing 
for war. After the 
death of Wasliing- 
ton (1799), there 
was no leader 
strong enough to 
preserve harmony 
in the party. There 
were dissensions 
whhin the Cabinet. 
Three members 
looked for advice 
to Hamilton, party 
rival to the Presi- 
dent. Two of them 
were compelled to 
resign. Leading 
Federalists protest- 
ed also against the 
President's method 
of dealing w i t h 
France. This fac- 
tional strife increased after the renomination of Adams 
for the Presidency. Charles C. Pinckney w^as the Feder- 
alist candidate for Vice-President. Hamilton became 
more bitter in his opposition, and on the eve of the elec- 
tion, wrote a pamphlet in which he severely criticised the 
political career of President Adams. This ill-advised 
attack strengthened the Republican cause. 

*It is notable that nulliiication by a single State is not sanctioned. 
Madison denied this doctrine. But the sectionalists of New England 
(1814), South Carolina (1832), and those who favored secession (1861) 
claimed support in these resolutions. 




Presidential Election of 1800 



Foreign Relation.' 



237 



Jefferson was again the candidate of that party for Presi- Jefferson 
dent. His princi})les of freedom of speech, opposition to p^^^^^^g^. 
standing armies and to centralized government had become isoo. 
more po])ular. Aaron Burr, an unprincipled politician of 
New York, who controlled the votes of that State was 
nominated for Vice-President. Jefferson and Burr each 
received seventy-three elec- 
toral \otes and Adams sixty- 
five. According to the Con- 
stitution (Article II, Section 
I, Clause 2), the election was 
thrown into the House of 
Representatives. When vot- 
ing by States, as was re- 
quired, the Federalists had a 
majority in the House. Many 
of them, in their dislike for 
Jefferson, determined to elect 
Burr. On the thirty-sixth 
ballot, however, Jefferson 
received the votes of ten 
States out of sixteen and was elected. 

In order to prevent the repetition of such a contest, the 
Twelfth Amendment was proposed by Congress, and after 
ratification by the States was declared in force (1804). 
This provides that the electors shall cast separate ballots 
for President and for Vice-President. 

According to the census of 1800, the population of the 
United States was 5,308,000. About 2,200,000 of these 
were south of Mason and Dixon's line, and 2,700,000 
north. There had been a rapid growth in the number of 
settlers west of the Alleghanies. Kentucky had a popula- 
tion of 229,000; Tennessee, 106,000; Ohio, 45,000; Indiana, 
4,875, and Illinois, 2,300. The centre of population had 
moved westward. In 1790, it was twenty-three miles 
east of Baltimore. Now it was eighteen miles west of 
that city. Three new States had been admitted into the 




Samuel Slaler 



Twelfth 
Amend- 
ment. 



Popula- 
tion, 1800. 



238 



American Ilisiorij 



Union : Vermont (1791); Kentucky (1792), and Tennes- 
see (1796). 

In general, it had been a period of prosperity. Trade 
and commerce had largely increased. It was during this 
decade that the factory system was introduced into the 




Whitney's Cotton Gin 

From the original model 



United States. Spinning and weaving increased rapidly, 
in England after the invention of the spinning jenny by 
Hargreaves (1767); the spinning frame by Arkwright 
(1769); the mule spinner by Crompton (1784), and the 
power /oo77i by Cartwright (1785). England intended that 
America was not to profit by these inventions, for an act 
of Parliament (1774) forbade the exportation of machines 
used in the cotton or linen manufactures. However, 
Samuel Slater, an Englishman, in 1790, set up at Paw- 



Foreign Relations 239 

tucket, Rhode Island, the first perfected machinery for 
spinning, of the English t^-pe, used in this country. Be- 
fore coming to America, Slater had been an apprentice in 
a factory using such machinery and was able to construct 
it from memory. 

In 1793, Eli Whitney invented the cotton-gin, a machine The cot- 
for separating the seed from the cotton fibre. With its aid, ^^^^^^^ ' 
a slave could clean fifty times as much cotton in a day as 
with the old machines or by hand. The production of 
cotton and the demand for slaves began to increase. 
Two hundred thousand pounds of cotton were exported in 
1790. In 1800, nearly 20,000,000 pounds were sent out of 
the country. 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. Opposition to the Proclamation of Neutrality. Hart, 
Contemporaries, III, No. 94. 

2. Chief criticisms of Genet. Hart, Contemporaries, III, 
No. 95. 

3. Were the French justified in their attitude? Walker, 
Making of the Nation, 117-119. 

4. French plans for getting control in the West. Atlantic 
Monthly, Vol. 93, 676-691; 807-817. 

5. Treaty-making power in the United States. Authority of 
the House of Representatives. Constitution, Article II, section 
2, clause 1 and Article I, section 9, clause 7. James and San- 
ford, Government in State and Nation, 272, 273. 

6. Significance of the Jay treaty. Jay, Am. St. Series, chap. 
11. Hart, Contemporaries, III, No. 97. Bassett, The Fed- 
eralist System, 125-135. 

7. Washington's farewell address. Old South Leaflets, No. 4. 
Hill, Liberty Documents, chap. 18. 

8. X, Y, Z letters. Alien and Sedition laws. Virginia and 
Kentucky resolutions. Schouler, History, I (old ed.), 352-358; 
373-382; 385-403; I, (new ed.), 384-397; 404-415. McMaster, 
History, II, 376-401; 417-426. Hart, Formation, 166-171. 
Walker, Making of the Nation, 137-143; 148-155. Hamilton, 
Am. St. Series, 202-212; 218-220. John Adams, Am. St. Series, 



240 American IListory 

278-288; 291-298; 305-308. Madison, Am. St. Series, 239-251 
(old ed.); 231-241 (new ed.). Marshall, Am. St. Series, 101- 
130. Jefferson, Am. St. Series, 178-182; 187-199, (new ed.); 
187-195 (old ed.) Hart, Contemporaries, III, Nos. 99, 101. 

9. Power of naturalization and process. Constitution, Article 
I, Section VIII, Clause 4. Government in State and Nation, 
222-224. 

10. Was it for the best interests of the nation that the Federal- 
ists should be defeated ? Causes. Walker, Making the Nation, 
105-167. Hart, Formation, 173, 174. Hamilton, Am. St. Series, 
222-233. Bassett, The Federalist System, 276-296. 

11. Life in America, 1800. McMaster, History, II, 538-582. 

12. Difficulties in establishing the first manufactures in the 
United States. Completion of the factory system. Wright, In- 
dustrial Evolution of the United States, li7-131. 

13. American inventive genius before 1793: Eli Whitney, 
Samuel Slater. Walker, Making the Nation, 67-72. McMaster, 
History, II, 159-165. 

14. James and Mann, Readings in American History, chap. 15. 



CHAPTER XVI 

DEMOCRACY AND EXPANSION, lSOl-1811 

March 4, ISOl, accompanied by a few friends and an inaugura* 
escort of militia, Jefferson walked across the square from jefferson. 
his boarding-house to the unfinished capitol in order to 
take the oath of office as President of the United States. 
To his political opponents, the new President was a 
"violent Democrat" and "a vulgar demagogue." By his 
own party he was almost idolized. For many years he 
had been conspicuous in public affairs as member of the 
Continental Congress, Governor of Virginia, jNIinister to 
France, Secretary of State, and Vice-President. He now 
stood, he believed, as the representative of the people, 
against the monarchical tendencies of the Federalists. 
Jefferson, as President, abolished all forms and ceremo- 
nials. He was dignified and gentlemanly in manners, 
scholarly in tastes, and sympathetic with men irrespective 
of their advantages. In conversation with a friend, he 
said: "The whole of my life has been a war with my 
natural tastes, feelings and wishes. Domestic life and 
literary pursuits were my first and my latest inclinations; 
circumstances and not my desires lead me to the path I 
have trod." 

Although a large land owner and slaveholder, he was 
opposed to slavery. He advocated the necessity of edu- 
cation for the people, and was the founder of the University 
of Virginia. Jefferson had confidence in the self-govern- 
ing capacity of the people; preferred to manage men rather 
than command them, and, as we have seen, advocated the 
241 



242 



ci nurican 11 istorif 



strict construction of the Constitution. He was a poor 
public speaker, and began the custom of sending his mes- 
sages to be read before Congress instead of deUvering 
formal addresses as AVashington and Adams had done. 

In his inaugural address Jefferson had declared: "We 
are all Republicans. We are all Federalists!" He soon 
appreciated that the "revolution" which brought him into 

office was incomplete 
so long as the vic- 
torious party did not 
share in the appoint- 
ive offices. Some 
of the office-holders,, 
therefore, were re- 
moved and their 
places given to Re- 
publicans. In all, 
during eight years, 
Jefferson removed 
one hundred and 
nine civil officials, 
or about one-fourth 
the entire number 
then holding Presidential offices. President Adams is re- 
ported to have continued to appoint members of his party 
to office until nine o'clock of the last night of his adminis- 
tration, Jefferson was indignant over this, called by him, 
"indecent conduct" of Adams. 

Some of these so-called "midnight appointments" were 
connected with the putting into force of the Judiciary Act 
of February 13, 1801. This law, although there was no 
real need for the extension of the judicial system, provided 
for the appointment of sixteen circuit judges and increased 
the number of marshals and district-attorneys. The Re- 
publican Congress repealed the act in 1802.* 

* Special judges were not again appointed for the circuit courts until 
1869. 




Thomas Jefferson, by Gilbert Stuart 

Tlie property of T. Jeffersou Coolidge 



Democracy and Expansio?i 



243 



Jefferson withheld certain commissions to office which Marbury 
had been duly made out and signed in the closing hours ^'ladison 
of Adams's administration. William Marbury (1801) asked 
the Supreme Court for a writ to compel Madison, the Sec- 
retary of State, to deliver to him his commission to office. 
(In the Judiciary Act of 1789, Congress had granted the 

Supreme Court the right 
to issue such an order.) 
This request was refused 
by the Supreme Court, 
however, on the ground 
that the Constitution did 
not give the Court this 
power. Chief Justice 
Marshall, in rendering 
this important decision, 
took the position that the 
Supreme Court might 
declare void an act of 
( 'ongress deemed con- 
trary to the Constitution. 

President Adams, in John 
appointing John Mar- ^''^'■■^'''^" 
shall Chief Justice per- 
formed one of his great- 
est services for the nation. Marshall was at that time well 
known as a lawyer, soldier, legislator, and statesman. 
The notable decisions which he delivered during the 
thirty-four years he was Chief Justice distinguished him 
as the leading American jurist. His was the great task 
of construing for the first time the principles of the Con- 
stitution. So convincing was his logic that only once 
was the majority of the Court against him on a constitu- 
tional question. 

Because of the unusual expenses to the Government on Financial 
account of Indian wars and the trouble with France, the P°''^i'- 
National debt under the Federalists had increased some 




244 



American Ilistorij 



Louisiana 
ceded to 
France, 
1800. 



$6,000,000. Economy in public expense, reduction of the 
debt and of taxes were cardinal doctrines of the new 
administration. The thorough work of Albert Gallatin, 
as Secretary of the Treasury, enabled Jefferson to carry 
out his policy. For years Gallatin had been a student of 
finance, and, as a representative from Pennsylvania, was 
a leader in opposition to Hamilton's 
plans. Internal revenue taxes were 
repealed. The Government was de- 
pendent then for revenue upon cus- 
toms duties and the sales of public 
lands. Reduction in expenditures 
was begun at once. "Peace is our 
passion," Jefferson had said. The 
army was greatly reduced in num- 
bers, although an appropriation was 
allowed (1S02) for the establishment of 
the Military Academy at West Point. 
The attack fell heaviest on the naval 
appropriation. The construction of 
new vessels was discontinued, and the 
number of vessels in commission Avas 
cut down. Could the President have 
carried out his plan, the remainder 
would have been brought into dock 
and "laid up dry and under cover of 
the sun." Notwithstanding the addi- 
tional expenditures connected with the 
acquisition of Louisiana and growing out of the war with 
the Barbary Powers, the public debt was reduced from 
$80,000,000 in ISOl to $53,000,000 in 1810. 

As we have seen, the King of France ceded to Spain, 
in 1763, that part of Louisiana west of the INIississippi 
River together with the Island of Orleans (on which New 
Orleans is situated) lying east of that river. To Great 
Britain was presented the strip of land, later called West 
Florida, along the Gulf from the Island of Orleans to 




Cavalry Private, ISOl 



of 
Louisiana, 



Democracy and Expansion 245 

the Perdido River. At the close of the Revolution (1783), 
this territory was ceded by Great Britain to Spain. France 
wanted to regain colonial empire in America, and Na- 
poleon Bonaparte, by the treaty of San Ildefonso in 1800, 
made a successful advance toward this goal. The King 
of Spain retroceded Louisiana to France, receiving in ex- 
change the Italian kingdom of Tuscany for his son-in-law. 
The knowledge of this exchange excited great alarm among 
Americans, for France was then at the height of her power. 
"The day that France takes possession of New Orleans," 
wrote Jefferson to Robert R. Livingston, our Minister to 
France, "fixes the sentence which is to restrain her forever 
within her low-water mark. . . . From that moment, we 
must marry ourselves to the British fleet and nation." 

The "West became still more inflamed when it was learned Purchase 
in November, 1802, that the Spanish Governor had Avith 
drawn the right of deposit at New Orleans. War against 18U3. 
France and Spain was demanded by the Federalists. 
Jefferson now instructed Livingston to buy New Orleans 
and West Florida. In January, 1803, James ^Monroe was 
appointed special envoy to France to assist Livingston. 

In order to carry out iiis plan of empire in America, 
Napoleon determined first to reconquer Santo Domingo.* 
The negro leader, Toussaint L'Ouverture, with his native 
troops, resisted successfully the invasion of the large 
French army sent against them. Napoleon was disap- 
pointed at the outcome. Besides, in case of war -R-ith Eng- 
land, a war which was impending, he knew that Lou- 
isiana could not be held. Talleyrand, therefore, startled 
Livingston by asking him what the United States would 
pay for the whole of Louisiana. On the next day ^Monroe 
reached Paris. The ministers decided to go beyond the 
power of their instructions, and finally, on April 30, 1803, 
completed the treaty by which the United States secured 

* The combined exports and imports of this island in 1789 amounted to 
$140,000,000. The plan was to crush the Revolution there, and then go 
on and take possession of Louisiana. 



Democracy and Expansion 247 

New Orleans and all of Louisiana west of the ^Mississippi. 
For this immense area of 890,900 square miles, there was 
to be paid $15,000,000. Of this sum, S3,750,000 was to 
go to satisfy the claims of Americans against France for 
spoliations committed on American commerce since ISOO. 

November 30, 1S03, the Spanish Governor transferred The 
Louisiana, wnth its population of some 50,000, one-iialf Loufsiana 
of whom were negro slaves to a French agent of Napoleon. 
Seventeen days later the LTnited States was given formal 
possession. The following year the southern part of the 
territory was organized as the territory of Orleans. 

The boundaries of the purchase were not definitely defined. Limits of 
Livingston and Monroe asserted that the cession extended to the Louisiana. 
Perdido River, thus including West Florida, but Spain refused 
to withdraw from this territory. In 1810, President Madison 
annexed a part of this territory to the United States, and three 
years later the remainder of AVest Florida was occupied. It is 
probable that the Louisiana Purchase did not include West 
Florida, but did extend to the Rio Grande. 

"We have lived long," said Livingston, as he arose after Signifi- 
signing the treaty, "but this is the noblest work of our theac"^ 
lives." The purchase of Louisiana was one of the most quisition. 
important events in the history of the LTnited States. 
Among the effects may be mentioned: (1) It doubled the 
area of the United States. (2) The contest of rival Eu- 
ropean powers for the possession of the valley of the ]Mis- 
sissippi was ended. (3) It established an important pre- 
cedent in the direction of the loose construction of the 
Constitution. (4) Thereafter, the United States was to 
expand steadily in the direction of a world power. 

By the strict interpretation of the Constitution, there was no Strict con- 
power given the Government to acquire territory. Jefferson ^^jl^'l^j^"" 
advocated an amendment that would confirm the action, but purchase, 
haste was necessary, for Napoleon might change his mind. By 
ratifying the treaty, therefore, the doctrine of implied powers was 
adopted by the Republicans. The Federalists were bitter in 
their opposition; for they feared the future influence over legis- 
lation of the new States which were ultimately to be formed out of 
the territory. 



248 American History 

Expedition As early as 1783, Jefferson became Interested in a proj- 
and Clark. ^^ ^ to discover a route across the Rocky INIountains from 
the Missouri River. In a secret message to Congress, 
January, 1803, he proposed that an expedition be sent to 
the Indians on the IVIissouri in order to secure their trade, 
then absorbed by EngUsh companies, and to extend the 
exploration "even to the Western Ocean." In pursuance 
of this object a party of thirty-five men under command 
of Meriwether Lewis and William Clark began the as- 
cent of the INIissouri River from St. Louis, ^lay 14, 1804. 
With great difficulty, they reached, at the end of one hun- 
dred and seventy-three days travel, the region of the present 
Bismarck, North Dakota, having journeyed on an average 
nine miles a day. The winter was spent near the chief 
village of the Mandan Indians. Setting out the following 
spring they reached the source of the JNIissouri on the 
twelfth of August. Crossing the mountains, a perilous 
journey, to the Columbia, they descended that river in 
canoes. On November 7, 1805, Clark wrote: "Great joy 
in camp, we are in view of the ocian, this great Pacific 
Octean which we have been so long anxious to see." The 
entire continent had at last been crossed by American ex- 
plorers, and the claim of the United States to Oregon was 
strengthened.* (Map, p. 246.) 
Expiora- In 1805, Lieutenant Zebulon Pike was sent from St. 

LieutMant ^ouis with a Command of United States troops, to find the 
Pike. source of the Mississippi. Succeeding in this, on his return 

to St. Louis he set out to explore the Arkansas and Red 
rivers. On the expedition, he discovered the mountain 
peak to which was given his name. Turning to the south- 
west, after terrible suffering because of the snow and ice, 
they reached the Spanish settlement at Santa Fe (Feb- 
ruary 20, 1807). The return to the United States was 
made through Texas. 

*In 1792, Captain Robert Gray of Boston had discovered, on the 
Pacific coast, the mouth of a large river which he called The Columbia 
after the name of his vessel. 



Dcmorrncij and Expcumion 



249 



"Western settlement and travel were soon greatly aceeler- Fulton's 
ated through the use of the steamboat. A number of ex- steamboat, 
periments by Americans, notabl}- those of James Rumsey 
(1785) and John Fitch (1790), proved that boats could be 
driven by steam. But steam navigation was really not 




Fulton's "Clermont," 1807 



begun until Robert Fulton ran his steamboat, the Clrr- 
mnnf from New York to Albany, l.")() miles in 32 hours 
(August 11, 1807). 

The Barbary States of North Africa had, for generations, sub- 
sistoil by preying upon Mediterranean commerce. Ships were 
captured and j)assengers aiul crews cnshived. To escape these 
depredations, the United States, hke the European powers, was 
compelled to make costly presents in addition to jiaying a yearly 
tribute. Altogether, the Pasha of Tripoli, alone, received 
$83,000 annually from our Government. But he was not con- 
tent, and as a sign of tlefiance. May 14, ISOI, ordered the flag- 
staff of the American Consulate to be chopped down. Jefferson 
had already ordered a small fleet to the Mediterranean because of 
the insults of the Algerine pirates. Commodore Prelile was sent 
with a .stronger fleet in 1803, and the war was conducted with 
greater vigor. The Pasha was willing to come to terms (1805) 



War with 
the 

Barbary 
Powers. 



250 



American Ilisforij 



after the repeated bombardment of the city of Tripoli and the 
destruction of his vessels. He agreed not to ask for further 
tribute from the Americans. Two squadrons were sent against 
the Dey of Algiers at the close of the w^ar of 1812 because of his 
attacks on American commerce during that war. Thoroughly 
frightened, he agreed that no tribute should ever again be asked 
by him from the United States. Other nations followed the ex- 
ample of the United States, and the Mediterranean was freed 
from these scourges. 

The power of the RepubHcans had grown steadily. In 
the election of 1804, Jefferson and George Clinton were 
nominated by that party for President and Vice-President. 
They were triumphantly elected, each receiving 162 elec- 
toral votes, while their opponents, Charles C. Pinckney 
and Rufns King, received only 14 each. For the first time 
the candidates had been nominated by the "Congressional 
Caucus." 

Aaron Burr had sacrificed his influence in the Republican 
party by becoming a candidate for the Presiden(y in 1801. 
As an independent he strove to get the support of the Fed- 
eralists in his attempt to be made governor of New York. 
It was largely due to Hamilton that he was defeated. 
Burr then challenged Hamilton to a duel and killed him 
(July, 1804). Then only forty-seven years of age, Ham- 
ilton had acquired the honor of being classed among the 
greatest of the world's constructive statesmen. His death 
did much to place duelling under the ban in the Northern 
States. 

Burr became an outcast. It is not certain what he dreamed 
of accomplishing in an undertaking which he entered upon (1805- 
1806). Did he hope, because of the discontent of Western set- 
tlers, to bring about the separation of the region west of the 
mountains from the Union, or was he planning to bring on a 
revolution in Mexico with the thought of making himself king? 
Sixty men were assembled for the expedition, and with arms and 
ammunition they set out for New Orleans from Blennerhassett's 
Island.* Reaching Natchez, Burr learned that General Wilkin- 
son, commander of the United States troops in the Southwest, 

* An island in the Ohio a short distance below Marietta. Blennerhassett 
was one of the conspirators. 



tral trade. 



Democracy and Expansion 251 

instead of cooporatiiip; with him, had betrayed tlie design to 
Jefferson. In disguise, Burr tried to escape to Spanish Florida. 
He was arrested and brought to trial for treason. But he was 
acquitted; for it was not proved that he had actually levied war 
against the United States. Thenceforth he lived in obscurity. 

The struggle between Great Britain and France, tie- Great 

laved for a year bv the Peace of Amiens, was resumed ^^]}^^ 
. • *' ' . . ' and b ranee 

m 1803. L p to that tmie, American commerce had ex- and neu- 

panded especially in carr^-ing products of the French and 
Spanish West Indies. A way around the "Rule of 175G" 
(p. 227) was sanctioned by Great Britain. Cargoes from 
the West Indies might be carried to France or Spain pro- 
viding they were first landed in some port of the United 
States and customs duties paid. But English ship-owners 
wanted the control of this trade and the British Govern- 
ment, in 1805, decreed that the rule of 1756 should be 
enforced literally. During that year Admiral Nelson, in 
the celebrated victory of Trafalgar, gave to Great Britain 
complete supremacy on the seas. Napoleon was supreme 
on the continent of Europe. Neutral trade was almost 
wholly in the hands of Americans. By attacking this 
trade, each of these antagonists hoped to give a telling 
blow to the other. 

Napoleon inaugurated his "Continental system" by 
insisting that Prussia (1806) should declare all German 
ports closed to British vessels. Great Britain retaliated 
by declaring the coast blockaded from Brest to the Elbe, 
a distance of about eight hundred miles. Napoleon, in 
reph', issued the Berlin Decree (November, 1806), which 
declared the British Isles in a state of blockade and for- 
bade all trade in British goods. By Orders in Coun- 
cil in the year 1807, neutral vessels were forbidden to 
trade with any port in Europe from which the British flag 
was excluded, unless certain duties w^ere first paid at some 
port of Great Britain. Napoleon issued the Milan Decree 
(December 17, 1807), which declared that any vessel might 
be seized which submitted to search by the British or en- 



252 



American Ilistorij 



tered a port of that nation. Neither nation hesitated in 
asserting these "paper blockades"; that is, mere declara- 
tions without sufficient force to make them effective. 
Under their cover, American ships whenever found on the 
high seas were seized by the cruisers of both belligerents.* 

Moreover, ^^^th the renewal of war (1803), Great Britain, 
with still greater arrogance, assumed the right to search 
American vessels for British seamen and to impress them 
into her service. British war-vessels even anchored just 
outside American ports; their brutal press-gangs boarded 
merchant vessels and captured and impressed American 
seamen. It is estimated that the number of seamen seized 
during these trving times exceeded 4,000. 

The climax occurred off Hampton Roads, June 22, 1807. 
The British frigate Leopard overhauled the American 
frigate Chesapeake and demanded the surrender of "cer- 
tain deserters." The order being refused, the Leopard 
opened fire at short range and the Chesapeake, unpre- 
pared for action, was compelled to haul down her flag. 
Four "deserters" were taken, three of whom were Ameri- 
can citizens. All America was aroused over this outra- 
geous act, in which three Americans had been killed and 
a number wounded. 

But were these insults to pass unheeded? Urged to 
declare war, Jefferson, still clinging to his policy of peace 
and economy, ordered all British warships to quit the 
waters of the United States. Instead of ships of war, he 
now advocated the building of small gun-boats for defence 
of the coasts. They were each to carry one gun and be 
manned by from five to seven men. By 1807, over one 
hundred and fifty of these boats had been constructed, but 
the plan was a complete failure. 

The period of the Jay treaty had expired, and in 1S06 
Monroe and William Pinckney were sent to London to 
conclude a new treaty. This they did, but the terms made 

* Great Britain, in a single year, captured two hundred American 
vessels. 



Drmocrac}/ and Expansion 253 

no provision for giviM<; up the right of search and impress- 
ment. Jefferson refused even to submit the treaty to the 
Senate. 

But American interests were suffering and upon the The 
recommendation of the President an embargo act was ''™^^''s°' 
hurriedly passed at the close of the year 1807 which pro- 
hibited the saihng of vessels from the United States to 
foreign ports. It was hoped that the belligerents would be 
driven to make terms when American products were cut 
off. The embargo proved injurious to the working classes 
of (ireat Britain, but that (rovernment still adhered to its 
policy. Napoleon even claimed to be assisting Jefferson 
in carrying out his policy by ordering all American vessels 
in F'rench ports to be confiscated. Southern planters, 
thus deprived of leading markets for their products, were 
many of them ruined. The effects were similar upon the 
commercial interests of the INIiddle and New England 
States. New England Federalists declared the act uncon- 
stitutional and threatened secession. More drastic sup- 
plementary acts were passed to prevent smuggling. As 
a fortunate outcome, manufacturing was greatly accel- 
erated. 

It became clear that the embargo was a failure and must Non- 
be repealed. For it was substituted the Non-intercourse Acr^isoQ.'^ 
Act, by which all commerce was forbidden with Great 
Britain, France, and their dependencies. 

Meantime, Jefferson, following the example of Wash- James 

^,. , p I • 1 Madison 

mgton, refused to become a candidate tor a thirfi term, elected 
James Madison and George Clinton, nominated for Pres- ^gQ^'^'^®'^^' 
ident and Vice-President by the Republicans, were elected 
by a large majority of electoral votes over Charles C. 
Pinckney and Rufus King, the candidates of the Federalists. 
Madison had already acquired an enduring reputation 
through his influence in the Constitutional- Convention 
as a leader of his party in Congress, and as Secretary of 
State. A statesman of great political ability, he lacked the 
qualities of a vigorous administrator so necessary in the 



254 



American History 



critical international relations of the time. Albert Galla- 
tin was retained as Secretary of Treasury. In 1810, James 
Monroe was made Secretary of State. 

It appeared for a time that Madi.son would be able to 
carry out his polic}' of peace. An agreement was reached 
with David M. Erskine, English Minister at Washington, 
whereby tli(> Orders in Council were to be withdrawn, and 

IMadison proclaimed the 
reopening of trade with 
Great Britain. But this 
action of Erskine was 
repudiated by his Gov- 
ernment, and he was 
recalled. Non-inter- 
course was again de- 
clared in force. The 
new Minister from 
Great Britain, Francis 
J. Jackson, was an able 
exponent of the arrogant 
attitude of the Court 
he represented. Presi- 
dent Madison, he de- 
clared, knew that Ers- 
.laines Madison kiue was exceeding his 

F^„. a pa.„t.n. '■v^;^-*^-^ ^--i- ^v ''^ ^ authority. Jackson 

was informed that no 
more communications would be received from him, and 
he returned to England. 

For some time Napoleon had been enforcing one of the 
most outrageous of his decrees. Because of the Non- 
intercourse Act, he issued the Ramhouillet Decree, which 
prescribed that every vessel bearing the American flag 
which had entered or should enter the ports of France after 
May 20, 1809, or the ports of any country under F'rench 
control, should be seized and sold. Before it became 
known in the United States, vessels and cargoes were con- 




Drviorrari/ and Expansion 255 

fiscated which, when sold, poured .some $10,000,000 into 
the French Treasury. 

In the meantime, Congress (May 1, 1810), passed the 
"Macon Bill No. 2" which repealed the Non-intercourse 
Act. If either Great Britain or France should agree to stop 
its violations on neutral commerce, then intercourse between 
the United States and the other nation was to cease. Here 
was Napoleon's opportunity for deception which he be- 
lieved would lead to the destruction of his enemy. A let- 
ter from the French Minister of Foreign Affairs to Arm- 
strong, American Minister in Paris (August 5, 1810), an- 
nounced that the Berlin and ^Nlilan decrees would cease 
to have effect after November 1st. It was stipulated 
that (ireat Britain was to revoke her Orders in Council 
or the United States should "cause their rights to be 
rcsj)ccted by the English." The letter also affirmed 
the love that Napoleon bore the Americans; and that 
their prosperity and their commerce were within the 
sco})e of his policy. 

The l:)rcakdown of the Napoleonic system was hastened throvigh Napoleon- 
the diplomatic ability of John Quincy Adams, American Minister isni 
at St. Petersburg. October 25, 1809, he was officially received 5ohn 
by the Czar, Alexander I. Russia was then the ally of Napoleon. Quincy 
But Russia, compelled because of her own industrial condition Adams. 
to carry on foreign trade, seized this opportunity to break with jj^'^g''^^' 
the policy of Napoleon. Through the Russian Minister of For- 
eign Affairs, Adams asked the interposition of the Czar in behalf 
of American commerce in the Baltic then being ravaged by the 
agents of Napoleon, especially by Danish privateers. The Czar, 
to the astonishment of Adams, ordered the Danish Goverment to 
restore American property as speedily as possible. The " Em- 
peror was gratified," Adams was informed, "at this opportunity 
of proving his friendly dispositions toward the United States." 
During the summer of 1810, the Czar refused to close Russian 
ports to American ships as Prussia and Denmark had done. 
His answer to Napoleon was in no uncertain terms. " I cannot," 
he declared, " as I have already told you, prohibit all commerce 
to my subjects with the Americans. . . . We must keep to these 
terms, for I declare to you, were war at our doors, in regard to 
commercial matters I cannot go further." On December 19, 
an Imperial ukase was issued which admitted American produce 



256 



American Hi,stori/ 



and hundreds of American vessels entered Russian ports. Eight 
days afterward, Adams notified the American Government that 
Russia wouhl resist Napoleon " to the last." In February follow- 
ing, military movements on both sides began. 

Europe smiled incredulously at the promise made by 
Napoleon to rescind his decrees. Madison, however, ac- 
cepted literally the statement made in the letter to 
Armstrong.* After a stormy session, Congress passed 

an act (March 2, 
1811) which was 
approved by the 
President, again 
declaring non- 
intercourse i n 
force against 
Great Britain. 

On May 16th 
of that year, the 
American fri- 
gate President 
was fired upon 
by the sloop-of- 
war Lilile Belt. 
The return fire 
quickly crippled 
the inferior 
British vessel. 
Americans were 
elatedat the out- 
come for the 
Chesapeake affair was fresh in their minds. The offer 
made by the Government of Great Britain shortly after- 
ward to make reparation for that attack, was accepted, 
but her attitude toward neutral rights remained unaltered. 

* The decrees were not actually revoked until April 28, 1811. Napoleon 
himself gave licenses to trade with Great Britain during the period of the 
' ' Continental System . " 




^^ 



Tecumseh 



Democracy and Expansion 257 

For some yt'ars the Indians of the Western frontier had Battle of 
looked upon the advance of the white men with jealous J^noe' 
eyes. Tecumseh and his brother, "the Prophet," Indians isii. 
of unusual ability set about uniting the tribes of the entire 
frontier into one great confederacy which was to resist the 
further encroachments upon their hunting grounds. In 
October, 1811, Tecumseh was absent among the Southern 
Indians, arousing them to join the league which had al- 
ready been formed among the Northern tribes. British 
traders had furnished them with arms and equipment. 
The settlers becoming alarmed, General William Henry 
Harrison, the Governor of Indiana Territory, collected 
troops and marched against the Indians. Near the 
"Prophet's Town" on Tippecanoe Creek where it flows 
into the Wabash, (Jeneral Harrison Avas attacked (No- 
vember 7, 1811). After the first surprise, the troops rallied, 
repulsed the Indians,* and burned their town. The losses 
on both sides were heavy, the number of killed and 
wounded reported by General Harrison being one hun- 
dred and eighty-eight or about one-fourth of his com- 
mand actually engaged. Tecumseh returned in December, 
but the expec-ted attack did not follow, since he awaited 
directions from Canada. 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. Compare the election of President before 1800 with later 
process. Constitution, Article II, section 2, clause 1. Amend- 
ment XII. James and Sanford, Government in State and Na- 
tion, 258-264. 

2. Civil Service during Jefferson's administration. Jefferson 
Am. St. Series, 194-200 (new ed.); 218-225 (old ed.). Hart, 
Formation, 179-180. 

3. Cases in which the Supreme Court has original jurisdiction. 
Constitution, Article III, section 2, clause 2. 

4. Gallatin's preparation and labors. Gallatin, Am. St. Series, 
chap. 6. 

5. The Louisiana Purchase, Jefferson, Am. St. Series, chap, 



258 American History 

14. Monroe, Am. St. Series, 75-91. McMaster, HLstory, IT. 
620-635. Schouler, History, II, 40-50 (old ed.); 49-59 ' (new 
ed.). Walker, Making of the Nation, 179-184. Hart, Con- 
temporaries, III, Nos. 111-114. Sparks, Expansion of the Am. 
People, 192-210. Roosevelt, Winning of the West, IV, 258- 
282. Hosmer, The Louisiana Purchase, chaps. 2, 3, 7. Hos- 
mer, Short History of the Mississippi Valley, 118-127. Chan- 
ning, The Jeffersonian System, 47-72. 

6. Authority by which the United States acquired territory not 
possessed before 1789. Hart, Formation, 188. Walker, Mak- 
ing of the Nation, 182-184. Government in State and Nation, 
324-325. 

7. Significance of the Louisiana Purchase. Review of Reviews, 
Vol. 27, 547-503; 508-584. 

8. Lewis, Clark, and Pike. Roosevelt, Winning of the West, 
IV, chap. 7. Hart. Contemporaries, III, No. 115. Channing, 
The Jeffersonian System, 86-99. 

9. Importation of slaves prohibited. Article I, section 9, 
clause 1. Walker, Making of the Nation, 209-210. Govern- 
ment in State and Nation, 243, 244. 

10. James and Mann, Readings in American History, chap. 
16. 

11. Historical fiction. Cable, The Grandissimes (Louisiana). 
Cable, Strange True Stories of Louisiana. Edward Eggleston, 
Roxy (Battle Tippecanoe). 



.e\v men 



CHAPTER XVII 
THE SECOND WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE 

Of the members who assembled in the extra session of Xe 
Congress (November 4, 1811), the presence of a large congress. 
number of new men was notable. They came chiefly 
from tiie States of the South and the West. " The influence 
of these men of a "younger generation" was to be dominant 
in public affairs for over a third of a century. Aggressive 
by nature, ambitious, self-reliant, and intensely American, 
they were ready to defend the Nation against humiliation 
and insult. 

This new spirit was manifest in tlie election of Henry Henry 
Clay of Kentuc-ky as Speaker of the House. He was the ^I^J^^^ 
embodiment of the energy characteristic of the West — a Speaker. 
section which already, as expressed in Clay's own words, 
"looked to the conquest of Canada and the dictation of 
peace at Quebec or Halifax." At that time, thirty-four 
years of age, he had been a leader in the Legislature of his 
State. He had been sent on two occasions to fill a vacancy 
in the United States vSenate, where he had won a place by 
his power of argumentation and fiery eloquence. From 
the Speaker's chair and on the floor of the House, Clay 
wielded a dominating influence over legislation. 

The war party was given control of the chief committees. Deciara- 
John C. Calhoun, then thirty years of age, who was serving |^°" °^ 
his first term as Representative from South Carolina, was against 
placed on the Committee on Foreign Relations, and soon Britain, 
began to direct its policy. In his speech on the first report 
of this Committee, he showed that force and assurance 
259 



260 



American Ilintory 



Madison 
reelected 
President. 



Strength of 
the bellig- 
erents. 



characteristic of all his efforts. The resolutions submitted 
(November 29, 1811) indicated clearly what the policy of 
the "war-hawks," as John Randolph called them, was to 
be. It recommended : that the army should be increased; 
that the navy be put into condition for im- 
mediate service; and that merchant vessels 
be allowed to arm in self-defence. Re- 
luctantly President INIadison was forced to 
modify his peaceful attitude and to sign 
the act declaring war against Great Britain 
(June 18, 1812). On June 23, that Gov- 
ernment revoked the Orders in Council. 
Even had this action been known in 
America, it is probable that impressment 
would have been regarded as adequate 
cause to go on with the struggle. 

Among the leading causesfor war men- 
tioned by the President were: (1) Tlie 
impressment of seamen; (2) the violation 
of the rights of commerce by Britisli 
cruisers in American Avaters; (3) "the 
mock blockades" of the Orders in Council ; 
and (4) attacks of the savages incited by 
British traders. 

A month previous to this time, INladison 
had been nominated for a second term. It 
was declared, without adequate evidence, 
that he agreed to sanction war as a condi- 
tion of his renomination. He received 128 
electoral votes as against 89 for De Witt 
Clinton, the nominee of the "Peace Party." 

America was wholly unprepared to engage in such a conflict, 
although it was seen to be approaching for years. The regular 
army was composed of only 6,700 men led lay officers who had 
grown old in the service or by those with little experience. De- 
pendence upon volimteers and militia was necessary. The Brit- 
ish army was composed largely of veterans under able leaders. 
Besides, Great Britain controlled the ocean with a navy con- 



Infantrv Private, 
1810 



The Second War for Independence 261 

sisting of 994 vessels of war, over 200 of them larger than 
any in the American navy, which contained only 16 effective 
vessels and 165 gun-boats. In contrast with the army, 
American naval officers were equal to the best of their oppo- 
nents, and the crews were, man for man, superior to those of 
Great Britain. 

It was with difficulty that the necessary money for the Financial 
war, which cost $30,000,000 each year, was raised. The ^^^o'^ditions 
customs revenue upon which the Government depended 
began immediately to decrease, and in 1812 amounted to 
only $9,000,000. The plans resorted to, among others, to 
raise money, were double duties on imports, double post- 
age, direct and excise taxes. Loans were made with 
difficulty, bonds were sold much below their face value, 
and $37,000,000 in treasury notes were issued. Great 
Britain at that time was raising, by taxation, $350,000,000 
annually. 

Regardless of the lack of preparation due to a miserly Plans for 
economy, and in spite of the general incompetency of sloVof^ 
governmental officials to direct a war, the conflict was Canada. 
entered upon with a surprising air of self-confidence. This 
spirit was voiced by Calhoun, who declared that within 
four weeks most of Canada would be in the possession of 
Americans. 

Three armies were brought together on the Canadian 
frontier. One was to defend Detroit, the key to the fur- 
trade and the control of the Indians of the North-west. 
Another was to cross the Niagara River and, reenforced 
from the army at Detroit, was to capture York (now 
Toronto) and advance to ^Montreal. There they were to 
be met by the third army, advancing from Lake Cham- 
plain, and the combined forces, after the capture of Mon- 
treal, were to take Quebec. 

With 2,000 men, General WilHam Hull toiled over the war in the 
miserable roads through the forests from the Maumee 
River to Detroit, and then crossed to Canada in order to 
take Fort ]\Ialden. He delayed the attack, however, and 
thus allowed the assembhng of a larger force of British 



North- 
west. 



262 



A merican H istory 



and Indians. Learning that Fort Mackinac had fallen 
and that his lines of communication were broken, he re- 
tired to Detroit. Followed by General Brock with a force 
of 1,300, including 600 Indians, Hull retired "^within the 
fort and immediately surrendered (August 10, 1812). 
Thus, Michigan territory — the little garrison at Fort 




War on the Northern Fronti 



Dearborn * having been massacred by the Indians — passed 
to the control of the British. 

After this ill-fated event, General William Henry Har- 
rison was put in charge of the American forces on the 
Maumee River for the defence of Ohio. Early the next 
year a detachment of 600 Kentucky troops defended 
Frenchtown, on the River Raisin, from an attack by the 
Indians, but were compelled to surrender to a superior 
force of the British. Barely able to hold his line of de- 
fence, it was evident that Harrison could not recapture 
Detroit unless the English naval control over Lake Erie 
was overcome. There was at the time no American 
squadron on the lake. 

* Chicago now occupies the site of this Fort. 



The Second War for Independence 



263 



After the capture of Detroit, General Brock hurried to The Nlag- 
the defence of the Niagara frontier. During October, 600 \l^^^ TiX2. 
Americans crossed the river at Queenstown, but were not 
reenforced, and were compelled to surrender. General 
Brock was killed. A second attempt to cross the river was 
likewise a failure. 

Nothing was accomplished by the third army; but the 
gloom caused by these defeats on land was partly dis- 
pelled by the brilliant victories of American commanders 
at sea. 

The first of these naval duels took place off the coast of 
Nova Scotia, between the American frigate C oust itui ion, 
commanded by Captain Isaac Hull, and the Guerriere, 



The Cham- 
plain re- 
gion. 



Battles on 
the ocean, 
1812-1813. 




under Captain Dacres. Within a half hour after the 
firing of the first gun, the masts of the English vessel were 
shot away, and she was otherwise so disabled that she 
could not be brought into port. Although the Consiihi- 
tion was a faster and a stronger vessel with heavier guns, 
the victory was due chiefly to the superior marksmanship 
of American gunners. Americans were exultant; for it 
was clear that the "Mistress of the Seas" was not invin- 
cible. During October, the American sloop-of-war Wasp, 



264 American Hisior}/ 

in a short action, abont five hnndrod miles east of Chesa- 
peake Bay, overcame the brig Frolic, but both vessels were 
in such a disabled condition that they were taken possession 
of by a British war-vessel. Among other victories which 
heightened the pride of Americans in their small navy 
were the capture of the frigate Macedonia, off the coast of 
North Africa, by the frigate United States, Captain De- 
catur (October 25); the destruction, north-east of Rio 
Janeiro, of the frigate Java by the Constitution under 
Commodore Bainbridge (December 29); and the sinking 
of the Peacock by the Hornet, near the north-east coast of 
South America (February 24, 1813). 

At the begiiming of the year 1813, Great Britain made 
the blockade of the Chesapeake and Delaware bays more 
effective, and by the end of the year had extended it to the 
other ports on the Atlantic. The best American vessels 
were thus bottled up for the remainder of the Avar. Two 
other events occurred on the coast deserving of mention. 
The American frigate Chesapeake, commanded by Ca[)tain 
Lawrence, engaged in battle with the Shannon outside 
Boston harbor. The Chesapeake, with a crew composed 
mostly of green men, was ill-fitted for the contest, and 
within a few minutes was disabled. The last order of Cap- 
tain Lawrence, who was mortally wounded: "Don't give 
up the ship," was unavailing, and the colors were soon 
hauled down (June 1, 1813). During a year and a half, 
the frigate Essex, under Captain David Porter, cruised 
in the South Atlantic and the Pacific, capturing British 
whaling vessels until destroyed, in order to prevent capture, 
in the harbor of Valparaiso, Chili (February, 1814) 

The British were astounded at these defeats by an enemy 
that they held in contempt. Besides, in two hundred single 
ship battles with the vessels of other nations that had been 
fought during the previous twenty years. Great Britain 
had lost only five ships by capture. Her officers and 
crews were overconfident and training had been relaxed. 
The Americans, we are told, had become expert gunners 



The Second War for Independence 265 

through constant target practice, while the British, with 
but few exceptions, engaged in this drill but once a year.* 

Returning to the lake frontier, we find that the Amer- Perry's 
ican squadron on Lake Ontario had accomplished nothing. Lak" Er?e 
The fate of the Xorth-west rested on the efforts of Com- Septem- 
modore Oliver H. Perry, who was put in command on ^^' 
Lake Erie. With great labor, he completed the construc- 
tion of a fleet of nine vessels, with which he was forced to 
meet the attack of a similarly constructed but inferior 
fleet, under Captain Barclay, off Put-in Bay (September 
10, 1813). The outcome was expressed in Perry's well- 
known message to General Harrison: "We have met the 
enemy and they are ours, two ships, two brigs, one schooner 
and one sloop." The advantage was quickly followed up, 
and the American army in the West, aided by the fleet, 
appeared at Detroit. General Harrison pursued the re- 
treating British and defeated them in the Battle of the 
Thames (October 5, 1813). Tecumseh was killed, and 
the allegiance of the Indians to the British cause was 
broken. jNIichigan territory was again controlled by the 
Americans. 

jNIeantime, General Dearborn had captured York, and The Niag- 
some of the soldiers, unauthorized, burned the Parliament ^j^jj.^ig"4 
House. The Americans were forced to retreat to the New 
York side and lost Fort Niagara. During the summer of 
1814, because of the downfall of Napoleon, the British 
armies in America were greatly strengthened by the ad- 
dition of veteran soldiers withdrawn from European fields. 
jNIore competent officers, how^ever, were now in command 
of the Americans, and the partial victories at Chippewa 
and Lundy's Lane were due to the efficient leadership of 
General Jacob Brown and Lieutenant Winfield Scott. 
Later, they were forced to withdraw across the Niagara 

* The superiority of the Shannon over the Chesapeake was due to the 
discipline and training to which Captain Broke, contrary to orders, had 
for a long period subjected his men. Roosevelt, Naval War of 1812, p. 
180. 



266 



American Ilistorif 



River. While nothing was accomplished on this fron- 
tier, a decisive action took place in September, on Lake 
Champlain, which added much credit to the American 
name. 

General Prevost, with 12,000 regulars, planned to in- 
vade New York by the old Burgoyne route. Instead of 
attacking the American army, consisting of 2,000 men, at 
Plattsburg, he awaited the cooperation of the British 
squadron. After a hard-fought contest, in the bay, the 
victory of the American squadron under Captain Mac- 
donough was so complete that Prevost retreated to Can- 
ada, and the war in that section was ended. 

Earlier in the year. Admiral Cochrane, in charge of the 
coast fleet, ordered the destruction of American property 
and towns in "retaliation" for the acts of our .soldiers at 
York and other places. The entire Eastern coast was 
harried, and General Ross was sent to capture Wash- 
ington. He encountered little resistance, and the Capitol, 
the White House, and many other piiblic buildings were 
plundered and burned. Two weeks afterward, Baltimore 
was attacked, but the Americans maintained their defence. 
General Ross was killed, and the bombardment of Fort 
]\IcHenry also proving a failure, the British withdrew from 
the Chesapeake.* 

Although American foreign trade was cut off by the 
blockade, terrific blows were struck at the commerce of 
Great Britain by privateersmen. Americans in this way 
made their otherwise idle ships sources of profit. Over 
500 of these armed ships scoured the seas, capturing mer- 
chantmen even on the coast of Great Britain. Because 
of these depredations, insurance rates on English vessels 
were made excessive, and public meetings of tradesmen 
and ship-owners demanded the termination of the war. 
Before the news reached Washington that peace had been 
concluded, the Battle of New Orleans was fought. 

* During the bombardment, Francis Scott Key, prisoner for the time 
on a British vessel, composed The Star Spangled Banner. 



The Second War for Independence 267 

To General Edward Pakenham, one of Wellington's Battle 
ablest lieutenants, with an army of 10,000 veterans, sup- orSns. 
ported by a fleet of fifty vessels, was entrusted the capture January 8, 
of New Orleans. Andrew Jackson, having overcome the 
Creek Indians in Alabama, at Horse-shoe Bend, and in 
other battles, was put in command of the south-western 
district. With about 5,000 troops, mainly men from the 
West, he prepared to resist the British advance, and 
hurriedly threw up defences a short distance below the 
city. When the main assault was made, at daybreak, Jan- 
uary 8, so effective was the fire of the Americans that the 
British were repulsed with a loss of 2,000, and General 
Pakenham was killed. The American loss was 71. 

Four days after the declaration of war between the United j^^^j^^g^^jj' 
States and Great Britain, Napoleon renewed the conflict against Russian 
Russia. At the time, Great Britain and Russia were in alliance, mediation, 
and it was unfortunate that America should have contributed 
to the support of Napoleonic despotism. In keeping with the 
friendly attitude of the Czar, Alexander I, toward the United 
States (see p. 255), and with a desire to secure the full sup- 
port of his ally, he proposed Russian mediation between Great 
Britain and the United States. This proposal was immediately 
accepted by President Madison; and James A. Bayard and 
Albert Gallatin were sent to St. Petersburg as associates with 
John Quincy Adams for such a negotiation. But Great Britain, 
having refused to negotiate except directly, Henry Clay and 
Jonathan Russell were added to the Commission for that pur- 
pose. After needless delay on the part of Great Britain, the 
joint Commission met at Ghent during the summer of 1814. 

The treaty finally agreed upon provided for the mutual Treaty of 
restoration of all conquered territory and for commissions i8i4. ' 
to settle the boundary disputes. The rights of citizens of 
the United States to fish on the shores of British America, 
which had been granted in the treaty of 17S3 were not re- 
newed, and this continued to be a source of disturbance 
until 1818. Our commissioners were obliged to waive the 
question of impressment, but with the coming of general 
peace in Europe Great Britain ceased this obnoxious 
practice. 



268 



American HiMory 



Peace, even at a sacrifice, was at the time desirable; 
for there was danger that New England support would be 
entirely withdrawn. The declaration of war had been 
carried by members of Congress from the South and West 
in spite of the protests of the New England Representa- 
tives, who were ready to acquiesce in the attacks upon 
their commerce rather than risk its extinction. 

The Governors of INIassachusetts and Connecticut re- 
fused to obey the requisition of the President for State 
militia. Subscriptions to the national loan in New Eng- 
land were meager in comparison with the financial abiUty 
of that section. The effects of the blockade and the war 
taxes increased this disaffection, and led to the calling at 
Hartford, in December, 1814, of a convention of delegates 
from these States in opposition to the war. Portions of 
the report of the Convention resemble closely the lan- 
guage of the Virginia Resolutions (1798). It was recom- 
mended that the States should adopt measures for pre- 
venting the execution of the acts of Congress relative to 
enlistment which were deemed contrary to the Constitu- 
tion, the States themselves acting as judges, and executing 
their own decisions. The resolutions were not pre- 
sented to Congress, peace having been announced. The 
Federalist party never recovered from the effects of this 
movement. 

The lives of 30,000 Americans were sacrificed during 
the war, and the national debt was increased over $100,- 
000,000. Large amounts of public and private property 
were destroyed, and the general disarrangement of com- 
merce and business burdened the entire country. On 
the other hand, local prejudice and selfishness were in 
large measure displaced by a spirit of national unity, 
aroused by the achievements of American soldiers and 
sailors, under the leadership of Jackson, Scott, Har- 
rison, Macdonough, Perry, and a few other leaders. 
In the succeeding chapters we shall see that problems 
connected with national development had become the 



The Second U\ir for hidependence 269 

absorbing themes in the place of European poUtics and 
entanglements, and that America had really achieved 
independence. 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. The power of the Speaker over legislation. Government 
in State and Nation, 175, 176. 

2. Influence of "Young Republicans" in bringing on the war. 
Clay, Am. St. Series, I, ch. V. Schouler, II, 334-356. McMaster, 
III, 427-440. Babcock, The Rise of American Nationality, 
50-63. 

3. Calhoun and the declaration of war; his spirit of national- 
ism. Calhoun, Am. St. Series, 15-26. 

4. Finances of the war of 1812. Gallatin, Am. St. Series, 
207-237. 

5. Define direct taxes. To what extent have they been used 
in the United States? Government in State and Nation, 186- 
188. 

6. How is the efficiencv of the American navy accounted for? 
Roosevelt, Naval War of 1812, 27-37. 

7. Difficulties in creating a navy on the Great Lakes. Roose- 
velt, Naval War of 1812, 221, 222 ; 254-258; 354. 

8. In what way and for what reasons did the nations abandon 
privateering? Government in State and Nation, 234, 353. 

9. Comparative losses of the contestants and causes for 
American successes? Roosevelt, Naval War of 1812, 439-450. 

10. Scenes in Washington during the war. McMaster, IV, 
138-147. 

11. Under what conditions may the militia be called into ser- 
vice? Was the attitude of some of the New England States 
justifiable ? Government in State and Nation, 237, 238. Walker, 
Making of the Nation, 243, 244. 

12. Opposidon to the war. Walker, 240-243. Hart, Forma- 
tion of the Union, 216-218. 

13. The Battle of New Orleans. Roosevelt, Naval War of 
1812, 454-493. Hart, Contemporaries, III, No. 127. Jackson, 
Am. St. Series, 44-.50 (new ed.); 38-44 (old ed.). Hosmer, A 
Short History of the Mississippi Valley, 147-153. 

14. Treaty of Ghent and effects of the war. Hart, Contem- 



270 America)! Ilistorif 

poraries, III, No. 128. Walker, INIaking of the Nation, 247, 
248. Hart, Formation, 218-222. McMaster, IV, 256-276. 
Schouler, II, 477-485. 

15. Jame.s and Mann. Readings in American History, 
Chapter 17. 

16. Historical fiction. James Fennimore Cooper, Miles Wal- 
lingford, and Two Admirals. George Cary Eggleston, The Big 
Brother. Irving Bacheller, D'ri and I. Joseph A. Altsheler, 
A Herald of the West. Clark Russell, An Ocean Free Lance, 



CHAPTER XVIII 

REORGANIZATION, WESTWARD MIGRATION, AND 
INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS, 1815-1825 

Because of the embargo, the non-intercourse act, and Tariff of 
the war, the shipping of the country was greatly reduced. 
Much of the capital withdrawn from commerce found a 
profitable investment in manufactures. This tendency 
was strengthened somewhat by the slight protection given 
by the tariff measures enacted after 1789. That of LS12 
doubled the duties on imported goods. Iron factories and 
mills for the manufacture of cotton and woollen goods 
multiplied rapidly. British manufacturers, desiring to 
regain control of American markets and stifle American 
manufactures, began, after the war, to pour their goods 
into the United States. During the fifteen months after 
peace was declared, the exports from Great Britain to 
this country amounted to $150,000,000. Prices were re- 
duced and the stabihty of American industries was en- 
dangered. Influenced by the memorials from the manu- 
facturing centres asking for relief. Congress passed the 
tariff act of 1816, which imposed a duty of about 25 per 
cent, on the importations of cotton and woollen goods, and 
specific duties on iron products. This was the first really 
protective tariff. Votes for the measure came chiefly from 
the Middle States and the West. It was favored also in 
sections of New England and the South, where it was 
271 



272 



A mer ica 1 1 II i.sfo ni 



Second 

United 

States 

Bank 

chartered, 

1816. 



hoped manufactures would be established. Clay and 
Calhoun were earnest supporters of the bill. Jefferson 
declared at the time: "We must place the manufacturer 
by the side of the agriculturalist." Webster, who rep- 
resented the shipping interests of New England, opposed 
the bill. 

Efforts to secure the re-charter of the first United States 
Bank, failed in 1811. Banks chartered by tiie States 
began at once to increase rapidly in numbers. Many of 
them had little or no capital, and were unable to redeem 
the notes that they forced into circulation. In 1814, 
nearly all banks outside New England suspended specie 
payments, and business was in confusion. Finally, on the 
recommendation of Alexander Dallas, then Secretary of 
the Treasury, a bank bill Avas introduced into Congress, 
and, in spite of Federalist opposition, became a law. The 
new bank was chartered for twenty years. One-fifth of 
the capital of $3.5,000,000 was to be furnished by the 
National Government, and five of the twenty-five directors 
were to be appointed by the President, with the consent of 
the Senate. The main bank was located at Philadelphia, 
and branches were established in sixteen of the other 
leading cities. Normal financial conditions were not re- 
stored for a number of years. 



The Crisis Confidence in the future prosperity of the country was gen- 
of 1819. oral. Much of the currency, especially in the West and the 
South, consisted of notes issued by State banks. As a result of 
the excessive issues of currency, prices began to rise and specula- 
tion was encouraged. Extravagant prices were paid for land 
and farms were mortgaged. Manufacturers increased the size 
of their plants unduly. The use of luxuries spread. When the 
National Bank took action to force the State banks to redeem 
their notes in specie, a large part of these notes were seen to be 
valueless. The amount of currency was contracted from $110,- 
000,000 in 1811 to $65,000,000 in 1819. Prices fell and thousands 
of business men were ruined. Laborers were out of employment 
and distress was general. This was the crisis of 1819. During 
the next few years the problems growing out of these conditions 
influenced the country profoundly. 



Reorganizatio)! and Infernal Improvcmcnfs 273 

WESTWARD MIGRATION AND INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS, 

1812-1825 

Prior to the outbreak of the war, the movement of Western 
settlers across the mountains went on steadily. Cheap !^r?oT™o^"* 
government land was a constant lodestone. It could be 1812. 
purchased, after 1800, in lots of one hundred and sixty 
acres at a minimum price of two dollars an acre, of which 
one-fourth might be paid in cash and the rest in instal- 
ments extending over four years. The frontier was 
pushed steadily on by the force of backwoodsman, pioneer 
farmer, and town builder. 

The backwoodsman, with or without title to the land, 
advanced into the wilderness but when neighbors began 
to be too numerous, he sold his cabin and corn field for a 
small sum and "broke for the high timber." In the hands 
of the pioneer farmer the land was better cultivated, 
houses of hewn logs were built having glass windows, 
roads were improved, and the scattered village took 
form. In most cases he, too, was ready to sell out to 
the man who came with more capital and gave him 
the means by which he was able to gain possession of 
more and cheaper land farther West. Men were known 
to sell and move to a new spot five and six times. By 
1810, Kentucky had a population of 400,000; Tennes- 
see, 262,000; Ohio, 230,000; Indiana, 25,000; Illinois, 
12,000. 

North of the Ohio, the settlers came, at first, chiefly Routes of 
from Kentucky and Tennessee. Migration continued 
along the Alleghany valleys and the other established 
routes (p. 172). From South Carolina and Georgia, 
settlers passed into Alabama and Mississippi, and took 
possession of the cotton lands. 

Two main roads led from New England: (1) From Al- 
bany along the IVIohawk valley to Lake Erie; and (2) 
from the Hudson to the head waters of the Alleghany 
River and thence to Pittsburg. 



travel. 



274 



American History 



Freight and passengers, both at so mueh a pound, were 
carried in the great "C'onestoga" wagons, which were 
drawn by from four to six horses.* Many settlers went 
on foot, placing their household goods on the backs of 
horses, or the men carried their own slender stock. Even 
the best roads were at times almost impassable. Private 
corporations, in a nmnber of the States, had begun to con- 
struct "turnpikes" by the end of the century. The prob- 
lem of improving communication between the East and 
the West was constantly under discussion. Baltimore, 
Philadelj)hia, and New York were rivals for Western trade, 
and a road was demanded across the mountains which 
would be beyond the ability of jirivate capital to construct. 

In 1800, Congress appropriated $30,000 for the con- 
struction of a road west from Cumberland, Maryland, to 
the Ohio. It was believed that better means of communi- 
cation would hasten the sales of public lands. Work on 
the road was not begun until LSll. By 1(S20, it was com- 
pleted to Wheeling, and was extended to Columbus, to In- 
dianapolis, and to Vandalia, at that time the capital of 
Illinois. It made transportation easier, for it was built of 
crushed stone (the Western part was macadamized), the 
grades were reduced, and good bridges were constructed. 
Between LS06 and 183S sixty appropriations (amounting 
to nearly $7,000,000) were made for this road. Opposition 
to giving Federal aid to such enterprises developed; its 
place was gradually taken by railroads; and by 1856 Con- 
gress had given it over to the States through which it ran. 

At Pittsburg or Wheeling settlers took passage on one 
of the many sorts of water-craft. Barges and flat-boats 
were common. In 1811, there were four hundred keel- 
boats on the Ohio and its tributaries. These boats 
were from twelve to fifteen feet wide and fifty feet long, 
and were roofed over. They required from six to ten 

* In 1805, the cost was $4.50 a hundred from Baltimore to Pittsburg 
and $5 from Philadelphia. It required from twenty to twenty-four days 
to travel the 300 miles between Philadelphia and Pittsburg. 



RrorffcniizafioH and Infernal I mprovcmcnts 275 

men to drive them against the current, but were used, 
because of their narrowness, in going up the tributary 
streams. Freight-boats were taken to New Orleans, 
where cargoes and boats were sold. The boatmen re- 
turned on foot or horseback, or went by sea to Philadel- 
phia or Baltimore. It was esthnated that twelve hundred 




Flat-boat 



freight-boats passed the Falls of the Ohio * (Louis\ille) 
during seven months of the year 1811 with their loads of 
flour, bacon, and merchandise of various sorts. Stories 
were common of the wild, free, and at times riotous, lives 
of the river-men, and Hkewise of the dangers from Indians. 

A steam-boat was first used on the Ohio in 1811, and in sieam- 
1816 two were launched on Lake Ontario. The steam- western 
boat soon became one of the most effective agencies in deveiop- 
the development of the West. The markets of New 

* Goods were landed and carried around the Falls except during high 
water. 



276 American ITi.sfory 

Orleans were brought nearer, for it became possible, as 
early as 1817, to go from Louisville to New Orleans 
in seven days (1,502 miles).* On the return trip, which 
took twenty-five days, hardware, dry-goods, and sugar 
were brought back. These products had formerly been 
conveyed from Atlantic ports at a much greater cost for 
freight, 
w^estwarfi After the war the Westward movement was greatly ac- 

nio\finent i u^-xi i » • i i i • ' i 

after 1815. celcrated. Old America seems to be breaking up and 
moving Westward," wrote a traveller who passed along 
the National Road in 1817. "W'e are seldom out 
of sight, as Ave travel on this grand track toward the 
Ohio, of family groups behind and before us." Fifteen 
thousand wagons, containing emigrants from New Eng- 
land, passed along the road between the Hudson and 
Pittsburg during the eighteen months previous to April, 
ISK). 
Motives in Commercial prosperity in the P^ast, as we have seen, 
Wesf. liad wellnigh disajjpeared. Laborers, unable to obtain 

work, crossed the mountains to points where labor was 
in great demand and wages high, at Pittsburg, Cin- 
cinnati, and other rapidly de\cloping manufacturing and 
commercial centres. There was no longer continual fear 
of attacks by the Lidians. Besides, the extinction of 
Indian titles to land opened up extensive areas suitable to 
cultivation and grazing. The great forest tracts were 
valuable for lumber. By a law of 1820 settlers were able 
to buy from the Government, for cash, as small a tract as 
eighty acres at a minimum price of one dollar and twenty- 
five cents an acre. The iron and coal mines of western 
Pennsylvania and the lead mines of Wisconsin and Illinois 
also attracted settlers. Owing to the hard times in Europe, 
at the close of the Napoleonic wars, emigration to America 
became notable. During the year 1817, 7,634 immigrants 
came through the port of New York alone, and large 
numbers of these joined the rush Westward. 

* Keel-boats took about forty days down and ninety up 



Reorganization and Internal Improvements 



During the war there was great delay in transporting 
men and snpj3lies to the West, and this became a striking 
illustration of the need of better means of communication. 
The rapid growth of this section and the problem of reach- 
ing the markets served likewise to create discussion, among 
the men of the West, on the necessity for roads and canals. 
Under the leadership of Calhoun, then an ardent Nation- 
alist, Congress, in 1817, passed the "Bonus Bill," appro- 
priating $1,500,000 for internal improvements. "Let it 
be forever kept in mind," he said, "that the extent of our 
republic exj)»)ses us to the greatest of all calamities — ^next to 



Internal 
improve- 
ments. 



^ i J 


s 

moneula Ler.42S 5 




1 
1 


1 




4oo; ^ ^~' — «— >. 


1 


300 'i It; 




s 


2001 "• 






5S 


100.; 






~ 


■^5,1 


10 20 30 40 50 100 


200 




300 MILES 


\<u, 



Plan of the Erie Canal 

loss of liberty, and even equal to that in its consequences — 
disunion. ... If we are restricted in the use of our money 
to the enumerated powers, on what principle can the pur- 
chase of Louisiana be justified ?" But President Madison 
deemed the measure unconstitutional and vetoed it. 

The first act of the General Government for the improve- 
ment of harbors was passed in 1823. This became an 
additional argument for the advocates of internal improve- 
ments. The solid vote of the West carried a measure in 
Congress, the folloAving year, which permitted such under- 
takings at national expense. 

In the meantime, the State of New York, under the The Erie 
energetic leadership of Governor De Witt Clinton, ap- 
propriated money for the digging of a canal from Albany 



278 



American History 



up the Mohawk valley and across the State, 363 miles, to 
Buffalo. Its con^pletion, in 1825, after eight y^^rs of 
labor and the expenditure of about $7,000,000, was an 
event of great significance. Freight rates dropped from 




Leading Roads ami ^^'ate^ways, 1825 



S32 a ton by wagon for one hundred miles to $1 a ton by 
canal. Within nine years the tolls collected were more 
than enough to pay for the original cost of construction. 
Syracuse, Rochester, Buffalo, and other towns on the 
canal developed rapidly into important commercial and 
manufacturing centers. The route was shortened for 



Rrorf/aitizatioii a fid Infernal Improvements 270 



products of the Xortli-west to the sea, and New York City 
became the leading American port. The canal became also 
the favorite route for freight and passengers to the West. 
Ohio was admitted into the Union in 1803; Louisiana, 
in 1S12; Indiana, in 1816; Mississippi, in 1817; Illinois, 




Growth of 

the West, 



Distribution of Population in 1820 

in 1818; and Alabama, in 1819. The population of the 
New England States increased thirty-five per cent, in 
twenty years; that of Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee in- 
creased three hundred and twenty-one per cent, in the 
same period. During the decade from 1810 to 1820 the 
population of Ohio was more than doubled; that of In- 
diana and Illinois more than quadrupled. Alabama and 
Mississippi showed similar gains. 



280 



A m erica 11 Hisiory 



Character- 
istics of 
Western 
life. 



Religion 



In the wide mixture of nationalities commonly spoken 
of by travellers, the people of the West resembled, strik- 
ingly, the United States as it is to-day. Immigrants 
came from all sections and various European states, and 
their interests were national rather than sectional. Step 
by step they possessed themselves of the wilderness. 
Their desire to push the bounds of the Nation still 
farther west was natural. As individuals, they es- 
teemed the qualities of self-help, courage, and loyalty, and 
there were no privileged orders among them. Each was 
as good as the other; for all had "shared in the same 
fatigues and privations, partaken of the same homely fare, 
and in many instances had fought side by side in defence 
of their homes against the inroads of the savages." * This 
spirit of democracy was notable in all activities. State 
constitutions of a democratic t^'pe were formed; a prop- 
erty qualification for voting was not required as in the 
older States, and the judiciary was made elective instead 
of appointive. 

They were in earnest about their religion as about every- 
thing else, and stood ready, as occasion arose, to use their 
physical powers to protect their worship against all forms 
of lawlessness. Backwoods preachers and "circuit riders" 
wielded a notable influence among these pioneers. The 
Methodist, Baptist, and Presbyterian denominations were 
most in favor. 

They were aware that the refining influences of an older 
society were lacking; but they were optimistic for the 
future and were proud of their wonderful material develop- 
ment. Academies and colleges, some of them of good 
grade, were founded early by the aid of Government land 
grants and by private contributions. There were twenty- 
eight institutions of higher learning in the West by 1830. 
Private schools were plentiful, but the communities were 
too poor to establish common schools even with the aid 
of the one section of land in each township set aside for 
*Peck, New Guide for Emigrants, 111. 



Reorganization and Internal Improvements 281 

that purpose by the National Government (1785). A law 
passed in Ohio, in 1824, for the support of these schools 
by taxation marked the real beginning of the public 
school system in that State. About the same time, similar 
action was taken by other Western legislatures. 

THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE 

The invention of the cotton-gin made the cultivation of Cotton and 
cotton profitable, and the increase of manufactures stimu- ^ ^'^^^y- 
lated the demand for cotton. To meet this demand, the 
area of cotton-raising extended rapidly, carrying slavery 
with it to the southern part of the Mississippi valley.* 

By 1805, all of the States north of Mason and Dixon's line had Slavery 
either abolished slavery or had provided for gradual emancipa- 
tion. In 1807, the bill prohibiting the importation of slaves 
after January 1, 1808, was passed with large majorities by both Article I, 
Houses of Congress. This result showed the influence of the section 9, 
anti-slavery societies, which were numerous in Maryland, Vir- 
ginia, and North Carolina, as well as in the Northern States. 

By the Ordinance of 1787, slavery was prohibited north of the 
Ohio. The admission into the Union of free States north of 
that river and of slave States south of it made it a dividing line. 

While the Northern and the Southern States in 1790 had about 
the same population, by 1820 the free States contained 700,000 
more than the slave-holding States. In the House of Repre- 
sentatives the former had a majority of twenty-four members 
over the latter. But from the admission of Ohio, free and slave 
States had come alternately into the Union, and thus a balance 
of the sections was kept in the Senate. The South wished to 
keep this adjustment in order to prevent legislation to which it 
was opposed. 

Not until 1819, was there the first real contest between 
the two sections. In that year, the question of the ad- 
mission of INIissouri as a State came up for discussion in 

* Good cotton lands sold for from $40 to $100 an acre in Alabama 
(1818). The sale of public lands in that territory during the same year 
amounted to $3,000,000. The population of Alabama when admitted 
into the Union (1819) was 48,310 whites and 21,384 slaves. 



North and 
South. 



clause 1. 



282 



History 



The fiuos- 
tion of 
shivery in 
Missouri. 



The 

Missouri 
Compro- 
mise. 



Congress. Slave-holding had been allowed in the Lou- 
isiana territory when it belonged to Spain and to France, 
and was permitted to continue after its purchase by the 
United States. As a result, planters in increasingly large 
numbers, with their slaves, crossed the Mississippi to the 
Missouri valley. 

AVhen the act for the admission of Missouri was before 
the House, an exciting debate took place over an amend- 
ment introduced by Tallmadge, of New York, an amend- 
ment which proposed that no more slaves should be ad- 
mitted, and that all children born within the State after its 
admission should be free at the age of twenty-five years. 
Clay led the opposition to restriction. He argued that if 
slavery were allowed to spread, its evils would be lessened. 
He denied the constitutional power of Congress to impose 
on newly organized States restrictions that limited their 
sovereign rights. Tallmadge held that such restriction 
was constitutional. He attacked the .system of slavery, 
calling it "this monstrous scourge of the human race 
which threatened the life of the Nation." The amend- 
ment passed the House by a close vote, but was rejected 
in the Senate. No further action was taken during the 
session. 

Public meetings and legislatures in the various Northern 
States passed resolutions against the admission of Mis- 
souri as a slave State, and the South protested against re- 
striction. When Congress met (December, 1819), a bill 
was passed by the House admitting Maine, recently owned 
by ]\Iassachusetts, as a State. A compromise amendment 
was agreed upon in the Senate (1820), providing for the 
admission of INlissouri as a slave State, but in the remainder 
of the Louisiana Purchase north of 36° 30' slavery was to 
be prohibited. The compromise was accepted by the 
House of Representatives. President Monroe signed the 
bills, and Maine was admitted. 

But the constitution of Missouri contained a provision 
that forbade the entrance of free negroes into the State, 



Rcorc/aulzaliou <ni(f Internal Improvements 28:] 

and this gave rise to another difficult question* Through 
the efforts of Clay, a compromise was accepted. Mis- 
souri was admitted, but it was stipulated that the rights of 
citizens of the United States going to Missouri should not 
be abridged. 

The passing of the Missouri Compromise was important; Results c 
for therein was accepted the principle that Congress has ^'^^ com- 
the power to prohibit slavery in the territories. But the '''°™^''- 
controversy still further divided the two sections of the 
country already separated by a geographical boundary 
line.f Although slavery as an issue sank out of sight for 
a number of years, it was becoming more and more dom- 
inant in the economic and social life of the South. In the 
North, sentiment against the institution of slavery grew 
with the years. 

In 1820, Major S. J. Long set out on a scientific ex- Expiora- 
pedition from St. Louis to the West. Long's Peak was [hT-^L- 
discovered and much of eastern Colorado Avas explored. West. 
He described the region through which he passed as 
almost wholly unfit for agricultural purposes. After 
1822, traders from St. Louis began to cross this Great 
American Desert with their trains of wagons and mules 
loaded with goods for Santa Fe, bringing back furs 
and silver. 

Trappers and fur-traders were also penetrating the 
regions farther North. Agents of the Rocky Mountain 
Fur Company (1823-1824), after crossing the mountains 
from the Platte to the Green River returned by way of 
Great Salt Lake and the South Pass, the "Cumberland 
Gap" of the Rocky jNIountains. Within the next ten 
years, the chief routes to California and Oregon had been 
made known, and settlers were taking possession of the 
frontier in the new North-west. 

* In some States free negroes were citizens. According to the Con- 
stitution of tlie United States tliey were guaranteed the rights of other 
citizens. See, Article IV, section 2, clause 1. 

t Mason and Dixon's line and the Ohio River. 



284 American History 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. Influence of the War of 1812 on the development of manu- 
factures. Coman, Industrial History, 180-190. Bogart, Eco- 
nomic History of the United States, 142-149. 

2. Compare the attitudes of Clay, Calhoun, and Webster tow- 
ard the tariff in 1816. Clay, Am. St. Series, 129-131. Calhoun, 
Am. St. Series, 33-35. ' Webster, Am. St. Series, 153-156 
(new ed.). 

3. Weakness of the State banks and the establishment of the 
second United States Bank. Influence on the doctrine of strict 
construction. Hart, Formation of the Union, 22t)-227. 

4. Calhoun the champion of internal imi)rovements. Calhoun, 
Am. St. Series, 35-37. Hart, Contemporaries, III, No. 131. 

5. Era of canal construction and results. Schouler, III, 346- 
350. Sparks, The Expansion of the American People, 264-269. 
Coman, Industrial History, 202-211. Bogart, Economic History 
of the United States, 189-195. Turner, Rise of the New West, 
224-234. 

6. Emigration to the West after 1815. McINIaster, History, 
IV, 381-394. Turner, Rise of the New West, 67-84. 

7. Characteristics of men of the West. Benton, Am. St. 
Series, 1-20. Roosevelt, Winning of the West, \o\. 4, 214-257. 
Hart, Contemporaries, III, Xos. 138, 140. Century Magazine, 
63, 102-107; 201-207. Hosmer, A Short History of* the Missis- 
sippi valley, 154-158. 

8. Slavery in the States before 1820. Burgess, The Middle 
Period, 39-60. 

9. Contest over Missouri. Constitution, Art. IV, sect. 3, 
el. 2. Johnston, American Orations, II, 33-62; 63-101. Clay, 
Am. St. Series, I, Ch. VIII. Turner, Rise of the New West, 
149-171. 

10. James and Mann, Readings in American History, Chapter 
18. 

11. Historical fiction. Edward Eggleston, The Circuit Rider. 
Cooper, The Prairie. 



CHAPTER XIX 

THE DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONALISM— 1815-1830 

Evidences of a growing spirit of nationalism which National- 
signified independence of other nations and pride in Amer- ^^™* 
ican development became more manifest after the War of 
1812. We have noted this tendency in such legislation as 
the recharter of the United States Bank; the tariff of 
1816; Congressional appropriations for internal improve- 
ments; and in the growing power of the West, a region 
which looked to the Federal Government for aid in its 
development. 

It is significant that this legislation had been accom- Monroe 
plished with the Republican party in power. That this president, 
party was in favor with the people is shown by the fact 1816. 
that James Monroe received 183 electoral votes for Presi- 
dent, Rufus King, the Federalist candidate, receiving only 
34. 

For many years, Monroe had been prominent as a legis- 
lator and a diplomatist. Although not in the first rank 
among the great statesmen of his time, he rendered valua- 
ble service as Secretary of State under INIadison. After 
the burning of Washington, he was also made Secretary of 
War, and in this capacity he improved the conduct of 
military affairs. 

Shortly after his inauguration, Monroe made a tour "Era of 
through 'the North and West for the purpose of examining good feej-^ 
the "National defences." Another object was to promote 
harmony between the political parties. Everywhere the 
President received an enthusiastic welcome. The fusion 
285 



roe re- 
elected, 
1820. 



286 



American History 



of parties became so complete that tlie period (1817-1825) 
has been called the "Era of good feeling." In the Presi- 
dential election of 1820, Monroe received all but one of 
the electoral votes, but there developed such a spirit of 
faction and jealousy among leading men, chiefly within 
the Cabinet, that the next Presi- 
dential contest (1824) was one 
of intense bitterness. 

No influence* was more not- 
able in fostering nationalism 
than the Supreme Court deci- 
* 



sions. 
pecia 



This tendency was es- 
y marked during the 




James Monroe 



period when John ]\Iarshall 
was Chief Justice (1801-1835). 
Two decisions, among others, 
show this exaltation of national 
power. The case of ^IcCulloch 
v.f. jNIaryland (1819) grew out 
of the attempt by that State to 
tax a branch of the United 
States Bank at Baltimore. The '■yGiu.rt stuart 

decision declared that the establishment of such a bank, 
with branches, was constitutional according to the doc- 
trine of implied powers, and such branches could not be 
taxed by a State. In the Dartmouth College case, of the 
same year, the decision asserted that a charter to a private 
corporation is a contract which it is unconstitutional for a 
legislature to impair. 

Spain refused to recognize the title of the United States 
to even a portion of West Florida (see p. 247). The 
Spanish possessions, without efficient government, became 



* Associate Justice Brewer declared that the "decisions of the Su- 
preme Court have always been in harmony with and sustaining the 
proposition that the republic is a Nation acting directly upon all its 
citizens with the attributes and authority of a nation and not a mere 
league or confederacy of States." Scribner's Magazine, Vol. 33, p. 273. 



The Development of Xationalism 287 

a refuge for fugitive Indians, negroes, and all sorts of 
criminals and adventurers from the United States. A Purchase 
body of Seminole Indians, after attacking some United isiS""^^' 
States troops, fled across the boundary into Florida. In 
1818, General Jackson was sent against them, and, as 
usual, did thorough work. He seized St. INIarks and 
Pensacola, centres from which the Spaniards aided the 
Indians, and he executed two British subjects who were 
suspected of assisting the Seminoles. Florida was brought 
under the military control of the United States, and during 
the next year a treaty was concluded by which iSpain ceded 
Florida to the United States. The United States was to 
pay the claims of American citizens against Spain to the 
amount of $5,000,000. 

Spain also abandoned her claims to territory north and our 
east of a line extending from the mouth of the Sabine 
River to the Red River. It ran thence along the Red River 
to the one hundredth meridian; thence due north to the 
Arkansas, and along the south bank of that river to its 
source; thence due north to the forty-second parallel and 
along that parallel to the Pacific Ocean. This agreement 
fixed the western boundary of the Louisana purchase and 
signified that the United States gave up claims to Texas. 



We.stern 
boundary. 



The problem of the relation of the United States to the Span- Events 
ish colonies of South and Central America and Mexico was also leading to 
one of great moment. When Napoleon conquered Spain (1808), ijQ„j.„ 
the South American colonies revolted against the arbitrary rule Doctrine, 
of Spanish officials. Only in Buenos Ayres was the revohition 
successful. Elsewhere, the colonies accepted the Bourbon King ^outh 
of Spain on his restoration in 1815. In 1817, General San colonies. 
Martin, with his picked regiments from the La Plata States 
(Argentine Confederation), marched across the Andes and con- 
quered the Spaniards in Chili. Peru was also aided in securing 
independence. Revolution again broke out in the North under 
the leadership of General Simon Bolivar. Aided by Irish and 
English troops, he achieved the liberation of Venezuela and 
Colombia. Mexico became independent in 1821, and Revolu- 
tionary governments were set up in all the Spanish American 
States. Brazil also proclaimed its independence from Portugal. 



American Hi,story 



After the downfall of Napoleon (1815), Alexander I, Czar of 
Russia formed a league of the chief rulers of Continental Europe, 
the so-called Holy Alliance. Their original resolution to govern 
according to the principles of the Christian religion, gave place 
within three years to an agreement to render mutual assistance 
in maintaining monarchical governments. In 1822, they agreed 
to lend assistance in the destruction of representative institu- 
tions in Europe. A French army, sent into Spain, suppressed 
an insurrection and restored the absolute monarch. He im- 
plored the allies to aid him in regaining control of his American 
colonies. Great Britain became alarmed lest such a plan should 
be carried out, a measure which would again close South Amer- 
ican ports to her ships. Canning, English Minister of Foreign 
Affairs, proposed a joint declaration between Great Britain and 
the United States (1823) against any project by European 
Powers to subjugate the South American States. 

President Monroe had already recognized their inde- 
pendence. Sympathy for them, in their struggle for lib- 
erty, was general in this country and commercial relations 
developed rapidly. European interference in affairs on 
this side the Atlantic was objectionable. Besides, Russia, 
in 1821, had laid claim to the control of the Pacific coast 
north of the parallel 51°, and it was feared that Russian 
influence would be pushed farther south. 

Upon the advice of John Quincy Adams, Secretary of 
State, the proposition made by Canning was declined, and 
President jNIonroe, in his annual message (1823) defined 
the policy of the United States relative to European con- 
trol in America. Dealing with Russian claims, the prin- 
ciple was declared: "The American continents, by the 
free and independent condition which they have assumed 
and maintained, are henceforth not to be considered as 
subjects for future colonization by any European powers." 

The message was not less explicit on the question of 
European intervention in the contest between Spain and 
her American colonies. After calling attention to the 
difference in the political systems of Europe and America, 
ISIonroe w^rote: "We should consider any attempt on 
their part to extend their system to any portion of this 



The Development of Naiionulism 289 

hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety." "In- 
terposition by any European power for the purpose of 
oppressing the independent American governments," he 
declared, "or controlUng in any other manner their destiny 
would be viewed as a manifestation of an unfriendly dis- 
position toward the United States." 

This warning was effective, and intervention by the 
European nations was abandoned. In 1825, a treaty 
between Russia and the United States was ratified. Russia 
accepted 54° 40' as the southern boundary line of her 
American possessions. 

To John Quincy Adams is probably due the credit for wording Interpre- 
this significant message, but Monroe assumed responsibiHty for Jation of 
it. Earlier American statesmen had prochiimed similar views, message. 
The later interpretation accepted by Americans has so extended 
the application of the Monroe Doctrine that the policy is now 
rightly called the "American Doctrine." 

As a result of the commercial crisis of 1819, a new tariff bill The tariff 
calling for a large increase in duties was proposed (1820). Sup- °^ l^-*- 
ported by the Middle States and the Ohio Valley States and 
opposed by the South and South-west, it j^assed the House, but 
failed in the Senate by one vote. The vote of New England was 
divided. The contest was renewed in 1824. Again, Clay was the 
leading advocate for his "American Policy." He urged an in- 
crease in duties because of the distress pervading the country and 
the necessity of creating a home market for labor, provisions, and 
materials through developing manufactures. Webster, repre- 
senting the shipping interests of New England, contended that 
the manufactures needed no protection and that intelligence and 
industry asked only for "fair play and an open field." Southern- 
ers argued against the constitutionality of protection, and de- 
clared that the burden would fall on the planters. Votes repre- 
senting the Eastern manufacturers and the Western farmers 
carried the measure by small majorities in both Houses of Con- 
gress. Duties were increased on woollen and cotton goods, 
hemp, and iron manufactures. 

During Monroe's second administration there was really 
but one political party. Within the Republican ranks, 
however, there were a number of prominent men who 
aspired to the Presidency. The people were dissatis- 



290 



American Ilisforjj 



fied with tlie method of nomination bv a "caucus" made 
up of members of Congress. The revolt then begun 
against this system led to the present national nominating 
conventions. Andrew Jackson was nominated by the 
Legislature of Tennessee and a State Convention in Penn- 
sylvania; John Quincy Adams by the legislatures of the 

New England States ; 
and Henry Clay by 
those of Kentucky, 
Missouri, and two other 
States. William Henry 
Crawford, of Georgia, 
Secretary of the Treas- 
ury, secured the Con- 
gressional nomination 
in a caucus composed 
of 06 out of 21() mem- 
bers. Political intrigue 
and bitter personalities 
were striking features of 
the campaign. Adams 
and Clay favored a pro- 
tective tariff. Jackson 
was a moderate protec- 
tionist and Crawford 
was opposed to protec- 
tion. All stood for a National system of internal improve- 
ments. "When the electoral votes were counted, it was found 
that Jackson had received 99 votes; Adams, 84; Crawford, 
41; and Clay, 37. Calhoun was chosen Vice-President. 
Since no Presidential candidate had a majority of 
the votes, the choice between the three highest candi- 
dates devolved on the House of Representatives (Amend- 
ment XH). Clay believed that Adams was best qualified 
for the position, and used his powerful influence in the 
House to bring about that result. The votes of thirteen 
States were given to Adams, seven to Jackson, and four to 




John Quincy Adams 



The Development of Nationalism 



291 



Crawford. The adherents of Jackson declared that the 
will of the people had been disregarded and that Clay, 
with the promise of the office of Secretary of State, had 
bargained to support Adams. There was no truth in the 
charge, but when Clay was appointed to that office the 

story lived on and be- 
came a leading cause 
for the strong opposi- 
tion to the poUcy of 
President Adams. 

From his youth, John John 
Quincy Adams had ^Lml 
been schooled in public 
atfairs. At the age of 
fourteen he became pri- 
vate secretary of the 
American Minister to 
Russia. He was ap- 
pointed INIinister at 
The Hague when only 
twenty -seven, and con- 
tinued in the pubHc ser- 
vice as Minister to Prus- 
sia; United States Sen- 
ator; and Minister to 
Russia; as one of the Peace Commissioners at Ghent; and 
Minister to England. During the administrations of ]Mon- 
roe he was Secretary of State. He was noted for his great 
talents, his untiring labor, and his uprightness in all rela- 
tions of life. Every problem was decided on its merits 
and never for political effect. But severe in his criticism 
of others, seeing the worst side of his associates, not ready 
to take advice, he could never become a great organizer of 
men. 

President Adams w^as fully aware, when he assumed Opposition 
the duties of his office, that the opposition to him was dent 
powerful. This included a majority of the Senate. In Adams. 




Henry Clay 



292 



A mcrica ii H ifiiory 



the House, the strong hostile minority was changed 
after the first election to a majority. But he refused to 
build up a political machine, and officers, though person- 
ally opposed to him, were retained in office at the expira- 
tion of their terms. Antagonism was increased also be- 
cause of the extreme views of the President on the power 
of the Government to carry on internal improvements. 

In his first annual message President Adams advocated 
national appropriations for the construction of roads and 
canals; for the establishment of a university and an astro- 
nomical observatory; for the improvement of agriculture, 
commerce, and manufactures. This aroused hostility, es- 
pecially in the South, where it was feared that such loose 
construction views might lead to the abolition of the slaves. 
About $2,300,000 were exj^ended on roads and harbors 
during this administration, an expenditure which greatly 
exceeded the amount appropriated for these purposes dur- 
ing all previous administrations. 



About 1820, there became manifest a steady reaction against 
the spirit of Nationalism which had been prevalent. Various 
States protested against the "consolidating tendencies of the 
Judiciary," as Jefferson expressed it. Georgia placed herself in 
an attitude of resistance toward the Federal Government over 
the question of the Indians. The United States Government 
had agreed, in 1802, to extinguish the Indian claims to any lands 
in Georgia. By a treaty (1826), the Creeks agreed to abandon 
their lands within that State, excepting a narrow strip along 
the western border, on January 1 of the following year. Gov- 
ernor Troup maintained that Georgia, by a former treaty, had 
become possessed of all this land, and asserting that Georgia 
"is sovereign on her own soil," directed his surveyors to include 
in their survey the lands west of the line agreed upon in 1826. 
President Adams ordered the United States officers to arrest 
any one surveying beyond that line. Governor Troup ordered 
the release of any surveyors who might be arrested, and prepared 
for calling out the militia. Congress failed to support the Presi- 
dent. The question was settled (1827) by a treaty in which the 
Creeks surrendered the territory in dispute. In 1828, Georgia 
also extended her right of sovereignty over the Cherokees in the 
north-western part of the State. 



The Developmciit of Nationalism 



293 



The tariff 
act of 
1828. 



The tariff of 1824 was unsatisfactory to the manufact- 
urers of woollens, who were unable to compete with the 
English manufacturers. The woollen industry had grown 
rapidly in New England, and many petitions for relief 
came from that section. Greater protection was de- 
manded also for other industries. A Presidential election 
was at hand, and the South 
desired the election of An- 
drew Jackson, but was op- 
posed to protection. Both 
branches of Congress Avere in 
control of the Jackson forces. 
The House Committee 
brought in a bill providing 
increased protection for raw 
materials, such as the wool, 
hemp, and iron produced 
chiefly in Pennsylvania and 
the West. New England was 
denied the increase of duties 
demanded. It was believed 
that the Representatives of 
New England would join 
those from the South in defeating the measure, and thus 
the Adams supporters would become parties to its rejec- 
tion. But the plan was not successful, for enough New 
England votes were secured in the House to carry the 
act, objectionable as it was. This so-called "tariff of 
abominations" was bitterly opposed in the South, and it 
was denounced, especially in South Carolina. 

The reasons for opposition in the South were : (1) The Calhoun's 
price of cotton had fallen as its production had increased 
in the South-west. The cost of producing the crop was 
greater because of the increased demand for and cost of 
slaves. (2) The cost of food supplies and manufactured 
articles for which they were dependent respectively on the 
North-west and on England was enhanced by the tariff. 




John C. Calhoun 



294 



American, llisfori/ 



The legislature of South Carolina (1828) adopted the 
"Exposition and Protest" drafted by Calhoun, which fol- 
lowed the principles of the Kentucky Resolutions (p. 235). 
In this document he argued that protection of manufact- 
ures was unconstitutional and urged, since the Constitution 
was a compact between sovereign States, that a State might 




Ihe Hermiiage — ihe residence of General Jackson 



forbid within its limits the operation of a law which it 
thought unconstitutional. This would compel the aban- 
donment of the law unless three-fourths of the States, in 
convention, should sanction it. Thus Calhoun, the former 
Nationalist, had become the real exponent of sectionalism. 
Protests against the tariff of 1828 were also made by other 
Southern legislatures. 



The Development of Naiionalism 



295 



The political campaign of 1828 which made Andrew Presiden 



Jackson President was really four years in length. During 
the period, the statement that the "will of the people" had 
been thwarted in the election of Adams, and that there had 
been a " corrupt bargain" were shrewdly used by the Jack- 
son managers. President Adams, as we have seen, ad- 
vocated the liberal interpretation of the Constitution. The 
men w^ho favored this policy had come to be known as 
" National Republicans." The opposition had gradually 
come together as "Jackson men " (soon called Democrats). 
But the most striking appeals to the voters in this cam- 
paign of bitter personalities were based on the character- 
istics of the candidates. Jackson was portrayed as the 
man who had come from the people. That he was the 
"hero of New Orleans" served to arouse the enthusiasm 
of his supporters. A leading argument against Adams 
characterized him as an aristocrat and monarchist and 
lacking in sympathy for the plain people. The fact that 
Adams was a trained statesman was used against him. 



g JoAn Q.Adama 
i Andrete Jackson 



Election of 1824* Election of 1828 

*The electoral votes were divided in New York, Delaware, Maryland, 
Louisiana and Illinois. The marking indicates the candidate receiving 
the highest number in each of these States. 



tial elec- 
tion of 

1828. 




296 American History 

To the adherents of Adams his opponent was an un- 
trained military leader and a duellist. Moreover, the 
West favored Jackson, for his personality appealed to the 
men of that section. The loose construction principles of 
Adams were obnoxious to Southerners. There was not a 
single electoral vote for Adams south of the Potomac or 
west of the Alleghanies. Jackson received 178 electoral 
votes and Adams S3. Of the popular votes, Jackson had 
647,270 against 508,064 for Adams. Calhoun was reelected 
Vice-President. 

Suggestive References and Questions 

1. The growth of national consciousness. Walker, Making 
of the Nation, 204-273. 

2. Social Conditions, 1820. McMaster, IV, 522-549. 

3. In what ways did the Supreme Court decisions strengthen 
Nationalism? Marshall, Am. St. Series, Chapter 10. Webster, 
Am. St. Series, Ch. 3. Hart, Formation, 234-236. 

4. Did the "Holy Alliance" profess to maintain monarchical 
government? Hart, Contemporaries, III, Xo. 142. 

5. In what forms were the principles of the Monroe Doctrine 
stated earlier than 1S23? American History Leaflets, No. 4. 
Monroe, Am. St. Series, 102-170. 

6. The leading points in the Monroe Doctrine. Hart, Con- 
temporaries, III, No. 147. MacDonald, Select Documents, 
No. 43. American History Leaflets, No. 4. 

7. Early career of John Quincy Adams. Adams, Am. St. 
Series, Chapter I. 

8. The election of 1824 and evidence of "corrupt bargain." 
How would you have voted in this election, and why? John 
Quincy Adams, Am. St. Series, 162-188. Clay, Am. St. Series, 
Chapter X. Jackson, Am. St. Series, Chapter IV. 

9. The Panama Congress. Hart, Formation, 252, 253. 

10. The tariff of 1828. Hart, Formation, 257, 258. Bur- 
gess, The Middle Period, 159-162. Calhoun, Am. St. Series, 70- 
82. Webster, Am. St. Series, Chapter VI. 

11. Triumph of Jackson. Schouler, III, 409-420. Jackson, 
Am. St. Series, 145-150. J. Q. Adams, Am. St. Series, 208-218. 
MacDonald, Jacksonian Democracy, 28-42. 

12. James and Mann, Readings in American History, Ch. 19. 



UP 




CHAPTER XX 

THE NEW DEMOCRACY AND THE INCREASE OF 
SECTIONAL FEELING— 1830-1845 

Senator Thomas H. Benton of Missouri declared that Jacksonian 
the election of Jackson was a "triumph of Democratic racy. 
principles, and an assertion of the people's right to govern 
themselves." What had given rise to this sentiment of 
democracy? Individual energy and enterprise on the 
part of Americans, under most favorable conditions, had 
produced notable results. The spirit of self-confidence 
was prevalent and asserted itself in society and politics. 
To this new society, titles, ceremonies, and social distinc- 
tions were distasteful. The democracy of Jefferson was 
likewise based on confidence in the people, but training 
and experience were regarded as essential qualities for the 
holders of public office. The democracy of LS30 asserted 
that the election of Jackson would mean the retirement of 
trained leaders from the control of the Government. 

At the commencement of this era of democracy the in- infl|^«"^e 
fluence of the West was conspicuous, for the principles of 
Democratic government had progressed most rapidly in 
that section. It was not strange that the rough and ready, 
forceful qualities of "Old Hickory" appealed to the men 
of the West; for he had come from their ranks and best 
represented the principles for which they stood. 

Andrew Jackson is one of the most striking and in- 
teresting characters in American history. He was born 
in the backwoods of North Carolina. Left alone in the 
world at fifteen years of age, he gained a bare livelihood 
297 



of the 
West. 



298 



American Hi si or if 



Andrew 
Jackson. 



by work in the fields and in saddle-making. With little 
knowledge of the law, he was admitted to practise in 
1788; and the next year he went to Tennessee. In 1796, 
he became the first Representative of that State in Con- 
gress; and the following year he was elected Senator, 
but he soon resigned. He made little impression in 

Congre.ss. Gallatin de- 
scribed him as a "tall, 
lank, uncouth -looking 
personage with long locks 
of hair hanging over his 
face and a cue down his 
back tied in an eel-skin, 
his dress singular, his 
manners and deportment 
that of a backwoodsman." 
The military life was 
more congenial to a man 
of his courage and 
strength of will. In the 
Indian wars and the War 
of 1812, he showed his 
great power as a leader 

From the painting by Sully nS2f>). in the Corcoran of mCn. HcadstrOUg, aud 

(iallery, Washuist^'n o' 

insubordinate on occa- 
sions, he was likewise noted for graceful manners, gener- 
osity and elevation of mind, sympathy with sufl^ering, and 
absolute honesty. His hatred of his enemies and devo- 
tion to his friends were alike intense. Blind to the faults 
of his friends, he became at times an unconscious agent 
through whom unprincipled men accomplished their 
designs. 

THE NATION DURING THE DECADE 1830-1840 

Jackson was elected President of a nation having an 
area of over two million square miles and a population of 
nearly thirteen million. Of the increase of nine million 




Andrew Jackson 



Till' Xciv Demorraci/ 



299 



. BRITISH POSSESSIONS ,<^. // .^''^V 



during the years since 17<S9, only about 4(J0,000 were im- 
migrants. There were nearly two million slaves. Over Growth of 
three million of people were west of the AUeghanies. Nation. 
Because of the development of manufacturing and 
commercial interests, the growth of cities was be- 
coming more 
marked in the 
Northern States. 
In the thirty-two 
cities, with over 
eight thousand 
inhabitants each, 
there was not 
more than seven 
per cent, of the 
total population 
of the country. 
New York Mas 
the largest city 
Avith a popula- 
tion of 202,000. 
Arkansas was 
admitted into 
the Union in 
1836 and :Mich- 
igan iu 1837. 

The period of industrial 




f GV LF OF^ MEXICO 

\~] :mler 2 inhabitantt to the ,q.v. .s^^ 

^From 2 lo 18 inhab. " " " " \ ^ j ^^]f 

Center of Population 



Distribution of Population in 1830 



the "reign of Jackson" was one of the most significant ^g.^Jop.""' 
in our history. It was remarkable, not alone for the ment. 
inauguration oi political control by the new democracy, 
but for the industrial, commercial, and social progress 
that has been characteristic of later periods. 

The completion of the Erie Canal gave New York City Canals, 
the advantage in the trade with the West. Accordingly, 
Pennsylvania, in 1826, began an extensive system of roads 
and canals, to connect Philadelphia with the Ohio River 
and central New York, an undertaking which was com- 



300 American History 

pleted in 1834 at a cost of over $10,000,000. Canals were 
also constructed for the transportation of anthracite coal 
from the mines to the manufacturing centers farther east. 
The Chesapeake and Ohio Canal Company was char- 
tered (1825) for the purpose of connecting Washington 
with the Ohio region. Maryland, Virginia, and the Gen- 
eral Government united in the enterprise, wliich was not 
completed until 1850. Ohio, in 1825, began the con- 
struction of a canal between the Ohio River and Lake 
Erie at Cleveland. By 1830, there were 1,343 miles of 




The iMrst Steam Train Run on the Ponnsylvaii 



canal open for use in the United States, and in 1840 there 
Avere ovei 4,000 miles completed. The mania for internal 
improvements became general, especially in the States of 
the North-west. In Illinois, for example, notwithstanding 
the poverty of the people, numbering in 1840, 489,000, 
the State debt for internal improvements amounted to 
$14,237,000. 

As the canal surpassed the wagon road, the railroad, in 
turn, as a means for more rapid communication, super- 
seded the canal. Roads made of wooden rails, with cars 
drawn by horses, were built near Boston as early as 1807. 
Citizens of Baltimore, fearing that the Ohio trade would 
be absorbed by New York and Philadelphia, set in motion 
the plan for a railroad across the mountains. A charter 
was secured by the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company, 
and work was commenced (July 4, 1828). Thirteen miles 
of the road were completed by 1830, and traffic was then 
begun, the cars being at first drawn by horses. 

By 1814, George Stephenson, an Enghshman, had in- 



Vm. RAIL-ROAD ROUTE m. 

BETWEEW 

fcm&taffiio 




II EO[[Ell--JIiili^I IB 



Biose Trfio pay Urovgh l.et« ecn Albany and Bufialo, - $ 1 0. in tlie best cars, 

. A- 1. V 1" ^"". . . . 8. in accomodation car* 

>«luch have becnTe-arranged, cushioned and lighted. 

Those wlio pay tArough between Albany & Rochester, §8. in the best cars. 

^ ^ do^ 6 . 50 in accomodatlon-cara 



ssa^ds^ SD^aas" aBss^^o 
ffllnirciDmiglla firm SS HkdudipSo 



GOEfG WEST. 



1st TrjJiL 2d Tyjin 

U«ve Albiny. 6 A.M. 1;P.M 
Pasx 8chenecU4r> ^1 ' " ~" 



- i;p.M. 

p. »L 9 P. M. 

uiic.. lir. m. » P. M. 4 A.M. 

Syracuse, 5; P. M. 2 A.M. 8 A. >l. 



Pus 

Pasa RMhesler, 

AirlveitBuffal 



. . ...M. . 

1.10 A. M. 
. 3 P.M. 



GOING EAST. 



- _. IK Train jaUih. a Train. 

lASrt Bulalo. 4 A.M. 9 A.M. 4 P, M. 

Pass Boclieslcr. s; A. M. 3 P. M. 10 p. M. 

Pass Auburn. 3i P. M. 9 P. M. 4 A. M. 

Pass Syracuse, 5; P. M II P. M. 6 A.M. 

Pass t'tita, 9; P.M. 4SA.M. lOA. M. 
Pass ScheneclKly, 3iA.M. 10 A. M. 3 P. M 

Arrive atAlbany, 5 A. M. H A.M. 4; P. M. 



Passengers will procure tickets at the offices at Albany. BuSalo or Rochester 

througK to bo entitled to seats at the reduced rates: 

Far© wUl be received at each of the above places to any other places 

named on the route. 



From an Old Time-table (furnished by the "ABC Pathfinder 
Railway Guide"). 



302 



A mer ica ii II i story 



Steam- 
boats cross 
tlie At- 
lantic. 



Manufact- 
ures and 
inventions. 



Organiza- 
tion of 
labor. 



vented the locomotive. One was broufjht to America 
as a model. After a successful trial, in 1831, on the 
Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, of a locomotive built 
by Peter Cooper, steam quickly became the chief motive 
power and twenty miles an hour were easily attained. 
In 1835, there were twenty-two railroads in operation 
in this country and by 1840, 3,000 miles had been con- 
structed. 

The number of steamboats increased on the rivers and 
the lakes. In 1838, the Great Western and the Sirius 
were the first vessels, using steam-power alone, to cross 
the Atlantic Ocean. Sixteen days were required to make 
the voyage. 

Another characteristic of the period was the multiplica- 
tion of labor-saving and time-saving machinery. Axes and 
other edged tools were not made in America until 182G. In 
1836, anthracite coal was successfully used in the smelt- 
ing of iron. Owing to this discovery and the more gen- 
eral use of water-power, manufacturing towns increased 
rapidly in numbers. Between 1831 and 1840, the number 
of cotton factories multiplied from 801 to 1,240. Cyrus 
McCormick, in 1834, was granted a patent for a reaper 
to be drawn by horses. One man, w^ith this machine, 
could cut more grain than twenty men with the "cradle." 
The threshing-machine also displaced the flail. Among 
the other important inventions of the time were the Fair- 
bank's platform scales, machinery for planing boards, 
and Colt's revolver. Friction matches also came into use, 
and the lighting of houses and streets with gas became 
more common. 

With the increase of factories and the growth of com- 
merce, people tended more to reside in the cities. Indi- 
vidual enterprise began to give place to production by 
corporations. Workingmen, in their Unions, demanded 
better conditions, and a Labor Party was organized in 
various States. Among their demands were a ten-hour 
day and free schools for their children. 



Education, 

Horace 

Mann. 



The New Democracy 303 

State universities, colleges, and academies had multi- 
plied, but public elementary education, the boast of the 
United States to-day, was then of poor quality. Common 
schools were in a deplorable condition. Free high schools 
were beginning to be introduced into a few Northern 
cities. Conditions in Massachusetts were better than in 
most of the States, but one-third of the children of that 
State were without school advantages. Under the influ- 
ence of the great educational leader, Horace INlann, Massa- 
chusetts organized the flrst State Board of Education (1837). 
As the first secretary of this board, through his own un- 
tiring efforts, he brought about the raising of more taxes 
for the support of public schools, secured better text-books 
and established the first normal school (1839). 

Special academies and seminaries for girls had in- Girls' 
creased in numbers. Some of these schools were coedu- 
cational, although there was widespread opposition to grant- 
ing girls equal educational privileges with boys. In 1833, 
Oberlin College opened its doors to men and women alike, 
but twenty years elapsed before another college followed 
this example. 

The period was notable as marking the beginning of the 
creation of a new literature. Irving, Cooper, and Bryant 
already had made enduring reputations as writers. Noah 
Webster's American Dictionary of the English Language 
was first published in 1828. A volume of poems by Ed- 
gar Allan Poe appeared in 1827. Whittier, Longfellow, 
Lowell, Hawthorne, Emerson and Holmes were publish- 
ing their writings. The first volumes of George Ban- 
croft's History of the United States appeared in 1834; 
and Prescott's Ferdinand and Isabella in 1837. Audu- 
bon, Agassiz, and Asa Gray were making their contri- 
butions to scientific investigation. The Smithsonian In- 
stitution was endowed in 1838. During the decade, Web- 
ster, Edward Everett, and other orators of high rank were 
addressing large public audiences. The New York Sun, 
the first one-cent paper, was founded in 1833. 



An 

American 

literature. 



304 



1 mcrica n II i.sfory 



Commu- 
nistic 

settlement, 
Robert 
Owen. 



Besides the efforts which laborers were making in their own 
behalf, various reformers were projecting plans for their social 
betterment. Among the most notable of these experiments was 
that of Robert Owen. He had established a model factory- 
town in Scotland, and there had promoted the first successful 
attempt to limit the employment of child-labor in the cotton 
mills of Great Britain. On coming to America, he got together 
several hundretl people and established a settlement at New 
Harmony, Indiana (1S2G). All property and labor here were to 
be in common. The undertaking was a failure, but Owen caused 
the rapid extension of such communities. Some two hundred 
were established in different parts of the country. 



Brook 

Farm. 



Religious 
and hu- 
manitarian 
activities. 



A striking attempt at cooperation wa.s made at Brook 
Farm, ]Mas,sachu.sett.s (1841), with such members as Charles 
A. Dana, Margaret Fuller, (ieorge Ripley, Nathaniel Haw- 
thorne, and other men and women of letters. 

The most successful of religious communal organiza- 
tions was founded in 1S30 by Joseph Smith, who claimed 
to be an inspired leader and the discoverer and translator 
of the Book of ]Mormon. From PalmvTa, New York, the 
Mormons, Latter Da;/ Saints as they called themselves, 
migrated to Ohio; thence to ]\Ii.ssouri. Driven from that 
State, in 1840, they established the "Holy City" at Xauvoo, 
Illinois. It became a well-built city, with a population of 
15,000, in which Smith was "prophet, mayor, general, and 
judge." He was killed by a mob (1844) and. driven from 
Illinois, his followers, under the leadership of Brigham 
Young, then moved to Utah. 

Religion was exerting a profound influence in all com- 
munities. New sects multiplied and the churches ex- 
tended rapidly their educational and missionary activities. 
There were a number of other evidences of the develoj)- 
ment of the social conscience. Some of the States had 
abolished the practice of imprisoning for debt, and the 
public elsewhere began to protest against the practice. 
In some of the cities special "Houses of Refuge" for 
juvenile delinquents were established. The system of 
uniting solitude and labor was introduced into a few 



The Neiv Democrac 



-y 



305 



penitentiaries. A public hospital for the insane was 
erected by Massachusetts. 

The use of intoxicating liquors was general. In 1824, 
a movement for temperance was begun in Boston, and 




from a sketch made about 1830 



within three years a hundred temperance societies were 
organized. Total abstinence was also beginning to be 
agitated. 

THE "reign" of ANDREW JACKSON 



On coming to Washington, Jackson found the city full 
of office-seekers. It was understood that his supporters 
were to be rewarded and his opponents punished. Then, 
for the first time, was introduced into National affairs the 
corrupting influence known as the Spoils System. Ac- 
cording to this system, offices secured through appoint- 



The Spoils 
System. 



306 



American History 



Tlie 

Kitchen 

Cabinet. 



The AVeb- 

ster- 

Hayne 

debate, 

1830. 



ment arc regarded a.s reward.s for parti.san .services. The 
usage had become general in Pennsylvania and New York, 
where State politics was thoroughly organized. It was 
W. L. Marcy, of the latter State, who, in defending the 
usage before the United States Senate, first used the ex- 
pression, "to the victor belong the spoils of the enemy." 
Jackson lent his influence to fastening the system upon 
the National administration. No reasons were given for 
removals; officers who had not been among the followers 
of Jackson were disj)laced; and long tenure in office was 
even regarded as an evidence of corruption. It has been 
estimated that two thousand removals were made during 
the first year of this administration. The President was 
desirous of appointing only able men, but he was fre- 
quently misled in his selection through the advice of 
others. 

The Cabinet, with the e\'cej)tion of Martin Van Buren, 
the Secretary of State, was made up of men of inferior 
ability. They were never regarded by Jackson as his ad- 
visers on public questions, and regular Cabinet meetings 
were discontinued. Real power, in the administration, 
was wielded by a number of intimate friends of the Presi- 
dent, called by his enemies the Kitchen Cabinet. - 

The discussion of the rights, of a State (see p. 294) 
Avas transferred to the United States Senate, and Senator 
Hayne, of South Carolina, an orator of ability, presented 
the Calhoun theory of State rights. He declared, speak- 
ing on a resolution of inquiry into the disposal of the public 
lands: (1) That a State might decide in a given case that 
the Federal Government had exceeded its power; and (2) 
that a State government might "by its own sovereign 
authority annul an act of the General Government." 
Webster, in a famous speech, classed among the greatest 
of world orations, defended the National view of the 
Constitution. He maintained that the Constitution was 
not a compact, but the "supreme law made by the people 
and answerable to the people," and denied the right of a 



The Neiv Democracy 



307 



State under the Constitution to annul a law of Congress. 
He pointed out that in the Constitution were enumerated 
the powers granted the General Government, and that 
in cases of doubt over the extent of such powers the final 
appeal was to the Federal Judiciary. 

This great debate aroused the people of the Nation. 
But the doctrine of nullifi- 
cation was not destroyed, 
and early took on practical 
form. Congress, in 1832, 
passed a new tariff act, an 
act which was more moder- 
ate than the "tariff of abom- 
inations." But the principle 
of protection was still recog- 
nized, and South Carolina, 
under the guidance of Cal- 
houn, prepared to resist its 
enforcement. In Novem- 
ber of that year a State- 
convention, called by the 
legislature, passed an ordi- 
nance of nullification. It declared the tariff acts of 1828 
and 1832 "null, void, and no law," and not binding upon 
the State or its citizens; and that should force be em- 
ployed by the Fedeual Government to enforce these acts, 
South Carolina would regard itself as no longer a mem- 
ber of the Union. The ordinance was to go into effect 
after February 1, 1833. 

The attitude of the President was not long in doubt. 
He instructed the collector at Charleston to collect the 
duties on imports, and ordered General Scott to protect 
him in that task. He issued his famous "nulHfication 
proclamation," which contained a warning to South 
Carolina. The laws of the United States must be exe- 
cuted, he said; "my duty is emphatically pronounced in 
the Constitution. Those who told you that you might 




Daniel W^ebster 



Nullifica- 
tion in 
practice. 



Jackson 
and nulli- 
fication. 



308 



American History 



peaceably prevent their execution deceived you. . . . 
Their object is disunion, and disunion by armed force is 
treason. Are you ready to incur its guilt?" Upon his 
request, Congress passed the so-called Force Bill (jNIarch 
1, 1833), authorizing the President, if necessary, to use the 
land and naval forces in the execution of the revenue laws. 

Callioun resigned the Vice-Presidency and was elected 
to the Senate, where he denounced the Force Bill. Defiant 
resolutions from Governor Hayne and the legislature of 
South Carolina were read in Congress. The crisis passed 
after ]\Iarch 2, 1S33, when Clay's measure providing for 
a compromise tariff became a law. This provided for a 
gradual reduction of the rates for the succeeding nine 
years, when the uniform rate was to be twenty per cent. 
South Carolina repealed the nullification ordinance 
(March 15, 1833). 

Calhoun declared that nullification did not mean 
secession, but it cannot be questioned that the terrible 
crisis of 1860-1865 was the final outcome of the applica- 
tion of his theories. 

In his first annual message Jackson showed that his 
purpose was to support Georgia's attitude toward the 
Cherokee Indians (see p. 292). They were to submit to 
the laws of the States (Alabama and ]\Iississippi had similar 
problems), or migrate to lands west of the Mississippi. 
He refused to be bound by a decision of the Supreme 
Court favoring the claim of the Cherokees. "John Mar- 
shall has rnade his decision; now let him enforce it!" he 
is said to have declared. Georgia also defied the Su- 
preme Court. Congress, finally (1834), set aside the 
Indian Territory, as a reservation, to which most of the 
Indian tribes east of the Mississippi agreed to migrate. 
The Black Hawk War (1832) and the Seminole War (1835- 
1842) were serious episodes growing out of this transfer. 

A new element in the campaign of 1832 was the appear- 
ance of the Anti-Masonic party as a National organization. 
This party originated in Western New York (1826) 



The New Democracy 



309 



througli the ex-citement over the deatli of William Alorffaii 
who, It was asserted, had been killed because of his dis- 
closure of the secrets of Masonry. The national nominat- 
ing convention originated in the convention in which the 
ass'lf*'"'"' """"'"'^^"^ '^^'''^ ^^'i^t for President 

The National Republicans also met in National conven- Jackson 
tion and nominated Henry Clay and John Saro-ent Jack ^^^i^cted 
son and Van Buren were nominated in the National conven- fslf'"^' 
tion of the Democratic party (1832). Jackson was tri- 
umphantly reelected, receiving 219 of the 286 electoral 
votes. Clay's followers based their appeal on his efforts 
in favor of the protective tariff and internal improvements 
More than any other, the United States Bank advocated 
in the platform of the anti-administration party was made 
an issue. 

att'Icf r'n ^t ^"""t'""'. t^' ^^''"'^^ ^^^ ^«"^^"^^^» «" J-x-n 
attack on the bank. Notwithstanding a decision of the ^"^ the 

Supreme Court, he declared (1) its establishment 
constitutional; and (2) that it failed to provide a uni- 
form and sound currency although the currency of the 
country had never before been in as good condition. In his 
subsequent messages a similar attitude was manifested. 
Friends of the bank hastened the contest by applying for 
a new charter (1832) four years before the old one ex- 
pired. After a heated discussion a bill granting the re- 
newal of the charter passed both Houses of Congress. 
Ihe veto message of the President aroused the whole 
country. Among others, the reasons given for the veto 
were: (1) That the bank was "a great monopoly" with 
benefits for the few and in which the masses had no 
share; (2) that it was unconstitutional, mismanaged and 
unsound. A vote in the Senate on the veto failed of the 

eai^h'^sf.f?^! ^Z ^^"^ convention provided for as many delegates from 
,n ConSlL i^'" ""''" '!""'''"'' ^"'^ Representatives from the State 
in Congress There were delegates appointed from ten States and the 
Te ntory of Michigan. An "address to the people" marks the use also 
of the first formal party platform. 



Bank. 

un- 
uni- 



of deposit 
1833. 



310 American Ili'.sfori/ 

n^-essary two-thirds. The campaign issue, Jackson or 
the bank, then went before the people, with the result 
already shown.* 
j{einovai His reelection convinced Jackson that the people sus- 

tained him in his attitude toward the bank, and he con- 
tinued the attack. He declared that it was unsound; 
that it had gone into politics, and that, consequently, the 
pubhc funds deposited in it were unsafe and should be 
withdrawn. It is true that funds of the bank had been 
used in the election of 1832. The House of Representa- 
tives, however, upon the report of a special committee, 
voted (March 21, 1833) that the deposits might be safely 
continued in the bank. But Jackson had determined 
that the deposits must be withdrawn. According to the 
charter, the public funds were to be deposited in the 
bank or its branches unless otherwise ordered by the 
Secretary of the Treasury, who should at once lay before 
Congress his reasons for such an order. INIcLane, then 
Secretary of the Treasury, was opposed to the removal 
and was transferred to the State Department. William 
J. Duane was appointed as his successor, but he refused 
to take the required action and was removed. Roger B. 
Taney Avas named as his successor and gave the order for 
removal (September 26, 1832). This meant that the 
pubUc money, about $10,000,000, then in the bank, was 
to be drawn upon in the payment of Government debts 
and that no more was to be deposited. Certain State 
banks called pet banks were selected as depositories.! 

* The argument that the bank was a monopoly and dangerous to the 
liberties of the people had especial influence over voters. Great oppo- 
sition to the bank was excited also by the State banks, particularly in 
the West and the South. 

t These banks were selected because of their political influence rather 
than for their soundness, and were situated, chiefly, in the Democratic 
South and West. 

All subsequent propositions for the renewal of the charter of the 
United States Bank failed. When the charter expired (1836), the bank 
was continued as a State bank by authority of the legislature of Penn- 
sylvania. 



The Neiv Democracy 311 

The Bank of the United States was forced to curtail its Results of 
loans in order to meet the demands for the deposits. State mov^ai'of 
banks which were debtors to the United States Bank were deposits. 
compelled to pursue a similar course. Equal amounts 
could not be borrowed from the pet banks, and money 
became scarce. Failures in business ensued, petitions, 
with thousands of signatures, asking for relief were poured 
into Congress. 

A heated discussion in the Senate, occupying much of The 
the time for three months, finally led to the adoption of a censures 
resolution censuring Jackson for his action on the bank Jackson. 
(March 28, 1833). In his protest to the Senate against 
the charge of usurpation, Jackson declared that he was 
not bound by the decisions of the Supreme Court, and was 
independent of both Congress and the Supreme Court. 
The persistent demands of Senator Benton caused the 
expunging of the resolution of censure (January 16, 
1837). 

During this period of excitement, in which the President was Origin of 
accused of '"tyrannical and dictatorial conduct" and disregard the Whig 
for the Constitution and the laws, the National Republican P^^^^- 
party took the name Whig. "Whig was the name by which 
the patriots of the Revolution were known and was synonymous 
with a friend of liberty and an opponent of arbitrary govern- 
ment."* 

The hope of securing a share of the deposits induced a Specuia- 
mania for the formation of banks. Between 1829-1837, *'°'^' 
the number of State banks increased from 329 to 788. 
These banks, many of them with Uttle or no capital, 
flooded the country with their notes. There was a general 
rise in prices; the rage for speculation became wide- 
spread and extended, especially, to city property and 
western lands. Everybody seemed to be getting rich. 
Many of the States became heavy borrowers at home and 
abroad to aid in building canals and railroads which were 
already projected beyond the needs of the country. 

* Sargent, Public Men and Events, I, 262. 



312 



American History 



Distribu- 
tion of the 
surplus 
revenue. 



The 

specie 
circular. 



Election of 
Martin 
Van Buren, 
1836. 



The National debt was extinguished by January 1, 
1835. Thereafter, the Government began to accumulate 
a large surplus, chiefly from the customs duties and the 
sale of public lands. Receipts from the latter source in- 
creased from $4,800,000 in 1834 to $24,800,000 in 1836. 
What should be done with this surplus ? Finally an act 
was passed, providing that the surplus money in the 
Treasury, after January 1, 1837, should be distributed in 
four quarterly instalments, an loans, among the States, in 
proportion to their representaion in Congress. Three 
payments, amounting in all to $28,000,000, were made 
and the distribution ceased. The surplus was exhausted. 
As was anticipated, the money has never been recalled. 
It was sunk, chiefly, in the construction of public works. 

During the years' 1836 and 1837 over 36,000,000 acres of 
public lands were sold. Payment had been permitted, 
contrary to the law,* in the notes of irresponsible State 
banks. The Treasury was soon flooded with this ir- 
redeemable currency. A resolution in the Senate provid- 
ing that such payments should be made in gold and silver 
failed to pass (1836). After the adjournment of Con- 
gress, the famous "specie circular" was issued by the 
Secretary of the Treasury upon the order of the President 
(July 11, 1836). It directed that only gold and silver 
should be received in payment for public lands. This 
order, as we shall see, hastened the inevitable financial 
crisis. But the period of inflation had almost run its 
course. The crash came during the administration of 
INIartin Van Buren. 

Jackson declared Van Buren to be his candidate for 
President, and that was law in the perfectly organized 
Democratic party. The opposition was not united. The 
Anti-]Masons nominated Wilham Henry Harrison of 
Tippecanoe fame. He was indorsed by the Whigs of 
Pennsylvania, but the Whigs of Massachusetts nominated 
Webster. Other nominees were put forward by State 

* Notes of specie-paying banks were stipulated. 



The New Democracy 313 

legislatures. Van Buren was opposed to a United States 
Bank, to National internal improvements, and to the 
distribution of public funds. Harrison favored these 
measures. Van Buren received 170 electoral votes; 
Harrison 73. The majority of Van Buren over all other 
candidates was 46. 

The title, "Little Magician" had been applied to 
the President-elect because of his ability as a political 
manager. Even in his relations with opponents, he 
was noted for great social tact and geniality. He stood 
pledged to "tread in the footsteps of his illustrious pre- 
decessor." 

High prices and high rents had produced strikes and The panic 
riots before the election took place. Van Buren was °^ ^^^^• 
scarcely inaugurated before the country was in the midst 
of the worst financial panic it has ever passed through. 
Some features of Jackson's financial policy were harmful, 
no doubt, but the reckless gambling spirit prevalent 
among the people made a crisis inevitable. Among the 
immediate causes for this calamity may be mentioned: 
(1) Many banks, deposit banks among others, especially 
in the West, were unable to meet the demands made on 
them to redeem their notes after the issue of the specie 
circular. (2) Business depression had also become general 
in England (1836), and English creditors attempting to 
collect from American buyers seriously embarrassed the 
banks of Eastern cities. English factories reduced their 
output, and the demand for cotton becoming less, the 
price fell.* (3) Two failures of crops in the ISliddle and 
Western States (1835 and 1837) made it impossible for 
farmers to meet their obligations. 

Banks throughout the country suspended specie pay- 
ments (May 11, 1837). Specie disappeared and bank notes 
rapidly depreciated in value. Failures among mercantile 
houses were widespread; trade relations were almost sus- 

* Cotton was sixteen cents a pound in 1835, and fell to ten cents in 
1837. 



314 



American History 



Establish- 
ment of 
the Inde- 
pendent 
Treasury. 



Anti- 
slavery 
move- 
ment. 



Abolition- 
ists.Lundy, 
Garrison. 



pended; factories were closed, throwing thousands out 
of employment, and distress ensued. Specie payments 
were resumed by the banks in 1838. The rehef was but 
temporary; for the next year witnessed an immense 
number of bank faihires. Normal business conditions 
were not restored before 1842. 

At this critical time, President Van Buren showed real 
strength. In his message to Congress, called in special 
session (September 4, 1837), he insisted, in spite of the 
clamor, that relief should not come from the Government 
but that the people must themselves right the conditions 
by natural methods. Sales of pubUc lands had fallen off 
greatly, and revenue from imports had shrunk one-half. 
Congress voted to postpone payment of the fourth in- 
stalment of the surplus to the States. 

The leading measure recommended by the President 
looked to the establishment of the Independent Treasury 
or the Sub-treasury system. According to this plan, not 
adopted until 1840, the Government was to be "divorced" 
from all banks, and the public funds were to be deposited 
in the Treasury at AVashington, and in sub-treasuries 
under the control of Government officials. 

During the first part of the century there had been a 
gradual extinction of slavery in the Northern States. 
After the ^Missouri Compromise, interest in the anti- 
slavery movement seemed to wane. In the slave-hold- 
ing States, there were then but few persons who really 
justified the system of slavery. Sentiment throughout 
the South became more favorable towards its continu- 
ance, however, as the cultivation of cotton became more 
profitable. 

But the aroused social conscience manifested in the 
various humane movements could not remain oblivious 
to the influence of slavery. Benjamin Lundy was the 
first American to dedicate his life to the cause of the 
slave. In his public addresses he advocated the gradual 
though total abolition of slavery in the United States and 



The New Deiriocracy 



315 



the extinction of slavery in the District of Columbia.* 
The same views were set forth in his journal, Genius of 
Universal Emaneipation, which he established in Ohio 
(1821). Antislavery societies, in large numbers, were 




^^^^"^^^eryc^^ayr-r^^^Uni^ 



organized by Lundy in a number of the States. One 
of his converts in Boston was William Lloyd Garrison, 
who, for a short time, became a partner with Lundy, 
then (1829) publishing his paper in Baltimore. Half-way 
measures were not acceptable to Garrison, and he began 
to demand "immediate and unconditional emancipation." 
Returning to Boston, he determined to found a paper of 

* Lundy was in favor of colonizing emancipated slaves in Hayti. He 
never sympathized with the efforts of the American Colonization Society, 
which did not make emancipation a primary object. This Society, 
supported by reformers and slaveholders, had for its aim the trans- 
porting of free negroes to Africa. Several thousand were sent to Liberia. 
None of the colonization schemes were really successful. 



316 



American ll'mtorij 



Abolitio 
S5ocietiet 



Other 

abolition 

leaders. 



his own, and January 1, 1831, the Liberator appeared. 
He declared in the first number: "I sliall strenuously 
contend for the enfranchisement of our slave popula- 
tion. ... I am in earnest. ... I will not retreat a 
single inch, and I will be heard." 

In 1832, the New England Antislavery Society was 
formed by Garrison. A step farther was taken the 
next year when the American Antislavery Society was 
organized at Philadelphia. Local and State societies 
were also founded and slavery was denounced as an 
"execrable system." They proposed to use moral means 
to bring about its destruction, and conceded that Con- 
gress had no right to interfere with slavery in the States. 
This doctrine was not acceptable in the North. Abolitionist 
meetings were broken up by mobs, and the leaders 
suffered personal violence. Garrison was captured and 
dragged through the streets of Boston, and his life was 
threatened. In Alton, Illinois, Elijah P. Lovejoy was 
shot down (1837) because he persisted in publishing an 
abolition paper Such actions aroused many who heretofore 
had not sympathized with the movement, but who believed 
in freedom of speech and of the press. In 1840, there 
were 2,000 abolition societies with some 175,000 members. 

John Greenleaf Whittier, Wendell Phillips, and Theo- 
dore Parker exerted a notable influence in behalf of 
abolition. There were many men who were not in sym- 
pathy with the extreme view^s of Garrison and who con- 
demned his harsh language; in fact, he was not acknowl- 
edged as a leader in the ^Middle States and the West. 
Among others who were unwilling to accept his dictation 
were William Ellery Channing, a leading clergyman of 
Boston, James G. Birney, an Ohio editor, and Salmon P. 
Chase of the same State. 

While women were admitted to the local abolition 
societies, separate societies for them were also founded. 
Lucretia Mott and Lydia Maria Child were prominent in 
the movement. 



The New Democracy 



317 



In 1831, there was general alarm in the slave States because Sentiment 
of an insurrection in Southampton County, Virginia, led by a toward 
negro, Nat Turner. The lives of sixty-one whites were saeri- abolition 
ficed. In the attack upon them which followed, more than one gouth. 
liundred negroes met a like fate. In both South and North the 
words of Garrison were cited as the real cause of the revolt, 

although it has been 
shown that Nat Turner 
had never seen the Lih- 
erator. The legislature 
of Georgia offered a re- 
ward of $5,000 for the 
arrest and conviction of 
the editor or publisher 
or any person who 
should circulate copies 
within the State. Post- 
masters refused to trans- 
mit abolition publica- 
tions through the mails. 

Sectional feeling congress 
grew apace after the 
di.scus.sions in Con- 
gress, during the ses- 
sion 1835-1836, over 
the abolition of slavery 
in the District of Columbia. Petitions from Quakers, 
asking such action, had for many years been regularly 
sent to Congress, where they were read, sent to the 
Committee on the District, and were not heard from 
again. Other petitioners took up the cause, and in 1836 
a controversy arose which was to arouse the country for 
years. John Quincy Adams, then a Representative from 
Massachusetts, presented the usual petition on slavery in 
the District of Columbia. Representatives from the South, 
believang their affairs interfered with and their peace and 
safety invaded, finally succeeded in bringing about the 
passage of the so-called 'gag resolution." It provided 
that all petitions and resolutions relating to slavery should 
be laid upon the table and that there should be no further 




and tlie 
right of 
petition. 



Wendell Phillips 



318 



American History 



Candidates 
for 

President, 
1840. 



action on them. On many occasions, for eight years, 
Adams renewed his attack on this resolution as a violation 
of the Constitution. During that time, he presented 
thousands of similar petitions, those of the year 1838 
having 300,000 signatures. In 1844, the rule was 
abandoned. 

Van Buren was the candidate of the Democratic party 
for reelection in 1840. By a i)olitical trick, the Whigs, in 
National convention, set aside Clay, who was their acknowl- 
edged leader, and nominated William Henry Harrison. 
He had taken no part in public life for years, but the 
"odor of gunpowder" was still about him. John Tyler 
of Virginia, who had until recently been an extreme 
Democrat of the Calhoun school, was selecte<l by the 
Whigs for second place on the ticket. The Whig party 
had many adherents in the South because of the oppo- 
sition in that section to Jackson's views on nullification. 
They objected likewise to any of his disciples. ]Many of 
the largest slaveholders were Whigs because of their op- 
position to democracy. Certain sections of Virginia and 
some other Southern States were in favor of protection. 
The various elements in the party could not agree upon 
principles, so had no platform; they were united solely in 
opposition to Jackson and his party. 



Garrison and his adherents had always insisted that slavery 
was a moral question and that it should not be brought into 
politics. Other Abolitionists proceeded to organize a political 
movement which further emphasized the fact that the leader- 
ship of Garrison was local. The Liberty Party nominated James 
G. Birney for President. While the number of votes he re- 
ceived (7,000) was insignificant, the party became a force to 
be reckoned with in the two succeeding Presidential elections. ' 



Election of Never before had there been so exciting a campaign. 

S-"en°t"' " ^^^ several months the people gave themselves up to the 

Public Men wildest freaks of fun and frolic, caring nothing for busi- 

Events. "^^s, singing, dancing, and carousing night and day." 

II, 108. The fitness of Harrison for President was little considered. 



The New Dcmoc 



-y 



319 




Were not the Democrats, called Loco-focos by the Whigs, 
responsible for the business depression ? * Therefore, 
"Down with Van Burenism," was their cry. The sup- 
porters of Harrison led in making the most striking ap- 
peals to the eye. They utilized a contemptuous expres- 
sion of a Democrat who declared the Whig candidate 
would be content with a log- 
cabin, a barrel of hard cider, 
and a small pension. Log- 
cabins, with accompanying 
hve "coons" and barrels of 
cider, were everywhere in 
evidence. "Tippecanoe and 
Tyler too" was a striking 
watch word, t 

Great processions, mons- 
ter meetings, and barbecues, 
with stump-speeches by 
noted orators, were general. Of the 294 electoral votes, 
Harrison received 264. Both Houses of the next Con- 
gress were also Whig. 

President Harrison assumed the duties of office under inaugura 
trying conditions. The Treasury was empty and the 
revenue was not adequate to cover the expenses of Govern- 
ment. Congress was called to meet in special session 

* In a meeting in Tammany Hall, New York City (1835), a "scene of 
contest and confusion" took place between the two factions of the 
Democratic party. The lights were extinguished, but the men of ex- 
treme views had provided for such an emergency by each bringing with 
him a candle and a box of loco-foco matches. An account of the dis- 
turbance and the lighting of the candles called this faction " Loco-focos." 
The Whigs applied the name to the entire party. Sargent, Public Men 
and Events, II, 16, 17. 

t What has caused this great commotion, motion, motion, 

Our country through? 

It is the ball a rolling on 

For Tippecanoe and Tyler too. 

For Tippecanoe and Tyler too. 

— From a campaign song. 



tion and 
death of 
President 
Harrison, 



320 



American lli.story 



John Tyl 
as Presi- 
dent. 



The 

Webster- 

Ashburtc 

Treaty. 

1842. 



(May 31). Clay refused to be appointed Secretary of 
State and Webster was given that honor. The Whigs 
having superseded the Democrats, the rush for office be- 
came fiercer than ever, ahhough the Whig party had con- 
demned the spoils system of their opponents. President 
Harrison, then sixty-nine years of age, died one montli 
after the inauguration. 

For the first time in our history a Vice-President be- 
came President upon the death of the chief magistrate. 
Would Tyler carry out the views of the party which had 
elected him, was the question with which the Whigs were 
concerned. At the opening of the sjiecial session, Clay 
prescribed the programme which they were to follow. He 
demanded the repeal of the Independent Treasury law, 
the creation of a National Bank, and a new protective 
tariff law. The first was quickly accomplished. 

Two bank bills in succession passed both Houses of 
Congress, but Tyler promptly vetoed the measures on 
constitutional grounds. Whig leaders were furious and 
every member of the Cabinet, except Webster, resigned. 
In the next regular session of Congress, a new tariff 
measure was passed considerably increasing the duties 
beyond the twenty per cent, basis which had just been 
reached under the compromise tariff of 1833. The Presi- 
dent vetoed two bills before one was presented which he 
could approve (1842). The breach between the Whigs 
and Tyler was complete. All efforts to carry out the chief 
features of the party programme were futile, and Clay re- 
signed from the Senate. 

Webster remained in the Cabinet in order that he might 
bring about some adjustment of a long-standing dispute 
over the boundary between the North-eastern States and 
Canada. The line had not been definitely fixed by the 
treaty of 1783 and numerous efforts at negotiation had 
failed. Other questions entered into the controversy, one 
of the most serious growing out of attempts by certain 
American citizens to aid the Canadian rebellion (1837). 



The New Democracy 



321 



The boundary situation became more critical when Maine 
sent troops into the disputed territory. This was known 
as the Aroostook War (1839). Peace was restored, but 
there was still danger of war. In 1842, a treaty providing 
for the establishment of a compromise boundary line was 
agreed upon by Webster and Lord Ashburton who came 
as a special British Minister to Washington. The north- 
ern boimdary line as far west as the Lake of the Woods 
was likewise defined. Two other provisions of the treaty 
were important. (1) In order to suppress the slave-trade, 
each nation was to keep an armed squadron cruising off 
the African coast. (2) Terms were agreed upon for the 
extradition of any one charged with murder or certain 
other crimes. 

The Dorr Rebellion and Antirent troubles are two more illustra- 
tions of the reform spirit then prevalent (see pp. 304, 305). In 
Rhode Island, the old colonial charter was in force (1842). No 
man was allowed to vote unless he held real estate worth $134 
or property renting for $7 a year, or was the eldest son of such 
a "freeman." A more liberal State constitution was adopted 
by the "People's Party." Thomas W. Dorr, who was elected 
governor by this party attempted to seize the State property by 
force and set up a government. President Tyler declared he 
would support the regular Government. Deserted by his ad- 
herents, Dorr was tried and imprisoned on the charge of treason. 
A new constitution was adopted (1842) which contained more 
liberal suffrage provisions. Dorr was later pardoned. 

Large areas of land in the State of New York were held 
by a few persons under grants, some of them going back to 
the old patroon days. Tenants on certain of these lands were 
required to pay a rent in produce or money annually and, 
besides, submit to exactions of a feudal kind.* Rensselaerwyck, 
formerly a patroonship, included the greater part of Albany 
County and all of two other counties. Some of the tenants on 
this manor refused to pay overdue rents and drove off the 
sheriff. The militia was sent to his aid, and this brought on the 
Antirent troubles (1839-1846). The uprising spread to other 

* Some of the leases called for a payment of ten bushels of wheat 
for every 100 acres and " four fat hens and one day's service with horse 
and wagon for each 160 acres," a money payment being allowed for the 
last two items. There were other obnoxious provisions in the contract. 



The Dorr 
Rebellion. 



Antirent 
troubles, 
1839-1846. 



322 



.4 mcr ica ii History 



The ques- 
tion of an- 
nexation. 



The can- 
didates for 
President, 
1844. 



estates, and lawlessness became widespread. The antirenters, 
disguised as Indians, committed acts of violence and some 
murders. The courts, legislature, and Constitutional Conven- 
tion (184G) took up the problem. Many prominent men antl 
public opinion generally were opposed to the leasehold system, 
and finally the landlords agreed to sell the lands to the 
farmers. 

By the treaty of 1819, the United States gave up elaiiii.s 
to Texas (see p. 2S7). Within two years (1821), Mexico 
had succeeded in becoming independent of Spain and 
offered Uberal grants of land to settlers who should come 
from the United States. The frontier line of settlement 
had now advanced to the Texas border, and large numbers 
of colonists, chiefly from the slaveholding States, had 
cro.ssed into Texas. Too late, Mexican authorities strove 
to check this immigration of a people whose ideals differed 
so widely from their own. In 1836 the Texans seceded 
from ]\Iexico, and their army under General Sam Houston 
defeated the Mexicans at San Jacinto (A])ril 21, 1836). 

Texan independence was acknowledged by the United 
States the following year and application was made to 
become annexed to this country. President Van Buren 
did not favor the proposal but when Tyler became Presi- 
dent action was hastened. Calhoun accepted the office 
of Secretary of State ex-pressly to carry out this proj- 
ect. To that end, a secret treaty was negotiated (1844), 
but this the Senate rejected. The question then be- 
came a leading issue in the Presidential campaign of 
that year. 

Clay was given the "Whig nomination by acclamation. 
While Van Buren Avas favored by a majority of the Dem- 
ocratic convention, his opposition to the immediate an- 
nexation of Texas, which he feared would mean a war 
with jMexico, cost him the nomination. The rule requiring 
a two-thirds vote for nominating was adopted, and on the 
ninth ballot James K. Polk of Tennessee was named.* 
Birney was again the nominee of the Liberty party. 

* Polk was the first Presidential "dark horse." 



The New Democracy 



323 



The real issue was announced in the Democratic plat- poik 
form as "the reoccupation of Oregon and the reannexation p^gg^^nt 
of Texas at the earliest practicable period." * Owing to 1844. 
its composite character, the Whig party made no statement 
on the annexation ques- 
tion. Clay had declared 
against immediate an- 
nexation, but in his Ala- 
bama Ietfcr,-f w^ritten dur- 
ing the campaign, he said : 
"Far from having any 
personal objection to the 
annexation of Texas, I 
should be glad to see it 
annexed without dis- 
honor, without war, with 
the common consent of 
the Union and upon just 
and fair terms." Be- 
cause of this letter, such 
large numbers of Whig 
votes were alienated in 
New York that the State 
went against Clay,t and 

its thirty-six electoral votes decided the election. Polk 
received 170 electoral votes and Clay 105. 

To President Tyler, there was no doubt about the Texas 
meaning of the election. In his annual message, he de- 
clared it to be manifest that a controlling majority of the 




* Since the treaty with Spain (1819) the Oregon country had been 
held jointly by Great Britain and the United States. The Democratic 
party declared our title to all the territory as far as 54° 40' clear and 
indisputable. 

t Written to a friend in Alabama, presumably to influence Southern 

votes. 

t The majority of Polk over Clay in New York was 5,080. The Liberty 
party polled 15,812 votes in that State, three-fourths of them being 
drawn from the Whigs. 



324 



American History 



Morse and 
the 

electric 
telegraph. 



people favored the immediate annexation of Texas. A 
joint resolution ])a.s.sed both Houses of Conojress (February 
28, 1845) pro\iding for the admission of Texas or the 
renewal of negotiations as the President might determine. 

Four additional 
States, it declared, 
might be formed 
w ith the consent of 
Texas, from the ter- 
litory. There was 
to be no slavery in 
such States north of 
3G° 30'. Tyler did 
not desire further 
negotiation nor did 
he wish to leave 
final action for Polk. 
A special messenger was at once dispatched to Texas 
wdth the offer of annexation which was willingly accepted. 
Reports of Polk's nomination in Baltimore were received 
at Washington by telegraph. The line had just been com- 
pleted, as an ex-periment, through a Congressional ap- 
propriation of $30,000. This wonderful invention had 
been perfected after years of labor and sacrifice by Samuel 
F. B. Morse, assisted by Alfred Vail. Further aid was 
denied and a proposal to sell the patent to the Govern- 
ment was rejected. Telegraph lines were thenceforth 
constructed rapidly by private companies. 




South Can 



Fort Hill, 



Suggestive References and Questions 



1. Social and Economic conditions, 1830. McMaster, His- 
tory, III, 69-113. Schouler, History, HI, 509-531. Wilson, 
Division and Reunion, 2-8. Robert Owen, Larned, History for 
Ready Reference, I\', 2935, 2937. Brook Farm, Larned, IV, 
2943,' 2944. 

2. Comparison of Jacksonian and Jeffersonian democracy. 



The New Democracy 325 

Wilson, Division and Reunion, 12-21. Benton, Am. St. Series, 
64-68 (new ed.), 70-75 (old ed.). 

3. Horace Mann on the Foundation of the Free School 
System. Old South Leaflets, No. 109. 

4. E. E. Hale, Memories of a Hundred Years, H. American 
orators of the time, 342. American historians, 4;3-88. 

5. The "spoils system" becomes a feature in politics; effects. 
Wilson, Division and Reunion, 26-33. Schouler, HI, 451-462. 
Jackson, Am. St. Series, 187-193 (new ed.). Hart, Content., 
HI, Nos. 158, 160, 162. Government in State and Nation, 273- 
279. MacDonald, Jacksonian Democracy, 43-66. 

6. Was there any justification for nullification by South Caro- 
lina? The "Great Debate" and its significance. Wilson, 
Division and Reunion, 39-62. Webster, Am. St. Series, 169-199. 
Calhoun, Am. St. Series, 74-84. Hayne's speech, 228-282. 
Johnston, American Orations, I. Webster's speech, 213-228. 
Calhoun, American History Leaflets, No. 30. 

7. Compare the Nullification ordinance with the Kentucky 
Resolutions, p. 235; with the proceedings of the Hartford Con- 
vention, p. 268. 

8. Social conditions during Jackson's second administration. 
Jackson, Am. St. Series, 136-139. 

9. Was Jackson justified in his attack on the Bank ? Benton, 
Am. St. Series, 113-130. Jackson, Am. St. Series 297-316; 339- 
363 (new ed.), 25&-272, (old ed.). 

10. Compare the "panic" of 1837 with the crisis of 1819; 
(1) causes, (2) effects. Wilson, Division and Reunion, 86-93. 
McMaster, VI, 398-405. Benton, Am. St. Series, Ch. IX. Van 
Buren, Am. St. Series, Ch. VIII. 

11. Construction of railroads. Sparks, Expansion of the 
American people, 275-289. 

12. Establishment of the Independent Treasury system. Was 
it constitutional ? Constitution, Art. I, Sec. 8, CI. 18. Wilson, 
Division and Reunion, 97, 137, 139, 140, 154. 

13. Leaders in the abolition movement and their principles. 
Burgess, Middle Period, 242-277. Wilson, Division and Re- 
union, 117-123. Hart, Contem., Ill, Nos. 174, 176, 180, 181. 
Johnston, Am. Orations, II, 102-114. Earned, History for 
Ready Reference, V, 3369, 3370. American Colonization Society. 
Earned, IV, 2925, 2926. Extracts from the Liberator. Old South 
Leaflets, No. 78. 



326 



crican lliaiory 



14. Contest over the right of petition. J. Q. A(hiin.s, Am. St. 
Series, 243-307 (new ed.). Johnston, Am. Orations, II, 115-122. 
Burgess, Middle Period, 252-277. Hart, Contem., Ill, No. 184. 
Lamed, History for Ready Referenee, V, 3375, 3376. 

15. James and Mann, Readings in American History, Ch. XX 
Hi. Hawtliorne, BHthedale Romance (Brook Farm). E. E. 

Hale, New England Boyhood. T. B. Aldrich, Story of a Bad 
Boy (New England). Edward Eggleston, Hoosier Schoolmaster. 
Whittier, Anti-Slaverv Poems. 




CHAPTER XXI 

TERRITORIAL EXPANSION AND GROWTH OF THE 
SLAVERY ISSUE 

President Polk was a man who could be counted on James k. 
to carry out a party policy at whatever hazard. His reso- president, 
lute spirit was not unlike that of Jackson, who had been 1845-1849. 
his intimate friend. In private life, his standards of honor 
were high, but his public career was marred by question- 
able actions, especially in his dealings with IMexico. For 
seven terms he had been a member of the House of Repre- 
sentatives (twice elected Speaker), and was Governor of 
Tennessee one term. To a friend he announced his 
determination to bring about: (1) A reduction of tariff 
duties; (2) the establishment of the Independent Treasury; 
(3) the settlement of the Oregon -question; and (4) the , 
acquisition of California. Supported by a Democratic 
majority in both Houses of Congress, he succeeded in 
carrying out the entire programme. 

The Oregon question first demanded attention. By The ^^ 
the treaty of 1819 Spain surrendered its claims to terri- question 
tory north of the forty-second parallel. Russia and the s|«JeJ. 
United States agreed to 54° 40' as a boundary line be- 
tween their possessions (1825). It was agreed (1818 and 
1828) that the country between these lines, known as 
Oregon, might be occupied jointly by Great Britain and 
the \Tnited States. The claim of the United States to 
exclusive control of the territory was based on: (1) The 
discovery by Captain Gray; (2) the expedition of Lewis 
and Clark; (3) the founding of Astoria, a fur-trading 
327 



328 



American II is for 2/ 



Tariff and 
Inde- 
pendent 
Treasury. 



post on the Columbia (181 1). Great Britain advanced 
claims based on: (1) The explorations of Francis Drake 
and other English seamen; (2) the complete control of 
the fur-trade by the Hudson Bay Company; and (3) the 
construction of Fort Vancouver (1825). 

After 1825 there came to be foundation for more sub- 
stantial claims on tiie part of the United States. American 
fur-traders began to compete with the great English 
monopoly; the first purely agricultural settlement in the 
Willamette valley was made by Americans (1832), and 
missions were established by Marcus Whitman and other 
leaders. In 1843, large companies of pioneers began to 
migrate to this land of promise.* The Democratic cam- 
paign cry (1844) was 54° 40' or fight. But it could scarcely 
be expected that Great Britain would submit tamely to 
the decree that the Rocky Mountains were to constitute 
the Western limit of her possessions, and for a time there 
was grave prospect of Avar. 

jSIore than once our Government had offered to accept 
the forty-ninth parallel to the ocean as a boundary.f In 
1846, the British Government proposed a treaty based on 
the use of the same parallel as a boundary. This proved 
acceptable, and within a short time the treaty was signed 
by the President and ratified by the Senate, f 

In his first annual message, Polk, a believer in tariff for 
revenue only, recommended a modification of the act of 
1842 and an administration measure became a law (184G). 
Luxuries were to be taxed from 40 to 100 per cent., and 
iron, wool, and ordinary manufactures 30 per cent. There 
was an extended free list. This act remained in effect 
during the succeeding ten years. An act was passed re- 
storing the Independent Treasury (August 6, 1846). 



* In 1843, these immigrants numbered 1,000 persons with 140 wagons; 
in 1844, 1,400 persons; and in 1845, 3,000 persons in several companies. 

t The 49th parallel had been agreed upon (1818) as a boundary from 
the Lake of the Woods to the mountains. 

t The area of this Oregon territory was 285,000 square miles. 



Territorial Expansion 



329 



Mexico recalled her minister from ^Yashin2;ton (INIarch Event 
28, 1845). The resolution to admit Texas as a State was war w 
adopted by Congress and signed by President Polk (De- ^^^^'^' 
cember 29, 184G). General Zachary Taylor had already 
been sent with 4,000 men to the Nueces River in order to 




Texas at the time of Annexation 



prevent any interference by INIexico, that nation having 
announced that the annexation of Texas meant a decla- 
ration of war. Among other causes for friction two are 
noteworthy: (1) Mexico had met only in part the claims 
of American citizens for property which had been bought 
or seized, the amount having been settled by arbitration 
(1839). (2) The Mexicans were aroused over the aid 
given by Americans to Texas in her revolution. 

Acceptance on the part of the United States of the 



330 America) I History 

Polk's claim iiuule by Texas to territory north and east of 

policy. ^jjg j^-^j Grande finally brought on the crisis. That 
Texas had any right to the territory beyond the Nueces 
and to a part of New Mexico is very doubtful. But 
Polk had resolved to secure the Rio Grande boundary, 
also the Mexican provinces of New INIexico and Cali- 
fornia, the latter by purchase. John Slidell was sent 
as a special agent to accomplish these designs by 
treaty, but the Mexican Government refused to receive 
him. Learning that the mission would j^robably prove 
a failure and that jNIexican troops were being collected at 
Matumoras on the Rio Grande, the President ordered 
General Taylor to advance to that river (January 13, 
1846). Taylor disregarded the demand of General Am- 
pudia that he should withdraw within twenty-four hours, 
and continued to fortify his position commanding the 
river. On April 24, a reconnoitering party of United 
States dragoons was attacked by a large body of 
IMexicans which had crossed the river, and sixteen men 
were killed. 
Deciara- The President had previously decided on a message to 

Congress recommending a declaration of war because of 
the rejection of Slidell. Fortunately, for his purpose, news 
of this attack was received in time to constitute part of a 
special message (May 11, 1846), in which he declared: 
"War exists, and notwithstanding all our efforts to avoid 
it, exists by the act of Mexico herself." Congress and 
the people generally were inflamed by the words in the 
message: "Mexico has invaded our territory and shed 
American blood upon American soil." Congress, by 
an almost unanimous vote, provided for prosecuting the 
war. 

As in Oregon, American pioneers had already gained a 
foothold in California. Tiie whole Western region was des- 
tined, no doubt, to come under the control of the United 
States. But it must be believed that this result could have 
been accomplished by other means than "goading on to 



tion of 
war, 1846. 



Taylor 
crosses the 
Rio 
Grande. 



Tcrrifurial Expansion 331 

war" * a nation already weak because of internal dissension. 
Antislavery people bitterly opposed the war. They re- 
garded it as a means for getting more slave territory, f 

General Taylor continued to advance, and in two 
severe battles, Palo Alto (ISlay 8) and Resaca de la Palma 
(May 9) defeated the Mexicans under General La Vega. 
Crossing the Rio Grande, the Americans attacked Mon- 
terey, a strongly fortified city (September 21). After 
three days the jNIexicans were forced to capitulate. 

A large part of Taylor's army was then transferred to 
the command of General Winfield Scott, who had been 
made chief in command, with orders to capture Vera Cruz 
and then advance to the City of Mexico. With his small 
force, Taylor repulsed five times as many Mex-icans under 
Santa Anna at Buena Vista (February 22, 23, 1847). 

In the meantime, General Stephen Kearny led his army Tiie war i 
of about 2,000 from Missouri, a distance of 900 miles, fi^^i^.^ 
and captured Santa Fe without firing a gun (August 18, and Caii- 
184G). He established a civil government and declared *°""^- 
New Mexico annexed to the United States. He then set 
out to take possession of California. Before his arrival, 
some 300 American settlers in California, although not 
aware of the outbreak of war, had revolted and set up 
their standard of independence, the "bear flag" (June 14, 
1846). They were assisted by John C. Fremont, who was 
on an exploring expedition. Aided by a fleet under Com- 
modore Sloat and later under Commodore Stockton, the 
conquest of CaUfornia was completed. 

Early in the year 1847, General Scott captured Vera City of 
Cruz, and then marched toward the capital city. Cerro cSured. 
Gordo, Contreras, and other desperate battles added to 

* Rhodes, History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850, 
I. 87. 

t Their views were expressed by Lowell in the Biglow Papers as fol- 
lows: 

"They just want this Calif orny 
So's to lug new slave States in; 
To abuse ye, an' to scorn ye, 
An' to plunder ye like sin." 



331 



American Ilistorij 



The 

Wilniot 

Proviso. 



Treaty of 
Guada- 
lupe- 
Hidalgo, 
1848. 



the li.st of Aincrican victories over a valiant foe under the 
leadership of inferior officers. American soldiers showed 
splendid ability as fighters. General Scott was pro- 
nounced "the most consummate commander of the age." 
Among his subordinate officers were I'lysses S. Grant, 
Robert E. Lee, and other young men who then won their 
first laurels. 

Scarcely had the war begun when the President applied 
to Congress for $2,()()0,00() in order to negotiate a peace 
with iSIexico (August 4, 1S4()). Santa Anna was to be the 
agent for bringing this about.* The slavery question 
came at once into the discussion; for Northern anti- 
slavery men were opposed to adding any more slave 
territory. David Wilmot offered an amendment to the 
aj)proj)nation bill, the so-called "Wilmot Proviso," which 
j)rovidc(l that "neither slavery nor involuntary servitude 
shall ever exist in any territory acquired from Mexico." 
The bill was lost in the Senate. During the ne.xt session 
an appropriation of $3,000,000 was made for the same 
purpose. Supporters of the principle of the Wilmot Proviso 
strove, without success, to have it included in the act. 
Questions involving slavery were thereafter to be the 
leading issues in politics, and the spirit of sectionalism 
grew apace. 

N. P. Trist, sent by Polk, accompanied Scott's army to 
make terms as soon as the submission of ]\Iexico was 
accomplished. Attempts to negotiate prior to the capt- 
ure of Mexico City failed. Although Trist had been 
notified of his recall, he entered into negotiations with the 
Mexican Commissione-'s which resulted in the treaty of 
Guadalupe-Hidalgo. ^Mexico relinquished all claim to 
territory north of the Rio Grande to the border of New 
Mexico. The boundary line was then to extend to the 



* "They wanted a small war, just large enough to require a treaty of 
peace, and not large enough to make military reputation.s, dangerous for 
the Presidency." Benton. Thirty Years in the United States Senate, II. 
680. 



Territorial Expansion 333 

Gila River, thence to the Colorado, and west to the Pacific 
Ocean. For this area the United States was to pay 
Mexico $15,000,000 and assume the claims of American 
citizens against ^Mexico amounting to about $3,000,000.* 
The treaty was ratified by the Senate, March 10, 1848. 

The extension of slavery into these areas was made an Was 
issue in Congress when the question of organizing terri- gxisunt^he 
torial governments for Oregon, New IVIexico, and Califor- territories? 
nia was under consideration. While under ^Mexican con- 
trol, the territory acquired from that nation had been 
free.f Numerous solutions were offered: (1) It was pro- 
posed to extend the line 36° 30', north of which slavery 
was to be excluded, to the Pacific. (2) The Wilmot 
Proviso was advocated. (3) Calhoun declared that Con- 
gress had no right to pass a law w^hich should "deprive 
the citizens of any of the States of this Union from emigrat- 
ing with their property into any of the territories of the 
United States." (4) Senator Lewis Cass, of Michigan, 
advocated the doctrine of "popular sovereignty," then 
recently announced, which proposed that slavery or no 
slavery should be determined by the people of the terri- 
tories. The question of slavery in the IVIexican cession 
became the principal issue in the campaign of 1848. A 
bill finally passed both Houses establishing a territorial 
government for Oregon under which slavery was pro- 
hibited. 

Henry Clay was again the natural leader of his party, Presiden- 
but he was opposed by the antislavery Whigs of the jnation^" 
North. General Zacharv Tavlor, of Louisiana, was a i848. The 

*" *" ... Wliisrs. 

slaveholder, but had made no declaration of his principles 
and was deemed " safe." He was nominated for President 
and Millard Fillmore, of New York, for Vice-President. 
The hope for Whig success rested chiefly on the military 
reputation of their candidate. 

* The area of Texas was 376,000 square miles. The area of the Mex- 
ican cession amounted to 546,000 square miles, 
t -Mexico abolished slavery in 1829. 



334 American History 

The Dem- The Democratic National Convention was called on to 
ocrats. decide between two factions in New York, the "Hunkers" 

and "Barnburners" each having sent delegations.* Both 
finally withdrew from the convention. The Democrats 
placed in nomination General Lewis Cass, a conservative, 
popular leader who advocated the doctrine of popular 
sovereignty. The convention refused to state definite 
views on slavery; for the Democrats feared, as did the 
Whigs, that their forces might be divided over such an 
issue. 
The Free- The Barnbumcrs were willing to help defeat Cass, a 
soil party, personal enemy of Van Buren, by seceding from the 
Democratic })arty; and in a convention in which delegates 
from four other States besides New York were present, 
they placed Van Buren in nomination for the Presidency. 
INIany antislavery Whigs and Democrats were dis- 
pleased with the non-commital attitude of their parties on 
slavery extension, and .so these united with the Barn- 
burners to form the Free-soil party. Delegates from 
eighteen States a.ssembled at Buffalo, and also nominated 
Van Buren for President. 

The Liberty party abandoned abolition for the more 
practical policy exclusion of slavery, and also united with 
the Free-Soilers. "Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor, 
and Free Men" were the watchwords of the party. The 
large vote received by Van Buren in New York was suf- 
ficient to turn the thirty-six electoral votes of that State 
to the Whig candidates. Of the electoral votes, 163 were 
for Taylor and Fillmore and 127 for Cass and Butler. f 

* The name "Hunker" was applied to the non-committal wing of the 
party because the members were said to "hunker" for office. 

"Barnburners" was a name given to the more radical section becau.se 
they were so determined to carry out their views that they resembled the 
man, as one of their leaders said, "who burned his barn in order to 
destroy the rats which infested it." They now opposed slavery in the 
territories. Stanwood, A History of the Presidency, 229. 

t The Free-Soilers cast 120,510 votes in New York. Their total vote 
was 291,263. 



Territorial Expansion 335 

"When Taylor became President he found a number of President 
problems demanding prompt attention. Discord and ^foJ;J°g^^g 
sectional feeling Avere increasing. Northerners were 
growing steadily less tolerant of Southern views on slav- 
ery. They were aroused over the continuance of slavery 
and the slave-trade in the District of Columbia. The 
Fugitive Slave Act (1793) had not been effective and 
the South was demanding a new law. Texas claimed 
that part of New Mexico which lay east of the Rio 
Grande. But the most immediate need was a definite 
policy relative to the government of territory acquired 
from INIexico. 

Gold was discovered in the valley of the Sacramento organiza- 
River (January 24, 1848). Soon, all other occupations *'°'^°f 
in California were nearly deserted, and thousands of ment in 
people from all parts of the civilized world flocked to the ^ ' oxm^.. 
gold fields. The "Forty-niners" (1849) numbered over 
80,000. Some crossed the plains by wagon to South 
Pass, and then proceeded along the California trail 
(see p. 296). Their sufferings were extreme, many dying 
of starvation. Others rounded Cape Horn in all sorts of 
vessels, while still others crossed the Isthmus of Panama 
and then took ship for San Francisco. 

Their only laws were those framed by the miners them- 
selves. Delegates in a convention (September, 1849) 
drew up a constitution in which slavery was prohibited, 
and application was made for admission into the Union 
as the State of California. 



Treaty, 
1850. 



The rush of popuhxtion to Cahfornia revived the considera- Clayton- 
tion of the question of an Isthmian canal. Complications arose j^^''^^^"" 
between Great Britain and the United States over the control 
of the Nicaragua route. Finally, a treaty was concluded be- 
tween Secretary of State, Clayton, and the British Minister, 
Bulwer, known as the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty (April 19, 1850). 
It was agreed that neither nation should obtain exclusive con- 
trol over the Nicaraugua route and that they should not "oc- 
cupy, colonize, or exercise dominion over" Nicaraugua, Costa 
Rica or any part of Central America. A general principle was 



3.36 



American Ill.siori/ 



Tho ad- 
mission of 
California 
before 
Congress. 



Equal 
numbers 
of free and 
slave 
States. 



Clay's 
resolu- 
tions, 1850. 



also a.sscrtcd whereby the.se nations agreed also to "extend their 
protection, Ijy treaty stipulations to other practicable communi- 
cations" across the i.sthmus. 

In the meantime, scenes of inten.se excitement had 
occurred in the organization of the Thirty-Fir.st Conjjres.s. 
Threats of disunion were frequently uttered by Southern 
Representatives. "I do not then hesitate," said Robert 
Toombs, of Georgia, "to avow before this House and the 
countrv and in the presence of the Uving God, that if by 
your Icgishition you seek to dri\e us from the territories of 
California and New Mexico , . . and to abolish slavery 
in the District of Columbia ... I am for disunion." 
Northern Rei)resentatives asserted that dissolution of the 
Union would be steaflfastly resisted. 

Florida (lS4o) and Texas in the same year; Iowa 
(1846) and Wisconsin (1848) had come into the Union, 
thus making fifteen free and fifteen slave States. Should 
California be admitted as a free State the balance in the 
Senate would be in favor of the North. This the South 
was determined to resist; for there was no other slave 
territory which might then be admitted. 

The Senate became the center of the contest. Clay, after 
eight years of retirement, was again a member of that body, 
and he undertook, through compromise, to stop the agitation 
that endangered the Union. He was well suited to play 
the role of "Great Pacificator," for, while he was him.self 
a slaveholder, he advocated gradual emancipation. His 
SATnpathies were National, and he was at that time closely 
bound by no party ties. He still showed great mental 
powers, although seventy-three years of age and physically 
weak. In a conciliatory speech he proposed the following 
resolutions: (1) To admit California with her free constitu- 
tion ; (2) to organize New jMexico and Utah as territories 
without provision as to slavery; (3) to pay Texas to give 
up her claims on New Mexico ; (4) to enact a more effec- 
tive fugitive slave law; and (5) to abolish the slave-trade, 
but still permit slavery, in the District of Columbia. 



Territorial Expansion. 337 

These resolutions, combined in a single measure, the Discussion 



so-called "Omnibus Bill," became the absorbing topics 
for debate in Congress and for discussion in the press and 
by the people of the entire country during a period of 
seven months. 

The last speech of Calhoun constituted a dramatic 
incident in the debate (March 4). For some time his 
health had been failing. Assisted in reaching his seat in 
the Senate, he was too feeble to deliver the speech he had 
prepared, and it was read by a friend. He called atten- 
tion to the general discontent in the South due to Northern 
agitation on the slavery question, and declared that dis- 
union was certain to follow unless the North should con- 
cede to the South "an equal right in the acquired terri- 
tory; " should "do her duty by causing the stipulations 
relative to fugitive slaves to be fulfilled; and cease the 
agitation of the slave question." 

Webster, in his "Seventh-of -March speech," regarded 
by himself as the most important of his life, alienated 
large numbers of his former supporters. He maintained 
that it was not necessary to exclude slavery from this 
territory through legislation, since by the "law of nature," 
it was already excluded. He opposed the application of 
the Wilmot Proviso because it offended the South, and 
criticised the North for not returning escaped slaves. 
That his motive was to win favor with the South has not 
been established. Webster, while an opponent of slavery, 
believed that the cause of union would be best promoted 
by supporting Clay's compromise scheme.* 

William H. Seward, of New York, and Salmon P. Chase, 
of Ohio, were two notable leaders of the "Conscience 
Whigs." Both opposed any compromise on a question of 
right. Seward declared that the Constitution devoted the 
domain "to union, to justice ... to Hberty. But there 

* Webster never regained his political prestige. The speech was com- 
mended by Southerners, but they declined to support him for the Presi- 
dency two years later. 



on the 
resolu- 
tions. 



338 



American Ifi.siori) 



is a 'higher law' than the Constitution which regulates 
our authority over the domain and devotes it to the same 
noble purpose." * 



^:^v^-4.-. r--- 




Western Part of the United States, in 1850 



The "Omnibus Bill" was defeated, but separate meas- 
ures were passed which really embodied Clay's plan. (1) 
The Texas boundary was settled and that State received 
$10,000,000 to surrender its claim on New Mexico. (2) 
California was admitted as a free State. (3) New Mexico 
and Utah were organized as territories, the question of 
slavery or no slavery to be determined by their constitu- 

* Seward was called "traitor to the Constitution" for his higher law 
doctrine, which was wrongly interpreted as meaning the nullification of 
the Constitution. 



Territorial Expansion 339 

tions when they should apply for admission as States. 
(4) A fugitive slave law was passed. (5) Slave-trade in 
the District of Columbia was abolished. 

In the midst of the debate occurred the death of Presi- 
dent Taylor. He had been under the influence of Seward 
and had opposed the Compromise. Vice-President Fill- 
more succeeded him, and signed the last of the bills 
(September 20, 1850). 

After the months of strife the passage of the Compromise Effects of 
of 1850 brought a feeling of relief. Webster, Stephen A. pj^mfg"'; 
Douglas, and other leaders urged its acceptance. jNIen The Fugi- 
from all parties, in public meetings, endorsed it and de- ^^^ ^^^ 
nounced further agitation. But this spirit of acquiescence 
was marred by the hostility manifest in the North toward 
the Fugitive Slave Law. Radical antislavery people de- 
nounced it as "unconstitutional, immoral, and unchristian." 
Among other harsh features of this act were the following: 
The testimony of a fugitive was denied and he was forbid- 
den to have trial by jury; any citizen might be called upon 
to assist in arresting runaway slaves. The execution of the 
law was forcibly resisted in a number of States. A case 
that produced intense excitement throughout the country 
grew out of the rescue of a fugitive, named Shadrach, in 
Boston (1851). During the trial before the United States 
Commissioner, a crowd of negroes rushed through the court- 
room bearing the prisoner with them.* He made good 
his escape to Canada. 

Opposition to the Fugitive Slave Law became manifest "Personal 
in the increased number of "personal Uberty laws" passed J'^erty 
by Northern State legislatures. Their main purpose, 
prior to 1850, was to prevent the removal of free negroes 
to the South on the plea that they were fugitives. A num- 

* Resistance in Boston and other cities was fostered by groups of 
influential white men organized as "Vigilance Committees." One of the 
leaders in the Boston committee, Thomas Wentworth Higginson, in 
"Cheerful Yesterdays," 132-166, relates numerous incidents connected 
with their work. 



340 



A merica n IT i story 



" Undcr- 

trround 

railroad. 



Uncle 
Tom's 
Cabin. 



Presiden- 
tial elec- 
tion, 1852. 



ber of legislatures now extended their application. They 
forbade keeping runaways in State prisons; imposed 
heavy penalties on State officers who should aid in their 
arrest; provided counsel for the defence of fugitives; and 
were really attempts to nullify the Fugitive Slave Law. 

Fugitives were aided in nuiking their escape to Canada 
by the "underground railroad." The name was applied 
to the system by which run- 
aways were concealed from 
their pursuers, and, in due 
time, were sent on to the next 
station. Buffalo, Cleveland, 
and Detroit were the leading 
tei-minals. There were over 
1,500 comlucfors in Ohio alone. 
According to the census of 
1850, 1,011 fugitives escai)ed 
in that year, but the number 
was probably greater. 

In the spring of 1852 Uncle 
Tom's Cabin was published, 
and, within a year, 300,000 
copies were sold in this country 

alone. This novel, by Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe, was 
a powerful protest against the whole system of slavery, 
and it influenced public opinion at the North profoundly. 
Rufus Choate is reported to have said: "That book will 
make two millions of Abolitionists." 

What attitude would the political parties assume toward 
these questions in the campaign of 1852? The Demo- 
cratic Convention, after a prolonged contest, nominated 
Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, for President, thus 
passing by such leaders as Cass, Douglas, and Buchanan. 
The selection was a surprise, for the nominee was little 
known. He had been two terms in the House of Repre- 
sentatives and one in the Senate, and had served as Briga- 
dier- General during the Mexican War. In the Whig 




Harriet Beecher Stowe 

iwii fn.lil a pll..t. .graph l.y Sar..iiy 



Territorial Expansion 341 

Convention, General Winfield Scott, on the fifty-third bal- 
lot was victor over Fillmore and Webster. Both parties 
asserted their satisfaction with the Compromise of 1850 and 
deprecated "further agitation of the question thus settled." 
The "Free Democratic party" (Free-Soil party) was 
outspoken in its demands for "no more slave States, no 
slave territory, no nationalized slavery, and no national 
legislation for the extradition of slaves." They nominated 
John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, for President. 

Of the 296 electoral votes. Pierce and William R. King 
of Alabama received 254; Scott and Graham receiving 
only 42.* The Whig party never recovered from this 
defeat. The outcome shows the desire on ihe part of men 
at the North to maintain party integrity and to preserve the 
Union, and a comparative indifference of the great majority 
to questions of slavery. 

Travellers of the time wrote of the charm of Southern Southern 
society to be found within the circle of the great planters, i^jfd"'^"^^ 
but called attention to the incubus of slavery upon the slavery. 
industrial development of the South. In 1850, the slaves 
numbered 3,200,000, the property of 347,000 persons. 
About 175,000 of these slaveholders owned fewer than 
five slaves each, and the great mass of the slaves belonged 
to some 7,500 men, each holding more than 50 slaves.t 
The "poor whites" of the South, about 2,500,000, in 
number, were forced to eke out an existence by culti- 
vating the worn-out and waste lands. 

Cotton had become, by 1850, the leading export of the 
country. It was maintained at the South that without 
slavery the demand for this product could not be met, and 
that their prosperity would be sacrificed. But each year the 

* Of the popular votes, the Democrats had 1,601,474; the Whigs 
1,386, .580, and the Free Democrats 156,667. 

t There were nine men who owned between 500 and 1,000 slaves each, 
and two 1,000 and over. It was upon the large plantations that the 
worst abuses of the system were to be found, where the slaves were 
frequently under the direction of hired overseers whose salaries depended 
on the size of the crops produced. 



342 



A) 



History 



ImmiKra- 
lion. 



Education 
in the 
South. 



South was becoming less able to keep pace with the 
progress of the age. With slave labor there could be little 
of that diversification of industry so characteristic of the 
North, and even agriculture was carried on at a disad- 
vantage. A careful observer declared that a day laborer 
at the North was able to perform as much work as two 
slaves, and that his food, clothing, and lodging were 
vastly better.* The South wa,s dependent on the North- 
west for large amounts of its food supplies; and the great, 
natural resources of the South, the iron and coal-fields, 
forests, and water-power had been little exploited.! About 
one-fifth as much money was invested in manufactures in 
the South as at the North. The value of Northern ex- 
ports exceeded that of Southern exports by $(iO,()()(),0(X) 
(1S55), and the imports of the North were ten times as 
great as were those of the South. Of the 24,500 miles of 
railroad in the United States in 1857, the South had only 
6,800 miles. 

Slavery degraded labor, and the thousands of immigrants com- 
ing from European countries unable to compete with it, found 
homes in the North. Prior to 1842, the largest number of im- 
migrants entering the United States in a single year had not ex- 
ceeded 100,000. After 1848, the numbers coming each year were 
greatly increased, due chiefly to the terrible famine in Ireland 
(1846 and 1847) and to the political upheavals in Germany and 
some of the other European countries. Besitles, it was easier 
"to get on in the world " in America, and the influx of European 
immigrants continued until 1801. The largest number that came 
in a single year was 428,000 (1854), and the total number enter- 
ing during the nine years after 1851 was 2,579,000; 1,713,251 
had come between 1841 and 1850. 

There was a general lack of intellectual progress at the 
South; for while there were many private schools, acad- 
emies, and girls' seminaries of good rank for the famiUes 

* Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom, I, 134; II, 239. 

t In 1907, about one-seventh of the mineral production of the country 
came from the Southern States, and the forests yielded an income of 
$300,000,000, an income exceeded by that from cotton alone. See 
The World's Work, Vol. 14, 8941-8943. 



of the 
South. 



Terriiorial Eocpansion 343 

of the large planters, the public school system was little 
de\eloped. According to the census of 1850, there were 
62,400 schools of this grade with 2,800,000 pupils at the 
North, and in the South 18,500 schools, attended by 
582,000 pupils. 

The attitude of the South toward the problems incident Demands 
to the system of slavery has been well defined by a recent 
Southern writer. "Economically, it demanded," he said, 
"that the fewest possible restrictions be placed upon the 
exchange of its two or three staple products for the prod- 
ucts of other countries, and that it be permitted to extend 
itself constantly to fresh lands. Politically, it demanded 
protection from criticism and from social and humani- 
tarian reforms and changes."* With the low tariff of 
those times, commercial restriction had ceased to be a 
grievance (as it had been twenty years earlier). But the 
demand for fresh lands through the extension of slave 
territory was being met by growing opposition at the North. 
The spirit of humanitarian reform was growing fast in 
the North and the slaveholders were being held up to the 
world as supporters of a " barbarous" institution. It was 
merely a question of time when these two points of con- 
test between the North and South would largely remove 
the indifference to slavery questions in the North; would 
break down Northern allegiance to the Democratic and 
Whig parties, and so sectionalize the country. 

Suggestive References and Questions 

1. Other problems in the controversy between Great Britain 
and the United States. Webster, Am. St. Series, 241-253. 

2. Which nation had the better claim to Oregon in 1846? 
Why was the settlement so peaceable? Schouler, History, IV, 
504-514. Burgess, The Middle Period, 31 1-318. Wilson, Divi- 
sion and Reunion, 147, 148. Garrison, Westward Extension, 
157-173. 

* Brown, The Lower South in American History, 57, 58. 



344 American History 

3. The annexation of Texas and influence on politics. Clay, 
Am. St. Series, II, 23(;-2()8. Schouler, History, IV, 440-461; 
465-486. Garrison, Westward Extension, 114-155. 

4. Do you believe adequate cause existed for war against 
Mexico? If Mexico had been Great Britain would war have 
been declared? Wilson, Division and Reunion, 149. Burgess, 
327-331. Rhodes, History of the United States, I, 87-93. 
Garrison, Westward Extension, 188-208. 

5. Were the Democratic and Whig parties justified in their 
non-commital attitude toward slavery in 1848? For what party 
would you have used your influence? Why? Cass, Am. St. 
Series, 241-261. Garri.son, Westward Exten.sion, 294-314. 

6. Discovery of gold and formation of government in California. 
Rhodes, History of the United States, I, 111-116. Schouler, V, 
130-146. 

7. Henry Clay and the Compromi.se of 1850. Clay, Am. St. 
Series, II, 32.3-325; 329-337. Garrison, Westward Extension, 
320-332. 

8. Characteristics of Webster as a man and as an orator. 
Rhodes, I, 137-1(51. McMaster, Life of Webster, 313-324. 
Scribner's Magazine, 15, 118-127; 25,450-464; 26, 74-84; 213- 
220. 

9. Webster and Calhoun in debate, 1850. Scribner's Maga- 
zine, 37, 578-586. 

10. Why did Webster's Seventh-of-March speech arouse so 
much antagonism against him in the North? Johnston, Amer- 
ican Orations, II, 161-201. Garrison, Westward Extension, 
324-327. 

11. Seward and "The Higher Law Doctrine." Seward, Am. 
St. Series, Chap. V. 

12. Contrast between Webster and Clay as statesmen. Blaine, 
Twenty Years in Congress, I, 106-108. 

13. Constitutional bases for the Fugitive Slave Law and the 
abolition of the slave-trade in the District of Columbia. Effects 
of the Fugitive Slave Act. Constitution, Art. IV, sec. 2, cl. 3; 
Art. I, sec. 8, cl. 17. Rhodes, History, I, 208-213; 222-226; 
499-506. Higginson, Cheerful Yesterdays, 132-166. Burgess, 
Middle Period, 365-375. Wilson, Division and Reunion, 174- 
178. 

14. Uncle Tom's Cabin. The author; Century Magazine, 52, 



Territorial Expansion 345 

699-704. The story; Atlantic Monthly, 7S, 311-321. Old South 
Leaflets, No. 82. Conditions which gave rise to it and influence 
of the work. Rhodes, History, I, 278-285. 

15. Slavery and its effects. Wilson, Division and Reunion, 
117-132. Rhodes, History, I, Chap. IV. 

16. James and Mann, Readings, Chapter 21. 

17. Bret Harte, Tales of the Argonauts and Luck of Roaring 
Camp (California). Eva Emery Dye, McLoughlin and Old 
Oregon (life at Fort Vancouver). Whittier, Anti-slavery Poems. 
Lowell, Biglow Papers (first series). 



CHAPTER XXTI 

SLAVERY EXTENSION AND SECTIONAL FEELING 

President Pierce, in his inaugural address, pledged 
himself to carry out the provisions of tiie Compromise of 
1850. It seemed that the Democratic party, with a 
majority in both Houses of Congress, would be able to 
carry out its policy, and that the general tranquillity 
would be undisturbed. 

But a violent agitation was begun when Senator Douglas, 
chairman of the committee on territories, reported a 
bill for the organization of the territory of Nebraska out 
of that part of the Louisiana Purchase west of the States 
of Missouri and Iowa (January 4, LSo4). According to 
the Compromise of LS20, slavery was excluded from this 
territory north of 3G° 30'. It was now proposed that a 
State or States formed from the Nebraska territory should 
be admitted into the Union "with or without slavery, as 
their Constitution may prescribe at the time." With an 
ambition to be President and the desire, therelore, to 
secure the support of the South, Douglas had proposed this 
measure. It must be said, however, that as a radical 
Democrat from the West, he, vnth others of that region, 
believed in the entire doctrine of local self-government. 

On January 23, he introduced a substitute bill by 
which two territories, Kansas and Nebraska, were to be 
organized. The Missouri Compromise was declared "in- 
operative and void," as it had been "superseded by the 
principles of the legislation of 1850." A provision was 
added, the "popular sovereignty" clause, affirming it to 
346 



Slavery Extension and Sectional Fcelincj 347 




Stephen A. Douglas 



be the "true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate 
slavery into any territory or State, nor to exclude it there- 
from; but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to 
form and regulate their own domestic institutions in their 
own way, subject only to the 
Constitution of the United 
States." For nearly five 
months the measure was dis- 
cussed in Congress.* 

In the Senate, Seward and 
Chase, able opponents of 
slavery extension, were 
greatly aided in their attacks 
on the bill by Charles Sum- 
ner, Benjamin Wade, and 
Edward Everett. Chase, in 
a notable speech, urged the 
rejection of the measure, 
which he asserted was "a 
violation of the pUghted faith and solemn compact which 
our fathers made, and which we, their sons, are bound by 
every sacred tie of obligation sacredly to maintain." Doug- 
las was the "Little Giant" in its support, and never did 
his skill as a debater appear to better advantage. Having 
passed the Senate with a vote of 37 to 14 and the House 
by a small majority, the bill became a law (INIay 30). 

During the progress of the discussion in Congress, the 
excitement among the people increased, and the crisis was 
brought much nearer. The act was acceptable to the 
South, for it contained a favor which had not been asked. 

* On January 24, an appeal of the Independent Democrats in Con- 
gress was published. It pertained to the original Nebraska Bill. " We 
arraign this bill," they said, "as a gross violation of a sacred pledge (the 
Missouri Compromise); as a criminal betrayal of precious rights; as 
part and parcel of an atrocious plot to exclude from a vast unoccupied 
region immigrants from the Old World and free laborers from our own 
States, and to convert it into a dreary region of despotism inhabited by 
masters and slaves." 



348 



American History 



Ten Northern legislatures protested against the passing 
of the measure; that of Illinois alone favored it. Forty- 
two Democrats in the House from the North refused to 
follow the dictation of Douglas and voted against his bill. 
Of the forty-four Northern Democrats who voted for it 
only seven were returned to the House. Thenceforth 
political parties were to become more sectional. 



Emisra- 
tion to 
Kansas. 



The act did not state definitely when the question of slavery 
in a territory was to be decided by a vote of the people. Pro- 
slavery settlers from Missouri began at once to enter Kansas and 
take possession of the. best lands. Large numbers of Northern 
emigrants were sent to Kansas, and were assisted in making 
homes by the New England Emigrant Aid Company and other 
similar organizations. Tickets on the railroads were furnished 
by these companies at reduced rates, and an agent was sent to 
take charge of these parties. Assistance was also given these 
pioneers in constructing mills and carrying on other improve- 
ments. By the end of the year 1855, the New England Company 
had sent 4,000 persons to Kansas. Pro-slavery men were alarmed 
at this movement, and made active preparation to elect members 
to the territorial legislature (March 30, 1855). On the day of 
the election, 5,000 armed Missourians, "border ruffians" as they 
were called, marched into Kansas, drove off election officers who 
opposed them, and carried the election bj^ casting three-fourths 
of the votes. When the legislature, entirely under the control 
of pro-slavery men, met, it adopted a code of laws for the es- 
tablishing of slavery in the territory. A denial of the right to 
hold slaves in Kansas was made a crime punishable by not less 
than two years' imprisonment. 

At that time there were probably not more than 200 slaves in 
the territory. The emigration of slaveholders into Kansas was 
slow because they could not immediately dispose of their planta- 
tions. Besides, there was the chance of losing the right to hold 
slaves under the laws of the territory. 



Free State 
govern- 
ment 
formed. 



The Free State party paid no attention to the govern- 
ment, which they declared had been established through 
fraud, and called a convention at Topeka (October 23, 
1855). A State constitution was formed which pro- 
hibited slavery. INIembers of the legislature and State 
officers were elected, and application was made to 



350 



American History 



Congress to be admitted into the Union with this Con- 
stitution. Thus two governments claimed authority in 
Kansas. 



Both parties armed for the struggle. In May, 1856, the 
antislavery town of Lawrence was entered and sacked by pro- 
slavery forces. Months of robbery, devastation, and deeds of 
violence ensued, in which men of both factions took part. Na- 
tional troops under requisition from the acting governor dis- 
persed the Free State legislature when it assembled at Topeka 
(July 4, 1856). Order was finally restored by the aid of United 
States soldiers. Two hundred lives were sacrificed in this demon- 
stration that " popular sovereignty " was a failure. 

In the meantime, the House of Representatives voted 
to admit Kansas with the Topeka constitution, but the 
Senate refused to concur. Senator Sumner, in a startling 
speech on the "Crime against Kansas," arraigned the 
whole system of slavery. He referred to Senator Butler, 
of South Carolina, in insulting language. Two days after, 
Representative Brooks, of that State, kinsman of Butler, 
approached Sumner, seated at his desk, and beat him 
about the head with a cane. Sumner did not recover 
fully from the assault for over three years. Brooks re- 
signed his seat in the House, but was returned by an almost 
unanimous vote. Although scarcely condemned at the 
South, the attack was regarded at the North as brutal and 
cowardly, and the bitterness between the sections was 
greatly enhanced. 

The Gadsden Purchase, negotiated by James Gadsden 
(1853), consisted of 47,000 square miles of land directly 
south of the Gila River. It was acquired from Mexico by 
the payment of $10,000,000. 

American expansionists, exponents of the doctrine of 
"manifest destiny," looked toward Cuba and Central 
America. At the South, the acquisition of Cuba with its 
large slave population, was especially in favor. President 
Polk found Spain unwilling to enter into any negotiation 
for the sale of the island (1848). 



Slavery Exiensiou and Sectional Feeling 351 

Lopez, a South American ailventurer, led by the report that 
Cuba was on the eve of revolt, planned for an invasion of the 
island at the head of a company of adventurers. In spite of 
President Taylor's proclamation against such "filibustering" 
expeditions, Lopez, with about 500 followers, escaped in a ship 
from New Orleans, and landed in Cuba (August 12, 1851). The 
expedition was a failure, many of the men were killed in battle, 
and the remainder were captured. Lopez w^as executed and 
fifty others were shot. Excitement in New Orleans grew in- 
tense w-hen the outcome became known. Rioters broke into 
the office of the Spanish Consul. Congress voted $25,000 as an 
indemnity to Spain for the property destroyed. Prompt apology 
was made, and the President asked for leniency in the treatment 
of the other prisoners. 

Cuban anne.xation was revived when Pierce became 
President. The Black Warrioi', an American merchant- 
man, was seized at Havana for violation of port regula- 
tions (Februarv, LS54). Notwithstanding the efforts of 
extremists who urged war, chiefly with the hope of gaining 
Cuba, the President accepted the settlement offered by 
Spain. 

During the controversy, Buchanan, Mason, and Soule, The 
American Ministers to Great Britain, France, and Spain, Manifesto, 
respectively, were instructed to confer on the acquisition i854. 
of Cuba. In their meeting at Ostend, Belgium, they 
drew up a paper since called the Ostend Manifesto. In 
this agreement, they declared that upon the refusal of 
Spain to sell Cuba at a fair price, since her continued con- 
trol would "seriously endanger our internal peace" * . . . 
"then by every law human and divine, we shall be justified 
in wresting it from Spain if we possess the power." Marcy, 
Secretary of State, disavowed this scheme, a scheme which 
proposed a policy suited to a band of highwaymen. 

After the passing of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, the call Repub- 

- , ^ . . „ ^ 1 i. 1 lican party 

for the organization of a new party opposed to slavery organized. 

extension became stronger. Such a movement was set on 

foot in the North-west, where party ties were less binding 

* Danger of slave insurrection and dominance in Cuba would, it was 

feared, .set an example that might be followed by slaves in the South. 



352 



American Ilisiory 



than in the East, and July 0, 1854, a State mass-meeting, 
made up of Wliigs, Free-Soilers, and Anti-Nebraska Dem- 
ocrats met at Jackson, Michigan.* They denounced the 
repeal of the ^Missouri Compromise, and demanded the re- 
peal of the Kansas-Nebraska Act and the Fugitive Slave 
Law. The name "KepubUcan" was adopted for the 
"fusion" ticket which was nominated. In eight other 
States, four of them in the North-west, fusion candidates 
were also nominated on tickets called "Republican" and 
"Anti-Nebraska." In the elections of 1854 and 1855, 
the new party was markedly successful. 

During these years of political revolution, the "American 
party" also showed great strength. Its adherents, fear- 
ful of the political influence of the increasing number of 
immigrants, determined that no foreign-born citizen, es- 
pecially a Roman Catholic, should be elected to office. 
All features of the organization were secret. Members 
questioned relative to the purposes of the party always 
replied: "I don't know," and thus the party came to be 
called the "Know-Nothings." This new issue proved 
particularly attractive to men who desired to escape the 
slavery question, and more than one-half the members of 
the House of Representatives in the Congress organized 
in 1855 were elected by this party. 

In the Know-Nothing National Convention (1856) 
Millard Fillmore was nominated for President. The 
Democratic Convention nominated James Buchanan, of 
Pennsylvania for the Presidency and John C. Breckin- 
ridge of Kentucky for Vice-President. The party plat- 
form promised allegiance to the principles of the Com- 
promise of 1850 and the Kansas-Nebraska Act. Seward 
having declined to be considered a candidate for Presi- 
dent, the Republican Convention nominated John C. 
Fremont of California. One of their resolutions declared 



* A meeting of men from the various parties met at Ripon, Wisconsin 
Marcii 20, and recommended that a new party should be formed. The 
name Republican was suggested. 



Slavcrij E.vtciiii-iuii and Sectional Feeling 353 



that Congress had both the "right and duty to prohibit 
in the Territories those twin relics of barbarism, polygamy 
and slavery." The immediate admission of Kansas as a 
free State was demanded. Not since 1840 had there been 
a campaign so full of excitement. Buchanan and Breck- 
inridge received 174 electoral votes, and Fremont 114. 

Fremont carried 




'GILF OF MEXICO V-Q 



DISTRIBUTION OF 
, POPULVTION 
IN 1860 



eleven of the six- 
teen Northern 
States. The pop- 
ular vote for 
Buchanan was 
1,838,109; for 
Fremont, 1,341,- 
264; and for Fill- 
more, 874,534. 

The decade 
preceding the 
year 1857 was one 
of general pros- 
perity. A m o n g 
the striking feat- 
ures of these good 
times were the 
rapid settlement 
of the West ; im- 
proved means 
of transportation; 
multiplication of inventions; development of domestic and 
foreign commerce; growth of manufactures, and the yield 
of the mines of gold, lead, iron, and coal. 

While the increase in the population of the country as 
a whole was marked, the rapid growth of the West, due 
in part to foreign immigration, was particularly notable. 
Michigan increased in numbers between 1850 and 1860 
from 395,000 to 742,000; Iowa from 192,000 to 674,000, 
and California from 92,000 to 361,000. The population 



IVnJcr 2 inhabitantB to the 8q*mite ..^.; 
{From 2 to 18 inftaih " ^ ** '* 



•& Center of PopulaHo 




Distribution of Population in 



Prosper- 
ity. 1847- 
1857. 



Growth of 
the West. 



354 



American llistorij 



of other Western States was doubled, and in some cases 
quadrupled. 

To meet the demand for greater transportation facilities 
incident to the rapid development of the country, the 
number of miles of railroad was increased from 9,021 in 
1850 to 24,503 in 1857. Before 1850, seven independent 
but connecting short lines constituted the single-track 
railroad between New York and Albany, but that year 
one management obtained control, an event which marks 
the beginning of the tnink system. Three years after- 
ward it was possible to travel from the Atlantic coast to 
Chicago by railroad. St. Joseph, ^Missouri, was the 
"Western terminus of the railroad in 1859, but routes had 
been surveyed to the Pacific Ocean. From Boston to 
New York, the average rate of speed was twenty-three 
miles an hour. Accidents were frequent, due, in the 
main, to poor road beds, iron rails, and wooden bridges. 

The National Government stimulated the building of 
railroads by making large grants of public lands to the 
States. The first of these grants was to Illinois as an 
aid in the construction of the Illinois Central from Chicago 
to New Orleans. Alternate sections of land on each side 
of the right of way to the amount of four million acres were 
transferred to the Company, and in return the State was 
to receive a certain percentage of the gross receipts of the 
road. 

Between 1851 and 1860, 2,500 vessels w^ere constructed 
in the United States, the largest having a tonnage of about 
4,000. During the year 1851, 800 human lives were 
sacrificed because of steam-boat collisions and explosions. 
The following year Congress provided for an inspection of 
steam-boats, and danger from this source was materially 
lessened. 

The American merchant marine, made up chiefly of 
fast sailing-vessels, was the equal of that of any other 
nation. Seventy-five per cent, of our exports and im- 
ports were carried in American bottoms. Numerous 



— ^^ 




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TortlanJ 



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V'iT-^ >tfK^^//,-M^Partereburg.. - . V^ 
ir'rOjV.*!^^.. «'"''<'C<> WEST ' * 

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Albanj^ 









-I «,.,. "<!/,> .'«<S^„„r;ilI«"K' vr"tji^,,il^.,- •'-/. V''v. /NOR. CAR>f. 

°. '""''■"" o--JfyyFaset!erine«~*§J^T^ -'VW*-'/ OoldsluTor 

-; ARKANSAS / / /~~f~~-----~"^X""'^°'^'^°M.lJ.}f^^^ V 

^ — ^ ,'Panola/ « ,' AtUntaVJIj^CX^ . ',Colamlji\J^^4^ V'"' 

".' ;■"; / ; ALyBAMAv/sj-isY^'H'N \4r 

^, ^ ■'■'";'>"« /Fore,. ■S''"V^,,J_yj£>-' ~V '-, ^0..,\«,„n 

>, "'■""'"''■M:*^^ ^. laonts-^y ~_jy /GEORGIA X.^r"-- 






jslo^sel.^, 



ggV 






(? u 
M E 



L F 
X I 



V 



MAP OF 

RAILWAYS 

in 1860 



I.Texas and also in California. 



356 



American Ifi.sfory 



ocean-steamer lines were aided by subsidies from the 
Government, but this custom was generally discontinued 
after 1858. The famine in Ireland increased the demand 
for American wheat and corn. In 1846 Great Britain 
reduced her import tax on foodstuffs, and thereafter 
rapidly extended the free list. Cereals valued at $22,- 
500,000 were sent from the United States in 1849, and of 
the 4,669,000 bales of cotton produced in 1860, two- 
thirds were exported, Great Britain furnishing the lead- 
ing market. 

American inventive genius had never before been so 
active. The number of patents issued in any one year 
before 1849 had not exceeded 660, but during the ensuing 
ten years there was an average of about 2,000 a year. 
Among the most important of these inventions were the 
first usable electric fire-alarm (1852); the first successful 
steam fire-engine (1853); and the breech-loading rifle. 
About this time, Cyrus jNIcCormick invented the har- 
vester. 

The manufacture of waterproof goods was extensive 
after the discovery by Charles Goodyear (1844) of a proc- 
ess of vulcanizing rubber. The se^^^ng-machine invented 
by Elias Howe (1846) was a success from the first. Then 
began the transfer of the manufacture of clothing and 
boots and shoes from small shops to factories, a transfer 
which was to constitute' them great industries. That year, 
Dr. AY. T. ]\Iorton and also Dr. Charles T. Jackson 
demonstrated that a person might, by breathing sulphuric 
ether, become insensible to pain and afterward recover 
consciousness wdth no ill effects. Printing was faciUtated 
through the invention of the revolving cylinder press by 
Richard M. Hoe (1847). 

Manufacturing developed rapidly, notwithstanding the 
low duties on imports. The value of American manu- 
factures, in 1860, was nearly two bilhons of dollars. This 
expansion may be illustrated by reference to two or three 
typical industries. The amount of iron products doubled 



Slavery Extension and Sectional Feeling 357 

in five years (1852-1857), a result clue largely to the im- 
proved means of communication between the factories 
and the mines of iron and coal. Pittsburg was becoming 
a leading centre of the iron industry, and the iron mines 
of Michigan were being exploited. The number of 
spindles in the cotton-mills was 1,246,000 in 1831 and by 
1860 there were five times as many. Woollen manufact- 
ures increased over fifty per cent, between 1850 and 1860. 

From the duties on imports (1854-1856) revenue was Tariff of 
poured into the Treasury beyond the amount necessary 
to cover the ordinary expenses of Government. Sales of 
public lands also brought in large sums, and the public 
debt was being decreased. Congress, early in the year 
1857, passed a tariff act which reduced the average rate of 
duties to a little less than 20 per cent. No political party 
opposed the measure, and real opposition came only from 
Representatives of the Middle States and the North-west. 

Scarcely was this act passed before the country was in Panic of 
the midst of a financial crisis, the cause of which cannot ^ 
be attributed to the lowering of import duties. Some 
features of the industrial expansion which we have been 
considering foretold a collapse. The output of gold from 
the California mines amounted in ten years to over $500,- 
000,000, and because of the greater amount of money put 
into circulation prices rose and investment increased. 
Between 1849 and 1858, $700,000,000 were invested in 
the construction of railroads alone, which were frequently 
extended bevond the real needs of the country. The 
issue of bank-notes grew from $58,000,000 in ^1843 to 
$214,000,000 in 1857 and loans by banks also increased 
enormously. Business on a credit basis expanded ab- 
normally and speculation became general. In August, 
1857, the Ohio Life Insurance and Trust Company 
failed, and this caused a panic in New York City which 
spread to other cities. Banks everywhere suspended 
specie payments. The Illinois Central, the Michigan 
Central, and a number of other railroads became bank- 



358 



American Hisfori/ 



rupt. During the years 1S57 and LS.^S business failures 
numbered over 9,000, with losses amounting to nearly 
$400,000,(X)0, the blow falling heaviest on bankers and 
investors. 

Within two years, the coimtry had recovered from the 
panic. Products of fields and forests, factories and mines 
were enriching the Nation 
when the shock of civil war 
came. At the "xlose of the 
period, gold was discovered 
near Pike's Peak and silver 
in Nevada, and in 1859 oil 
was found to exist in 
north-western Pennsylvania 
in quantities sufficient to 
make it a marketable com- 
modity. 

At this time there was little 
appreciation among Ameri- 
cans of the need for physical 
exercise and hygienic food. 
Rowing was practically the 
only out-of-doors sport then 
in vogue. Owing to the agi- 
tation for temperance, drunk- 
enness was decreasing, and 

the Christian religion had a marked influence over the 
daily lives of men. 

This has been called the "golden age" of American 
literature. Among the great prose writers were Emerson, 
Holmes, Hawthorne, Lowell, and William Gilmore Simms; 
and the leading poets were Longfellow, Whittier, Lowell, 
and Bryant. To the list of American historians of the 
time, a Ust which included William H. Prescott and George 
Bancroft, were added the names of John Lothrop Motley 
and Francis Parkman. Wide political influence was 
wielded by Horace Greeley through the New York Tribune, 




Russell Lowell 



photograph, copyright by Elliott and 
Fry 



Slavery Extension and Sectional Feeling 359 

which he founded. Harper's Magazine was begun in 
1850, and the "Easy Chair" became notable through the 
brilUant essays of George WiUiani Curtis. The illustra- 
tions were also a leading feature of the magazine. The 
Atlantic Monthly was founded in 1857, with James Rus- 
sell Lowell as editor. 

Ralph Waldo Emerson, Henry "Ward Beecher, Wendell Public lect- 
Phillips, and John B. Gough were conspicuous among the Education 
men who instructed their countrymen through "lycemn" 
lectures on literary subjects and reform movements. 

Public and school libraries were multiplied. District 
schools were improved through the influence of State and 
county superintendents. The numbers of city superin- 
tendents of schools were increased from 17 to 53 (1850- 
1859), and gradation in the schools was carried forward 
rapidly. Sixty-four public liigh schools had been organized 
in the years before 1850. By 1859, there were 108, and 
thereafter the increase was remarkable. Opportunity for 
securing a secondary education was given in 6,000 acad- 
emies, the pupils in these schools numbering over 250,000. 

This was a period also of most rapid increase in the num- 
bers of institutions of higher learning. Between 1800 and 
1850, 82 colleges and universities had been founded. One 
hundred and five institutions of this rank Avere established 
in the succeeding ten years. Coeducation obtained in a 
few of the colleges, but Iowa University was the first State 
university to admit women on terms of equality with 
men (1856). 

Early in the year 1857 agitation over slavery increased The Dred 
because of a decision rendered by the Supreme Court of ^eci"ion 
the United States. Several years before, a negro, Dred i857. 
Scott, had been taken by his master to Illinois and to 
Fort Snelling in the northern part of the Louisiana Pur- 
chase. After his return to Missouri, he sued for his liberty 
on the ground that residenjce in a free territory had made 
him free. The case finally came before the Supreme 
Court. The decision delivered for the Court by Chief- 



3(^)0 



Inicricaii Ilisfonj 



Justice Taney declared: (1) That Scott liad not become free; 
and (2) that a slave or the descendant of a slave could not 
be considered a citizen of the United States with the right 
of suing in a Federal court. More important was the 
further declaration that the right of pro{)erty in a slave 
was "affirmed in the Constitution"; that Congress had 
no right to legislate 
against this particular 
kind of property; and 
therefore, the ^Missouri 
Compromise was void, 
since it forbade the 
holding and owning of 
slaves in National ter- 
ritory. Five of the 
eight otlier judge,s sanc- 
tioned this oj)inion of 
the Chief-Justice. Jus- 
tice Curtis held that the 
Court had transcended 
its powers in the case 
by deciding upon the 
constitutionality of the 
IMissouri Compromise. 
"The Supreme Court 
of the country ranged 

itself squarely on the side of the South; but a mightier 
force than Congress, or courts, or armies was against it — 
the force of public opinion." * 

The controversy over slavery in Kansas was still un- 
settled. Emigration from North and South continued, 
the number of Free State men increasing most rapidly. 
In the election of members to the territorial legislature, 
the Free State party, having abandoned the Topeka gov- 
ernment, secured a majority in both Houses (October, 
1857). Five months previously, this party had refused to 
* Brown, The Lower South ia American History, 104. 




Roger B. Taney 



Slavery Extension and Sectional Feeling 361 

vote for delegates to a constitutional convention, and 
consequently the convention that met at Leconipton was 
proslaverv. A constitution was drawn up which sanc- 
tioned slavery (November, 1857). By an unfair device it 
was decreed that the people were to vote for this constitu- 
tion "with slavery" or for it "w^th no slavery." No op- 
portunity was given to vote against the constitution as a 
whole, and even if "no slavery" carried, the constitution 
provided that the "right of property in slaves" then in 
the territory should not be interfered with. Free State 
men refused to take part in the election, and the vote 
stood overwhelmingly in favor of the "constitution with 
slavery." 

The legislature then voted to submit the constitution 
itself to the people, and the popular vote showed a majority 
of over 10,000 against it. But President Buchanan had 
determined to force the admission of Kansas under the 
Lecompton constitution and recommended this action to 
Congress. Douglas, standing true to his doctrine of pop- 
ular sovereigniy, in spite of threats from the administra- 
tion and from Southern Democrats, attacked the Lecomp- 
ton scheme as "a fraud upon the rights of the people." 
The bill passed the Senate, but failed in the House. Both 
Houses finally agreed to a measure resubmitting the ques- 
tion to Kansas voters. Should they accept the Lecompton 
constitution, the State was to receive a large grant of 
public lands. This attempted bribe was rejected by a 
decisive vote, and Kansas remained a territory until 1861. 

The election, in Illinois, of a successor to Senator The Lin- 
Douglas resulted in bringing Abraham Lincoln, who was Douglas 
the candidate of the Republicans, prominently before the debates, 
country. ^Yith confidence in his cause, Lincoln chal- 
lenged Douglas to meet him in a series of joint debates, 
and seven places for such meetings were selected. 

Lincoln was then the most eminent jury lawyer of 
Illinois, but was little known outside the bounds of the 
State. He had served in the Illinois Legislature four 



362 American Hi story 

terms. Elected a member of the House of Representa- 
tives in 1847, he showed his opposition to slavery by 
voting, as he himself said, "in favor of the AVilmot Proviso 
in one way and another about forty times." His j)owers 
of analysis, his ability to state problems dearly, and his 
ready wit made him an effective speaker Avith the people. 
Douglas was the best known pubUc man in the country, 
and the ablest debater in the Senate at the time. 

In accepting the nomination, Lincohi had stated his convic- 
tions in the famous words: " In my oj)inion, it [agitation against 
slavery] will not cease until a crisis has been reached and passed. 
'A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this 
Government cannot endure permanently half slave and half 
free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved — I do not 
expect the House to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. 
It will become all one thing or all the other. Either the oppo- 
nents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, . . .or its 
advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful 
in all the States, old as well as new — North as well as South." * 

Thousands of people attended the joint debates. The 
climax was reached at Freeport when Lincoln adroitly in- 
quired whether the people of a territory, "in any lawful 
way," could exclude slavery from its limits before atl- 
mission. In reply, Douglas reasserted the doctrine of 
popular sovereignty and declared that the legislature of 
a territory might by "unfriendly legislation" prevent the 
introduction of slavery. This so-called Freeport doctrine 
meant the repudiation of the Dred Scott decision; for, as 
Lincoln said, "the territorial legislature can do no more 
than Congress can do." f Douglas was elected to the Sen- 
ate, but he had lost the prize he sought, the Presidency; 
for his influence over the Southern democracy was gone. 

* Urged by his friends to omit this statement, he repHed: "The time 
has come when these sentiments shonld be uttered; and if it is decreed 
that I should go down because of this speech then let me go down linked 
to the truth— let me die in the advocacy of what is just and right."— 
Herndon, Life of Lincoln, pp. 398. 400. 

t Statement made in the debate at Jonesboro. 



Slavery Extension and Sectional Feeling 363 



The defeat of Buchanan's Kansas poUcy in the fall Election 
elections of 1858 was decisive. Douglas was the only ^^ i^^^- 
Northern Democrat returned to the Senate, and a Repub- 
lican was chosen Speaker of the House of Representatives. 
In a speech made at Rochester, Seward also took a stand 
which was to make him a leader of public opinion. After 
contrasting slavery with free- 



dom he declared: "It is an 
irrepressible conflict between 
___ opposing and enduring forces, 

j/ftl^ and it means that the United 

^^^^B States must and will, sooner 

W^- *^ P or later, become either en- 

tirely a slaveholding Nation 
or entirely a free-labor 
Nation." 

The report that John john 
Brown, with his twenty-two ^^^^'] 
followers, had seized the per's 
United States arsenal at Har- 
per's Ferry (October 16, 1859) 
aroused the entire country. 
As a leader in Kansas, Brown 
had freed a number of slaves 
by force, and now he proposed to bring about the total 
destruction of slavery. His plan was to advance from a 
spot in the Virginia mountains with a small company of 
men, liberate slaves and arm them or send them to Can- 
ada. In this way, with an enlarged force he thought to 
make slaveholding insecure, and thus the owners would 
be ready to give up all their slaves. 




Ferry 
1859. 



Prominent antislavery leaders assisted him with money. The 
scheme to attack Harper's Ferry was unknown to them, and was 
disapproved by his two sons and all of his other men. In de- 
fending themselves against the militia which had been hastily 
summoned, a number of men on both sides were killed. Four 
of Brown's followers escaped, and the survivors were made 



364 



American Ilistonj 



prisoners by United States troops. In a fair trial, Brown was 
found guilty and was ordered to be executed on the charge of 
treason and conspiracy "with slaves and others to rebel and 
murder." The act was that of a man who had brooded so long 
over freeing the slaves that his mind had become unbalanced on 
that one question. At the South, it was believed that the deed 
was the outcome of the teachings of the "Black" Republican 
party. That party in its National Convention condemned the 
deed as "among the gravest of crimes." Emerson expressed the 
thought of the men of more extreme views when he declared: 
" I wish we might have health enough to know virtue when we 
see it and not cry with the fools, 'madman' when a hero passes." 




t 








I I S.A,I>ougl<u 
m John BeU 
^Sa J.C.Sreckinridge 
^^S Abraham Ltncoin 



Election map of 1S60 



Thirty-three States took part in the Presidential election 
of 1860, Minnesota having been admitted to the Union 
(1858) and Oregon (1859). No National Convention ever 
excited greater interest than that of the Democratic party 
which assembled at Charleston (April 23, 18(30), with a 
majority of the delegates in favor of Douglas for President. 
Southern men demanded the platform which declared that 
citizens might take their property into a territory without 
the right to such property being impaired by any legisla- 
tion; and that it is the dutv of the Federal Government to 



Slavery Extension and Scetiofial Feelinrj 365 



protect, when necessary, the "rights of persons and prop- 
erty in the territories." Northern Democrats refused to 
go farther tlian to pledge support to the Dred Scott deci- 
sion or any other decision of the Supreme Court, an indef- 



inite statement which 
sovereignty. Unable 







left them free to advocate squatter 
to carr}^ their point, most of the 
Southern delegates withdrew. 
After fifty-seven indecisive 
ballots, the Convention adjourn- 
ed to meet at Baltimore, June IS. 
i\ In the Baltimore Convention 
another secession of Southern 
Democrats took place, and the 
split in the party was complete. 
Douglas was then nominated. 
^^ John C. Breckinridge, of Ken- 

tucky, was made the candidate 
of Southern Democrats for President. 

The "Constitutional Union party," made up chiefly of 
men who were drawn from the remnants of the "Know- 
Nothings" in the South and Whigs in the North, in their 
convention nominated John Bell, of Tennessee, for the 
Presidency. "No political principle was to be recognized," 
they declared, "other than the Constitution of the country, 
the Union of the States, and the enforcement of the laws." 
There was great enthusiasm in the Repubhcan Con- 
vention which met at Chicago (May 16, 1860). The plat- 
form adopted declared against the Dred Scott decision 
and the principle of popular sovereignty embodied in the 
Kansas-Nebraska Act. While there was to be no inter- 
ference with the domestic institutions of any State, the 
right to give legal existence to slavery in a territory was 
denied. Of the candidates, Seward was at first most in 
favor. For Republican success, it was necessary to name 
a man who could carry Pennsylvania and one of the other 
doubtful States, Indiana, Illinois, or New Jersey, and it 
was seen that Seward, who was regarded as a; "reckless" 



Split in 
the Demo- 
cratic 
party. 



The Con- 
stitutional 
Union 
party. 



Republi- 
can plat- 
form and 
nomina- 
tions. 



366 American History 

radical, could not do this. On the third ballot, Abraham 
lyincoln was nominated. Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, was 
nominated for Vice-President. 

The campait^n, with its torchlight parades and mass- 
meetings, was one of most intense excitement. The Re- 
publicans carried every Northern State except New 
Jersey, which gave 4 electoral votes to lincoln and 3 
to Douglas. Of the electoral votes bSO were for Lincoln, 
72 for Breckinridge, 39 for Bell, and 12 for Douglas. 
Lincoln and Hamlin received 1,S66,452 votes; Douglas, 
1,376,957; Breckinridge, 849,781, and Bell, 588,879. 

Suggestive References and Questions 

1. The repeal of the Missouri Compromise. Wilson, Division 
and Reunion, 1S2-1S5. Bur<ress, Middle Period, Chap. 19. 

2. Kansas Emigration. Hart, Contem., IV, Xos. 3(), 3.8. 

3. Civil war in Kansas. Higginson, Cheerful Yesterdays, 196- 
234. Rhodes, History, II, 98-107; 150-168. 

4. Perry's treaty with Japan and its significance? Schouler, 
History, V, 255, 314, 418; Old South Leaflets, No. 151. 

5. The Presidential campaign of 1856. How would you have 
voted? Seward, Am. St. Series, 133-150 (new ed.). * Wilson, 
Division and Reunion, 100-193. Rhodes, History of the United 
States, II, 210-214; 220-236. Smith, Parties and Slavery, 161- 
173. 

6. Growth of the factory system, 1850-1860. Bogart, Eco- 
nomic History of the United States, 160-167. Wright, Industrial 
Evolution, 133-142. 

7. Railroad extension, 1830-1860. Coman, Industrial His- 
tory, 234-241. 

8. The Dred Scott decision. Wilson, Division and Reunion, 
197, 198. Burgess, The IMiddle Period, 449-459. Hill, Liberty 
Documents, Chap. 21. Macdonald, Select Documents, No. 91; 
Am. History Leaflets, No. 23. Smith, Parties and Slavery, 
140-208. 

9. Lincoln-Douglas debates. Lincoln, Am. St. Series, I, 
Chap. 5. Wilson, Division and Reunion, 201, 202. Rhodes, 
History, II, 326-338. Old South Leaflets, No. 85. Tarbell, 
Abraham Lincoln, 307-323. Smith, Parties and Slavery, 230-233. 



Slavery Extension and Sectional Feeling 367 

10. Personality of Lincoln and of Douglas. Burgess, Civil 
War and the Constitution, 1-27. Schouler, History, VI, 20-23; 
624-63.3. Rhodes, History of the United States, H, 305-313. 

11. John Brown and Harper's Ferry. Higginson, Cheerful 
Yesterdays, 199-234; 258-262. F. B. Sanborn, Life and Letters 
of John Brown, 620-632 (Higginson and Sanborn were con- 
fidential friends of Brown). Emerson, INIiscellanies, 267-280. 
Whittier, Brown of Osawatomie. Blaine, Twenty Years in 
Congress, I, 154-157. Lamed, History for Ready Reference, V, 
3403, 3404. Rhodes, History, H, 401-416. 

12. The election of 1860 and its significance. Scribner's 
Magazine, XIV, 645-656 (nomination of Lincoln). Lincoln, 
Am. St. Series, I, Chap. 6. Seward, Am. St. Series, Chap. 11. 
Chase, Am. St. Series, Chap. 7. Wilson, Division and Reunion, 
204-209. Blaine, Twenty Years in Congress, I, 157-171. Chad- 
wick, Causes of the Civil War, 109-122. 

13. James and Mann, Readings, Chap. 22. 

14. G. C. Eggleston, Dorothy South (Virginia just before the 
Civil War). A. W. Tourgee, Hot Plowshares (antislavery). 
Winston Churchill, The Crisis. 



CHAPTER XXITI 



SECESSION AND CIVIL AVAR 



Threats of secession in the event of Lincoln's election 
had been freely made, but they were not taken seriously 
in the North. INIucli si<;ni(icance attached to the attitude 
and policy of President Buchanan durinc; the four re- 
maining months of his term. He was at first under the 
influence of certain advisers in his Cabinet who sym- 
pathized with the secession movement. His position was 
now extremely weak and vacillatiiifj. In his message to 
Congress (December 3, 1S()0) the President denied the 
constitutional right of secession; but he also denied that 
the National Government had a riglit to coerce a State. 
He said that as yet the Southern States had no just cause 
for seceding; but, if the Northern States did not repeal 
their personal liberty laws, then revolutionary resistance 
to the Government would be justifiable. 

In Congress efforts were made to compromise the dis- 
puted slavery questions, but no general agreement was 
reached. "The difficulty was that the Republican leaders 
were themselves opposed to any compromise and the 
Southern leaders really desired none." * On December 
20, a convention called by the Legislature of South Caro- 
lina repealed the ordinance by which that State had ratified 
the United States Constitution, in 1788, and declared that 
the State was again a "free and independent nation." 
This action was followed by the adoption of similar seces- 

* Chadwick, Causes of the Civil War, 176. Senator Crittenden, of 
Kentucky, was prominent in proposing compromise measures. 
368 




Abraham Lincoln 



From a photograph by Brady, taken at the time of his speech at Cooper Institute, New York, in February, 1860. 
Mr, Lincoln said that this speech and the portrait here reproduced made him President 



370 



A mcr ica n II istorij 



sion ordinances by conventions in Mississippi (January 9, 
1861), Florida (January 10), Alabama (January 11), 
Georgia (January 19), Louisiana (January 26), and 
Texas (February 1). 

The arguments and causes stated in justification of the 
legal right of secession were draAvn from Calhoun's teach- 
ings. They Avere well set forth in South Carolina's 
ordinance,* and were answered by Lincoln in his in- 
augural address of ]\Iarch 4, 1861. f From these two 
documents, then, we may draw a fair summary of the 
points in dispute. 

1. As to the origin and nature of the State and Na- 
tional governments, it was argued that (a) by the 
Declaration of Independence each colony became a free 
and independent State, and that each exercised its sepa- 
rate sovereignty; (b) under the Articles of Confederation 
each State retained its "sovereignty, freedom, and inde- 
pendence"; (c) by the treaty of 1783 the freedom an.d 
sovereignty of the separate States were acknowledged; 
(d) the adoption of the Constitution was merely the form- 
ing of a compact, the General Government being the 
common agent of the sovereign States, having powers that 
were limited to the express terms of the grant; (e) in 
every compact "the failure of one of the contracting par- 
ties to perform a material part of the agreement, entirely 
releases the obligation of the other." 

To this argument Lincoln replied that (a) the Union is 
older than the Constitution. Originating in 1774, it was 
strengthened by the Declaration of Lidependence and by 
the adoption of the Articles of Confederation. It was 
made "more perfect" by the Constitution, (b) "Per- 
petuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental 
law of all national governments. It is safe to say that no 
government proper ever had a proAision in its organic law 
for its own termination." (c) If the Constitution were a 

* American History Leaflets, No. 12. 

t American History Leaflets, No. 18 and Old South Leaflets, No. 11. 



of the 
South. 



Secession and Civil War 371 

mere compact, It could not be legally broken by less than 
all the parties who made it. (d) Therefore, no State, 
upon its own mere motion, can lawfully mthdraw from 
the Union. 

2. As to the causes leading to secession, the ordi- Grievances 
nance of South Carolina stated that (a) fourteen of the 
Northern States had deliberately refused to fulfill their 
Constitutional obligations with reference to fugitive 
sla,ves by obstructing P'ederal laws and passing laws cal- 
culated to nullify them, (b) The North had violated the 
spirit of the Constitution by denouncing slavery as sinful; 
by permitting aboHtion societies to flourish; by denying 
the right of slave property in territories; by admitting 
negroes to citizenship; and, finally, by forming a sec- 
tional party and electing to the Presidency a man who 
believed that slavery could not permanently endure in 
America, (c) In consequence, the equal rights of the 
Southern States would be lost. "The slaveholding 
States will no longer have the power of self-government, 
or self-protection, and the Federal Government will have 
become their enemy." 

Answering these statements, Lincoln declared that (a) The 
the slavery questions upon which Northerners and South- 
erners differed must be decided by majorities. If the 
minority were not satisfied with the decisions, their only 
alternative was revolution, (b) The Republicans had no 
intention to interfere with slavery in any State; on the 
contrary, they had recommended a Constitutional amend- 
ment providing that the Federal Government should never 
interfere with it there. 

During the months when secession was contemplated and 
accomplished, the authorities of the seceding States seized 
nineteen forts and seven arsenals situated within their bor- war made 
ders, together with vast amounts of arms and ammunition seceding 
belonging to the United States Government. Only four states. 
forts remained in the hands of Federal troops : Sumter, in 
Charleston harbor; Taylor, at Key West; Jefferson, at 



Northern 
view. 



Active 
prepara- 
tions for 



372 



American Ilistorij 



Tortugas; and Pickens, at Pensacola. At the same time 
Southern State legislatures organized armies and ap- 
propriated large sums of money for military purposes. In 
Charleston harbor, Major Robert Anderson removed his 
small command from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter, the 
latter being easier of defence. Work was carried on in 
preparation for resisting an 
attack; but the Government 
at Washington took no ac- 
tive measures to make Fort 
Sumter secure. President 
Buchanan even permitted 
himself to reply to com- 
missioners from South Caro- 
lina who demanded its 
surrender. In January a 
weak attempt was made to 
reenforce Sumter; instead 
of sending a man-of-war 
the Government dispatched 
the Star of the West, a mer- 
chant vessel, with provisions 
and recruits from New York. 
This was fired upon from Fort Moultrie and turned back. 
On February 4, 1861, delegates from the seven seced- 
ing States met at Montgomery, Alabama, and drew up a 
pro\isional constitution for the "Confederate States of 
America." They elected Jefferson Davis President, and 
Alexander H. Stephens Vice-President. A permanent con- 
stitution was later adopted, and this went into effect in 1862. 

The Confederate Constitution was modelled upon that of the 
United States. But it provided expressly for the sovereignty 
of the States; forbade protective tariffs; expressly confirmed 
the right of property in slaves; provided for the protection of 
slave property in any territory acquired; and made the Presi- 
dent ineligible for a second election, after a term of six years. 
Cabinet members might debate, but not vote, in Congress, and 
the President might veto individual items of appropriation bills. 




Jefferson Davis 



Secession and Civil War 373 

President Davis, previously a Senator from Mississippi, was a Davis and 
radical State sovereignty man; he was well qualified by political Stephens, 
experience for his position. Alexander H. Stephens was physically 
almost an invalid, but by the power of a strong will he had 
become active and influential in the politics of Georgia,. He 
had opposed secession, but, like many other Southerners of 
prominence, he considered himself bound to follow the fortunes 
of his State. His election was a recognition of the old Southern 
Whig element and of the importance of Georgia in the Con- 
federacy. 

From February 4 to 27, a Peace Conference held its An effort 

^T , . oj. X /J! J. made to 

sessions in A\ashington, twenty-one btates (tourteen non- conciliate. 
slaveholding and seven skveholding) being represented. 
The delegates were men prominent in public life, and ex- 
President John Tyler was the chairman. Recommenda- 
tions were adopted for Constitutional amendments strength- 
ening the position of slavery. But these were not ac- 
cepted by Congress. The latter passed a resolution pro- 
posing an amendment to the effect that the Constitution 
should never authorize Congress to interfere with slavery 
in any State. The Republican leaders showed their con- 
servatism in supporting this amendment, and they voted 
for a law organizing the territories of Colorado, Nevada, 
and Dakota without any restriction as to slavery. The 
Southern leaders, on the other hand, desired no such 
concessions. They were either convinced that a separate 
slaveholding confederacy was desirable, or that the 
Southern States could make still better terms for slavery 
when out of the Union. Few believed that the North 
would fight to preserve the Union; as few Northerners be- 
lieved that secession would be maintained by force of arms. 

In his first inaugural address, President Lincoln skil- Lincoln's 
fully turned aside the thoughts of the people from per- inaugural, 
plexing slavery questions * and centered them upon the March 4. 
momentous issue involved in the preservation or the dissolu- 

* He stated the policy of the Republican party as his own in saying, 
" I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institu- 
tion of slavery where it exists. I beUeve I have no lawful right to do 
so, and 1 have no inclination to do so." 



374 



American History 




tion of the Union. From his standpoint the Union was 
still unbroken; "acts of violence against the authority of 
the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary." 
It was his sworn duty to execute the laws of the Nation 
and "to hold, occupy, and possess the property belonging 
to the Government." He stated in clearest terms the argu- 
ment against the constitutionality 
of secession, and closed with an 
appeal to the better natures of his 
dissatisfied countrymen of the 
South. The inaugural tended to 
unify Northern sentiment, and the 
same effect followed the selection 
of the Cabinet, with Seward, 
formerly an antislavery Whig, 
as Secretary of State, and 
Chase, formerly an antisla\ery 
Democrat, as Secretary of the 
Treasury. Simon Cameron 
was made Secretary of War, 
and Gideon Welles became Secretary of the Navy. 

For several weeks Lincoln made no attempt to recapt- 
ure the forts that had been seized by Southern States, for 
fear of seeming to become the aggressor. In the mean- 
time, provisions were running low at Fort Sumter. Lin- 
coln finally determined that an exq^edition should go from 
New York to its relief. Thereupon the Confederate 
authorities decided to reduce the fort before this succor 
could arrive. Consequently, the early morning of April 
12 saw Fort Siunter the center of fire from batteries ten 
times its strength in Charleston harbor. For thirty-four 
hours the brave garrison held out, and then made an 
honorable surrender. 

The effect of this event was tremendous. The firing 
upon the flag went far toward unifying Northern senti- 
ment. In the South, too, there was great enthusiasm. 
On April 15, President Lincoln issued a proclamation 



Salmon P. Cha-se 



Secession and Civil W 



375 



calling out 75,000 militia to suppress the insurrection. 
To adherents of State sovereignty doctrines, it was now 
certain- that the sacred limits of their States were to be 
"invaded" by Federal troops. Consequently, Virginia, 
Tennessee, Arkan- 
sas, and North Car- 
olina soon ^vithdrew 
from the Union. 

The secession 
of Virginia was of the 
greatest importance, 
on account of her rank 
in population and 
wealth and her geo- 
graphical position. 
She carried out of the 
Union two of her most 
brilliant sons — Robert 
E. Lee and Thomas J. 
Jackson, both West 
Point graduates. The 
Confederate Govern- 
ment seized Harper's Ferry, the navy yard near Norfolk, and 
ships, cannon, powder, etc., worth $10,000,000. 




Charleston Harbor 



Events now moved rapidly. President Davis issued a Tiie block- 
proclamation inviting the owners of vessels to accept let- ^'^^ ^^^ 
. P , ,, . ^ its effects. 
ters or marque, and thus, as privateers, to prey upon 

Northern commerce. President Lincoln responded with 
a proclamation declaring a blockade of all Southern terri 
tory. It was made a crime for any person to trade with 
the people of the States in insurrection either by land or 
by water. As soon as possible vessels were stationed out- 
side the harbors of all Southern ports to stop foreign com- 
merce. In the course of a year or two this blockade 
became very effective, for, with the exception of an occa- 
sional "blockade-runner," no vessel could enter or leave 
a Southern port. The main source of income at the 
Soutli — the sale of cotton — was now cut off, and the pro- 



376 



History 



curing of arms and ammunition was rendered very diffi- 
cult. The cotton crop, Avas also the basis for Confederate 
credit abroad, and the blockade indirectly injured the 
sale of Confederate bonds. 

On May third a second call for troops was issued by 
Lincoln; this time 'for volunteers to enlarge the regular 
army. Similar calls were made by the Confederate Gov- 
ernment. Eager responses came from both sections. The 
capital of the Confederacy was now moved to Richmond, 
and it was evident that each side would strive to capture 
the other's capital city. 

The English Government first, and later, other Euro- 
pean nations, announced that they recognized the Con- 
federate States as belligerents. From their standpoint 
the Soutiiern Government was not in insurrection, but 
was on an equal footing with the Federal Government 
as a |)arty to the war. These nations would now be suj)- 
posed to observe the rules governing neutrals in their 
relations with both sections. This action was extremely 
favorable to the Confederacy, and its officers hoped next 
to secure the recognition of its independence. 

The *-eeognition of the Confederacy as a belligerent by Euro- 
pean powers is regarded as justifiable by the best authorities, 
inasmuch as Lincoln's blockade proclamation virtually ac- 
knowledged that a state of war existed.* If the Confederate 
people were belligerents, then, from the standpoint of inter- 
national law, they were not rebels and had not committed trea- 
son; consequently, if captured or conquered, they must be 
treated as prisoners of war and not as traitors. Such treatment 
was, in fact, accorded to them. In the ports of the European 
powers acknowledging belligerency, Confederate vessels were en- 
titled to the same privileges as vessels of the United States navy. 

There now arose throughout the North the cry, "On 
to Richmond." This could not be resisted indefinitely, 
though the army protecting Washington was yet in a raw 
and undiscipUned state. Accordingly, on July 21, 1861, 

* See Foster, A Century of American Diplomacy, 336-337. Rhodes, 
History of United States, III, 420, note. 



Secession and Civil War 



377 



a force of 30,000 troops under General McDowell moved 
against the Confederate army stationed at Manassas 
Junction, under General Beauregard. At first, the battle 
was favorable to the Federal troops, but in the afternoon 
reenforcements were brought to their opponents by rail 
from tiie Shenandoah valley. The result was defeat and 
a disgraceful panic 
that carried the 
Union troops back 
to Washington badly 
demoralized. The 
effect of this battle 
upon the North was 
salutary; it aroused 
their determination, 
and showed that dis- 
cipUne and thorough 
preparation were es- 
sential. In the South 

there was undue elation; the opinion that all "Yankees" 
were cowards was strengthened, and the general effect 
was anything but good. 

It was now evident that a great war was to follow. Let 
us glance at the resources and advantages upon which 
each side could count in the struggle. 1. The North 
greatly exceeded the South in both population and wealth.* 
This advantage was to a considerable extent offset by the Popuia- 
fact that the North must assume the offensive, while the weaiu" 
South was to act on the defensive.! The South also had 
the moral advantage accruing to the army that stands in 
defence of its homes, as against the troops who attempt to 
invade and conquer a strange country. Besides, there is 




The Vicinity of Washington 



Com- 
parison of 
North and 
South. 



* In the eleven seceding States there lived 9,000,000 people, 3,500,000 
of whom were slaves. The population of the twenty-three loyal States 
was 22,000,000. 

t The proportion of 5:2 in population is regarded by authorities as not 
too large to match evenly the sections in view of this fact. 



378 



American History 



the fact in military science that the former army may 
operate on "interior lines," thus covering a smaller terri- 
tory in their movements. The various detachments of 
this army may thus be in closer contact with each other 
than are the wings of the attacking army, and the trans- 
portation of troops and supplies becomes a simpler 
problem. 

2. In the number and extent of its industries, the North 
greatly surpassed the South. Since the latter was par- 




[ 1 VmonSiafti 

r { f>ni Or<mp <^ Stctii'V 



The United States in 1861 



tially dependent upon other sections for its food supply, 
it must to some extent change its crops; further, new in- 
dustries must rise in the form of foundries, mills, and 
factories. 

3. The North was a land of business men, many of 
them accustomed to the prompt and efficient management 
of large undertakings. In the South, on the other hand, 
we find a people showing greater aptitude for army life 
than were the shopkeepers, clerks, and mechanics of the 
North ; this is accounted for by their agricultural life, their 
constant use of fire-arras, and their skill in horsemanship. 



Commerce 



Secession and Civil War 379 

4. The commerce of the North was one of its chief ad- 
vantages. Its great merchant marine was at first un- ^'^^ "^^y- 
protected, and, as a consequence, many vessels were capt- 
ured bv Confederate cruisers; the owners of many others 
transferred them to the fiags of neutral nations. Yet 
facilities for converting merchantmen into war-ships and 

for building new ones were abundant, and a large navy 
was rapidly acquired. In the South, on the other hand, 
few vessels were owned and there were inadequate facili- 
ties for ship-building. 

5. The North had the traditions and the machinery of Govem- 
a well-established government. On the other hand, the '"'^" ' 
Confederacy had a President who was a West Point gradu- 
ate, and a group of talented generals, similarly trained. 

G. The importance of physical geography in determin- Physical 
ing the course of the war can hardly be overestimated. j^^^t^T^'^^ 
Speaking broadly, we may say that in the East geo- East. 
graphical conditions favored the Confederacy, while in the 
West the advantage was with the Union forces. The 
Federal army in Virginia found a succession of broad 
rivers lying across their line of progress toward Richmond. 
Bridges were few, and rains frequently rendered their 
fords impassable. The Virginia swamps and forests con- 
stituted another barrier. The Shenandoah valley gave , 
the Confederate army a great advantage. Besides its 
food-producing capacity, this valley formed a shehered 
highway for incursions into Northern territory. These 
raids brought the Confederate troops dangerously near to 
Washington ; while a counter attack by the Union troops 
was rendered less effective by the westward trend of the 
valley, which carried them farther away from Richmond 
as it proceeded southward. Counterbalancing to some 
extent the advantage of the Shenandoah valley, the North 
used Chesapeake Bay as a highway for mo\ing troops and 
supplies toward Richmond. 

West of the mountains, broad water-ways led from Union in the 
soil into the heart of the Confederacy. By way of the 



West. 



380 



American History 



The border 

Slates. 



Efforts to 
obtain 
foreign 
recogni- 
tion. 



Tennessee and Cumberland rivers the first great ad- 
vance was made, wliile the Mississippi River furnished the 
opportunity for cutting the Confederacy in two. These 
water-ways were much more effective for the movement 
and supply of an army than were either wagon roads or 
railways. The lack of river steamers, and the means of 
building them, in the South, gave these advantages to her 
opponents. 

In determining the lines along which the armies were to 
contend, as well as their relative strength, much depended upon 
the attitutle of the border States. The people in Maryland, in 
general Southern sympathizers and at first defiant of National 
authority, were soon controlled by the presence of Federal 
troops. Physical geography determined the opposition of the 
western counties of Virginia to the secession of that State. 
Here a convention acted upon the legal theory that the State 
government of Virginia remained in the hands of its loyal citi- 
zens. Subsequently, a new State government was formed and 
admitted into the ITnion as West Virginia (18G2). 

In Missouri, the issue between the two forces was for some 
time doubtful. Much credit is due to Francis Blair and General 
Lyon for organizing the loyal citizens and finally securing con- 
trol of the State government. But many battles were yet to 
be fought before the Confederate army was driven from Mis- 
souri. In Kentucky, a strong faction, including the Governor, 
wished to keep that State in a condition of "armed neutrality." 
But this movement was overcome by a loyal Legislature, while 
through the tact of President Lincoln, acts of aggression on 
Kentucky soil, which would have alienated many of wavering 
allegiance, were carefidly avoided. 

In all the border States, the people furnished reenforcements 
to both armies. The eastern sections of Kentucky and Ten- 
nessee, where slavery could not flourish on account of physical 
conditions, w^ere strongly loyal to the Union. From this region 
thousands of troops went into the Union army. 

The Confederacy strove from the beginning to gain 
the friendly influence of European governments, hoping 
to be recognized by them as an independent nation. This 
would result very favorably in the financial centers of 
Europe. It was also hoped that foreign governments would 
take the more radical step of intervention by force, for 



nate 
settlement. 



Secession and Civil War 381 

the purpose of compelling the North to abandon the 
blockade. James M. Mason, of Virginia, and John Sli- 
dell, of Louisiana, were accredited by the Confederacy as 
Ministers to England and France respectively. In October, The Trent 
1861, they passed through the blockade, landed at Havana, ^^^^^' 
and soon after sailed for England in the British merchant 
vessel Trent. Captain Wilkes commanding a United States 
war-ship, overtook the Trent near the Bahama Islands, 
and forcibly removed INIason and Slidell. He then allowed 
the Tre)it to proceed on its voyage. 

The excitement following the news of this incident was in- its fortu 
tense. In the United States Wilkes was hailed as a hero, 
receiving the thanks of the Secretary of the Navy and Con- 
gress. In England, both official and popular hostility were 
displayed, and active preparations for war were begun. 
The British Government demanded the release of the pris- 
oners and an apology. Careful consideration of the case 
by Lincoln and Seward led them to the conclusion that 
Wilkes's act could not be justified. It was apparent that 
INIason and Slidell with their official papers might be re- 
garded as contraband and so subject to seizure on the 
vessel of a neutral power. But the vessel should have 
been conveyed to a port of the United States, where a 
court of admiralty might determine the facts before 
seizure should be made. Wilkes had erred in not follow- 
ing this procedure. Since the United States Government 
had not authorized his act, it was now in a position to dis- 
avow it without suffering loss of dignity. The Confeder- 
ate agents were therefore released. Thus a possible war 
that would have been disastrous to the Nation was avoided. 

As the result of Union successes in all of the border Operations 
States, the Northern limit of the Confederacy was pushed 
considerably South of INIason and Dixon's line. In the 
West, Confederate troops held Columbus, New Madrid, 
and Island No. 10 on the JNIississippi; also Forts Henry 
and Donelson, on the Tennessee and Cumberland rivers, 
and Bowling Green, a railway junction in central Ken- 



in the 
West. 



382 



A inert can TI i.sfori/ 



tiickv. Union forces were stationed at St. Lonis, Cairo 
(Illinois), and Paducah (at the mouth of the Tennessee 
River). From the last point, General Ilalleck, command- 
ing the army in the West, ordered General Grant to pro- 
ceed against the cen- 
ter of the Confeder- 
ate line of defence. 
Accordingly, Grant's 
army was transport- 
ed up the Tennessee 
River and, sup)X)rted 
by a flotilla of gun- 
boats under Commo- 
dore Foote, secured 
at once the surren- 
der of Fort Henry 
(February 0, 1862). 
Fort Donelson made 
brave resistance, but 
fell soon after. The 
Confederate prison- 
e r s numbered 
15,000. 

This advance in 
the center ren- 
dered Columbus 
and Bowling Green 
untenable, and 
they were aban- 
doned by the Confederates. New Madrid and Island 
No. 10 fell after a vigorous attack by the Union fleet. 
At the same time a Union army under Buell ad- 
vanced to Nashville, from which the Confederates with- 
drew toward Chattanooga. Between Memphis and Chat- 
tanooga ran an important line of railway, and its 
center was held by an army under General Albert 
Sidney Johnston, at Corinth, where this line connected 




The Seat of War in the West 



Secession and Civil War 



383 



with a north and south raihvay runninp; tln-ough INHss- 
issippi. 

The next advance of Grant's forces took his army to Battle of 
Pittsburg Landing on the Tennessee River. Here John- ^'°^" 
ston's army attacked him, and one of the most bloody and 
decisive battles of the war was fought — the battle of Shiloh, 
April 6-7, 1SG2. After a partial defeat on the first day, 
the Union forces, reenforced by Buell, drove the Con- 
federates from the field on the second. General John- 




The Cairo — A Mississippi River Gunboat 
Fiom a photograph 



ston was killed during the battle and General Beauregard 
succeeded to the command. To say that the losses in 
killed and wounded on each side were not far from 10,000 
men, conveys but a slight idea of the horrors attending 
this important victory. Corinth soon fell into Federal 
hands. This compelled the abandonment of Memphis, 
and the INIississippi River was open as far as Vicksburg. 
Vigorous advance movements might now have resulted 
.in the capture of Vicksburg and Chattanooga; but this 
was not to be. The first attempts against Vicksburg 
were unsuccessful; while much more fighting was nee- 



384 



American History 




essary* before the Confederate army under Bragg was 
finally compelled to withdraw to Chattanooga. 

In April, 1862, Admiral Farragut captured New Orleans. 
AVith his fleet of gun-boats he silenced the forts (Jackson 
and St. Philip) which 
guarded this city, and at 
the same time destroyed 
the Confederate river 
fleet. The loss of New 
Orleans was a heavy 
blow to the Confederacy. 

At the same time })rog- 
ress was being made 
along the Atlantic sea- 
board, where the Fed- 
eral navy seiz.ed many 
important poi^its.f But 
disaster to the navy and 
danger to Washington 
were threatened when the 

Confederates constructed at Norfolk navy yard a new kind 
of' war-vessel protected by an iron armor.| On March 8, 
1862, this war-ship, known as the Mcrrimac, attacked and 
sunk in Hampton Roads two of the best vessels of the 
Union fleet, and on the day following returned to destroy 
two more steam frigates, each carrying forty guns, but ut- 
terly powerless against the Merrimac. By one of the most 
fortunate and dramatic coincidences in our history, there 
had arrived during the night from New York another type 

* Bragg's army made a raid northward, drawing the Union army 
under Buell into a race back through Tennessee and Kentucky as far as 
Louisville. Then Rosecrans succeeded Buell, and, in turn, the Con- 
federates withdrew southward. Later, Bragg was defeated at Murfrees- 
boro (December 30, 1862-January 2, 1863). 

t Forts were taken at Hatteras Inlet, North Carolina; and at Port 
Royal, South Carolina, causing the evacuation of Beaufort. Tybee Island, 
near Savannah, and Roanoke Island, North Carolina, were captured. 

t England and France had previously built a few iron-clad vessels. 



John Ericsson 



Secession and Civil Wc 



385 



of iron-clad — the Monitor, invented by John Ericsson. 
Upon the low deck of a vessel an armored turret had been 
erected, carrying two guns and revolved by machinery 
placed in the hold beneath. The battle that ensued 
determined the superiority of this vessel over the Merrimac. 
As the result of this test of iron-clads against wooden ves- 
sels, the navies of the world had to be rebuilt. 

After the defeat at Bull Run, the Government called to 
the command of its army at Washington a young and 
brilliant officer who had been winning success for the campaign, 
Union in western Virginia, General George B. McClellan. 



McClel- 

lan's 

Peninsular 




Transverse Section of the Monilur through the Center of the Turret 



During the remainder of 1861 and the winter that fol- 
lowed, McClellan accomplished a great service in organ- 
izing and training the army under his charge. He pro- 
posed to attack Richmond by way of the peninsula 
between the York and James rivers. His plan was finally 
agreed upon, though it involved great risks; (1) because it 
necessitated the withdrawal of the largest part of the 
army from the defence of Washington, and (2) because 
the Merrimac, then at Norfolk, might threaten his com- 
munications.* Landing his army of 53,000 at Fort 
Monroe April, 1862, McClellan laid siege to Yorktown, 
where he was opposed by 11,000 Confederates under 
General Joseph E. Johnston. In this part of the cam- 

* In May, 1862, Norfolk was captured and the Merrimac was sunk by 
the Confederates. 



386 



Amrriran II is fan/ 




paign ISIcClellan displayed his great weakness as a com- 
mander — irresolution, slowness, and continual over- 
estimation of difficulties and of the enemy's forces. 
When liis army, after several weeks, finally reached the 
vicinity of Richmond, the reenforcements that McClellan 
had expected to receive from Washington were denied him, 
for the reason that the Confed- 
erates were making a counter- 
demonstration down the Shenan- 
doah valley, and all available 
troops were needed for the de- 
fence of Washington. McClellan 
regarded himself as seriously ham- 
pered. His army was now vigor- 
ously attacked by the enemy in 
a series of battles lasting for seven 
days. McClellan stubbornly re- 
sisted these attacks and skilfully 
conducted a retreat, at the same 
time changing his base from the 
York to the James River. Gradually the army of the 
Potomac, upon which the Union had fixed its hopes, was 
withdrawn and the Peninsular campaign ended in failure. 

Among the important battles of this campaign were those of 
Mechanicsvilie, Seven Pines or Fair Oaks, and Malvern Hill. 
General Johnston, who was wounded, was succeeded by General 
Robert E. Lee. The latter had been an officer in the regular 
army of the United States and was offered the command of the 
Union troops before the firing on Fort Sumter. When Virginia 
(his native State) seceded, he reluctantly resigned his commis- 
sion and entered the Confederate service. 

During the closing months of Buchanan's administra- 
tion, the Treasury was "practically empty, the adminis- 
trative departments disorganized, customs receipts almost 
at a standstill, the debt increasing, and the Government's 
credit ebbing away." Bonds were sold as low as $85 on 
the $100. When Congress met in special session, July, 



George B. McClellan 

Majf.i-Gcneinl. 1.S61-1862 



Secession and Civil War 



3S7 



1861, it promptly enacted measures to meet the financial 
needs of the nation: (1) The Secretary of the Treasury, 
Salmon P. Chase, was authorized to borrow $250,000,000 
on bonds. (2) Tariff rates were somewhat increased. 
(3) A direct tax of $20,000,000 was levied and appor- 
tioned among the States (Constitution, Article I, section 
2, clauses). (4) A 
tax on incomes 
(three per cent, on 
the excess over $800) 
was levied. The 
machinery for the 
collection of the new 
taxes had to be cre- 
ated, and this re- 
quired time. INIean- 
vvhile there was great 
uncertainty as to the 
outcome of the war 
and the attitude of 
foreign nations. 
Consequently the debt increased and the Nation's credit 
declined. 

At the outbreak of the war the money in use in the country Paper 
was (1) United States coin, which, with the exception of the J"^°"j'?-^^°J 
fractional currency, was gold; and (2) paper money issued by 
some fifteen hundred State banks. Several thousand varieties 
of these bank-notes were in circulation, a great many of which 
were spurious. The value of any particular kind depended 
upon the reputation of the issuing bank, was subject to fluctua- 
tions, and varied in different localities. The best banks, situ- 
ated in the financial centres, regularly redeemed their notes in 
gold. The situation was compficated when, in 1861, Congress 
authorized the issuance of a paper currency in the form of 
"demand notes," which the Government undertook to redeem 
in gold on demand. 

The unstable conditions during the last months of 1861 The sus- 
caused the public to lose confidence in the ability or willing- spec-g " ° 
ness of the banks and the Government to redeem their payments. 




orfolkl ^ 



McClellan's Campaign in Virginia, 1862 



388 



A mcrira n II istorij 



paper currency in specie. Such quantities were presented 
for redemption that the stocks of gold in reserve were 
exhausted, and there followed the "suspension of specie 
payments" by both the banks and the Government. 
Henceforth, until 1879, the Government refused to redeem 
its notes in gold. 

At the beginning of 18G2 the Government was still in 
need of revenue. Congress now determined upon a rad- 
ical measure — the issuance of "United States Notes," 
which were merely promises to pay, wdthout stating either 
the form or time of payment. In order to insure the ac- 
ceptance of these notes by creditors, they were made 
legal tender. Three hundred million dollars of these notes 
were authorized in 1802, and $150,000,000 in 1863.* 

The effects of the legal tender issues were marked: (1) The 
amount issued was in excess of commercial needs under tlie cir- 
cumstances and they consequently tlepreciated. Gold was 
hoarded or exported to j>ay foreign debts. Paper-money prices 
rose with the depreciation. Higher prices stimulated produc- 
tion and encouraged speculation. (2) Wages and salaries rose 
less rapidly than prices, and many persons living upon fixed 
incomes suffered severely. (.'0 When tlebts contracted before 
the issuance of the "legal tenders" were paid in these notes, the 
creditors suffered loss. (4) There was almost daily fluctuation 
of the notes in value, depending upon the state of public con- 
fidence as influenced by battles, acts of Congress, and news 
from Europe. 

The fractional silver currency also disappeared from circula- 
tion, and later Congress authorized the issuance of a fractional 
paper currency. 

In 1862, the exjDcnditures of the Government were 
$2,000,000 a day. More bonds were authorized, $500,- 
000,000, bearing 6 per cent, interest, and payable in from 
five to twenty years. A wide-reaching internal revenue 
law was enacted (July, 1862). A multitude of manu- 
factured articles were taxed; license fees were imposed 
upon citizens engaged in many occupations; corporations 

* For a fuller discussion of these notes and their constitutionality, see 
Government in State and Nation, 212-214. 



Secession and Civil War 



389 



Laws in- 
tended to 



were taxed upon their gross receipts; and stamp taxes 
were imposed upon legal documents and proprietary 
articles. This law, says Rhodes, "might be briefly de- 
scribed ... as an act which taxed everything." 

In order that the tax burden placed upon manufacturers 
should not place them at a disadvantage in competing stimurate 

with foreign pro- industri 
ducers, a higher 
tariff was enacted. 
This stimulated 
manufactures and 
gave employment to 
workmen. Business 
was also stimulated 
by the Govern- 
ment's great de- 
mand for war ma- 
terials. Congress 
further favored in- 
dustrial conditions 
by providing for the 
construction of a 
railroad to the Pa- 
cific Ocean (1862); 
by a homestead act 
opening great tracts of land for settlement free of charge 
(1862); and by donations of land made to the States from 
the proceeds of which agricuhural colleges were to be 
established. 

After the Peninsular campaign, the Union army in the Pope's 
East was commanded by General Pope; to this was added 
McClellan's army, soon withdrawn from the James River. 
Pope planned an attack upon Richmond from the north, 
but Lee, assuming the offensive, outgeneralled him in 
Virginia, and the Union army was defeated at the second 
battle of Bull Run (August, 1862). Lee then determined 
upon an invasion of the North. He hoped (1) to gain 




Campaigns in the East, 1862-1863 
Lee's Invasions of tlie North 



campaign 
in Virginia 
and Lee's 
invasion. 



390 



American History 



reenforcements in INIaryland, (2) to encourage the party 
in the North ()j)j)o.scd to the war, and (3) to make a favor- 
able impression upon European governments. But Lee 
was repulsed in the bloody battle at Antietam or Sharps- 
burg, Maryland (September 17, 18G2), by McClellan, who 
had been restored to the Union command. Lee's army, 
however, was allowed to return to Virginia unmolested. 

The battle of Antietam was followed by the issuance of 
President Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation (Sep- 
tember 22, 1S()2). Written some two months previously, 
it had been kept secret, within the councils of tlie Cabinet, 
awaiting a Union victory. The Proclamation announced 
that on January 1, 18G3, the President would declare to 
be free all slaves held within the regions at that date in 
arms against the Union. 

It was the culmination of a long series of events occurring 
since the outbreak of the war, which had changed Lincohi's 
views regarding his pohcy toward shivery (see j). 373) and had 
developed pubhc opinion at the North to the point where eman- 
cipation seemed a logical step. (1) General Butler, commanding 
at Fortress Monroe, had declared that fugitive slaves appearing 
within his lines were "contraband of war" (May, 1861), and he 
refused to return them to their owners. The Administration 
accepted this ingenious solution of the difficulty. (2) Congress 
passed an act (August, 1861) confiscating slaves employed by their 
masters in resistance to the Govermiient. (3) Next, Congress 
forbade officers and troops to assist in the return of fugitive slaves. 
(4) Congress adopted (April, 1862) Lincoln's compensated eman- 
cipation plan whereby if any State w^ould free its slaves the Gov- 
ernment would grant financial assistance in the compensation of 
masters. No State availed itself of this offer. (5) Congress next 
abolished slavery in the District of Columbia (compensating mas- 
ters to the extent of $1,000,000) and in all territories of the 
United States. (6) Lincoln had annulled orders issued by Gen- 
erals Fremont and Hunter declaring free the slaves of persons in 
insurrection; he feared alienating friends of the Union in the 
border States and increasing opposition to the war in the North.* 
Congress now (July, 1862) declared all such slaves confiscated. 

* As illustrating Lincoln's conservative policy, see Horace Greeley's 
Prayer of Twenty Millions and Lincoln's remarkable letter in reply. 
Morse's Lincoln, II, 105-110. Larned, Ready Reference, United States, 
August, 1862. 



Seces^-ioii and Civil 117 



391 



The final Emancipation Proclamation of January 1, constitu- 
1863, applied to all the seceding States except Tennessee and f^^ ^^- 
certain parts of Virginia and Louisiana, which were then section '2. 
under the control of Federal troops. Lincoln found the ^^^^^^ ^" 
constitutional authority 
for his act in his power 
as Commander-in-Chief 
of the army and navy. 
The emancipation of 
the slaves seemed to 
him a direct and neces- 
sary means for preserv- 
ing the Union. In the 
North the Proclamation 
aroused greater enthu- 
siasm for the support of 
the war. Abroad, its 
effect was to render im- 
possible the moral sup- 
port of the Confederacy 
by the masses of the 
people. 

The year 1862, with its 
military delays and failures, brought a storm of criticism 
upon Lincoln and his administration: — 




Gen. Thos. J. Jackson 



1. The President was accused of being inefficient and lacking 
in vigor. The public did not yet understand his pohcy of 
awaiting events, instead of making bold announcements of 
pohcy. 2. He was accused of using unconstitutional and des- 
potic powers in the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus in 
parts of the country distant from the seat of war. It seemed 
necessary to arrest and hold persons who were merely suspected 
of plotting against the Government. (See Government in State 
and Nation, 244.) Numbers of persons were arrested who, in 
public speeches and in newspapers, were opposing the prosecu- 
tion of the war, discouraging enlistment, and encouraging deser- 
tions. In the view of Lincoln they were giving "aid and com- 
fort" to the enemy. (Government in State and Nation, 312.) 
3. Lincoln's policy toward slavery aroused much enmity, both 



Criticisms 
of Lincoln. 



392 America ti Ilistortj 

from the Abolitionists and from those who saw no evil in shivery. 
The former chiss constituted a violent and harassing element in 
the Republican party. 

b-^u McClellan, instead of attacking, watched the slow 

Freriericks- retreat of Lee's army after the battle of Antietani. Finally, 
burg. ]^P ^^.jj^ removed, and General Burnside was a})pointed in 

his place. The latter undertook a fonvard movement 
against the Confederates at Fredericksburg, on the soutli 
bank of the Rappahannock River. A mistaken plan of 
attack and a vain attempt to storm Avell-defended heights 
brought disastrous defeat to the Union army (December 
13, 1862). Once more incompetent leadership had dis- 
appointed the North. "Grief, as great as any told in 
epic, in drama, or in novel, wrung their hearts at the 
useless sacrifice of so many noble souls." In this battle 
nearly 13,000 men were either killed or wounded. Such 
was "the horror of Fredericksburg." 
Ohanoei- Once more the Union army was demoralized by lack of 

confidence in its General, and Burnside was superseded 
by General Joseph Hooker, who had shown good fighting 
qualities in previous Virginia campaigns. Lee held his 
army in Fredericksburg during the winter that followed, 
and it was May before Hooker was ready to begin a for- 
ward movement toward this point. Crossing the Rappa- 
hannock above Fredericksbiu'g, his army, though superior 
to Lee's in numerical strength, met disaster on the battle- 
field of Chancellorsville, j\Iay 2-5, 1863. 

On the evening of the first day, General "Stonewall" Jackson, 
while reconnoitering, was accidentally fired upon by his own 
troops and fatally wounded. Thus the South lost this remark- 
able commander; they might better have lost the battle. Gen- 
eral Jackson displayed such genius as a leader and inspired his 
men to accomplish such victories that he ranks high among the 
world's great commanders. 

Lee was now prepared to assume the offensive, and he 
again entered upon an invasion of the North. Crossing 
the Potomac with 75,000 troops he advanced into southern 



Secession and Civil War 



393 



Pennsylvania, hoping to reach Harrisburg and perliaps to 
threaten Philadelphia. One part of his army reached a 
point within four miles of the former place when it was 
recalled to join the main force, which was about to meet -p,^g 

the Union army at battle of 



Gettysburg. (See burgf^ 
map, 389.) The {^{.^ /- 
Union army was 
commanded by 
Hooker's successor, 
General George 
Meade, a quiet, busi- 
ness-like officer, who 
could be depended 
upon. The first 
day's fighting, July 
1, 18G3, merely 
placed the opposing 
armies in their final 
positions along the 
summits of two op- 
posing ridges. On 
the second day the 
Confederates at- 
tacked both right 
and left wings of the 
Union army with 
great energy; but they were unable to dislodge them. 
There remained the desperate chance of an attack upon 
the center, and July 3 witnessed one of the most thrilling 
charges in military history, when Pickett's division of 15,000 
Confederate troops advanced against the Union second 
corps, which was commanded by General Hancock. Never 
was a brilUant charge more sturdily met, the Confederates 
being completely repulsed. Lee was defeated, and he 
once more retreated without having accomplished his 
aim. Cautious General Meade would not risk an at- 




f; laAP OF 

I THE BATTLE OF 

GETTYSBURG. 

DnioQ Lines :_»:« 

Unioii Defenses 5^—^ 

Confeder&te Lines 

Confederate Defenses • Jiminui 



Scale of Milea. 



Map of the Battle of Gettysburg 



394 



American History 



tack, and the Southern forces reached Vir^uiia soil in 
safety. 

Lee had hoped by this invasion to gain a decisive battle, 
to dictate terms to the Union Government, and to win 
recognition of the Confederacy by foreign powers. His 
armv was the finest the Confederacy ever put forth; for 

its losses on the field 

of Gettysburg the 
Southern people 
were never able to 
compensate. 

In the West, dur- 
ing the last months 
of 1862, Grant and 
Sherman were mak- 
ing unsuccessful at- 
tempts to capture 
Vicksburg. That 
part of the ]\lissis- 
sippi River, s o m e 
two hundred miles, 
between Vicksbm-g 
and Port H u d s o n , 
was still controlled 
by the Confederacy. 
This enabled them 
to maintain connec- 
tions with the States west of the river, drawing thence 
both men and supplies — sugar, grain, and beef — besides 
army equipments smuggled in from ^Mexico. To sever this 
connection was a prime object of the war in the AY est. 

Failing to make any progress against the defences 
of Vicksburg from the north and east. Grant transferred 
his troops to the west side of the river, and marched 
them to a point twenty miles below Vicksburg (April, 
1863). The way had been prepared for this movement 
by the rimning of the Vicksburg batteries situated on the 




■■^^•^ •^ j>S:s, GULF OF MEXICO 



The Vicksbiirg and CliatlanooRa Campaigns 



Sec(\ssioii and Civil ]]'(ir 



305 



lii(,^li bliift's overlooking tlie river, by vessels of Admiral 
Porter's fleet. Transports, provisions, and gun-boats were 
now ready for Grant's use below the city. Advancing 
northward, he captured Jackson, the capital of Mississippi 
and a railroad center, and drove General Pemberton's 
forces into Yicksburg. He prevented reenforcements 
under General Joseph E. Johnston from joining Pember- 
ton, and laid siege to Vicksburg. Week after week, Grant 



Tlie Siege 
of Vicks- 
burg. 




Facsimile of a Vic-lvsbuig Newspaper Printed on Wall Paper 



drew his lines more closely about the city, whose citizens 
were driven near the verge of starvation. On July 4, 
1863, Pemberton surrendered, and over 30,000 troops 
gave up their arms. A few days later Port Hudson sur- 
rendered to General Banks. As a result of these opera- 
tions, the Confederacy was divided and weakened. 

It was now less than two years since the first pitched 
battle of the war had been fought. In that short period 
the American people, both North and South, had displayed 
marvellous energy in the raising and training of two vast 
armies. They had given evidence of intense loyalty to the 



396 American History 

opposin*; jjrinciplcs that caused the -war. They had put 
iuto operation with facility, and at great cost, all the gov- 
ernmental processes that were calculated to support a 
long war. During the greater part of this period, the 
Union armies had met defeat in the East, though they were 
successful in the West. On the ocean and on Western 
waters the Union fleet had done valiant work. After the 
two great victories at Gettysburg and Vicksburg closing 
this period of the war, it seemed inevitable that the North 
would ultimately prevail; but it was also certain that the 
South would stubbornly resist until men, money, and 
food were reduced to their lowest limits. It was to be a 
test of endurance. If the North could avoid dissension, 
could maintain its enthusiasm and determination, the 
end was not uncertain. But the South was to make its 
opponent pay dearly for the victory. 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. Lincoln's first inaugural. Lamed, Ready Reference, United 
States, 1861, March 4. Burgess, Civil War and Constitution, 
I, 140-145. Sehouler, VI, 3-7. Abraham Lincoln, Am. St. 
Series, I, 226-2.32 (new ed.), 219-228 (old ed.). 

2. Fort Sumter. Sehouler, VI, 15-18; 26-38. Hart, Con- 
temporaries, Nos. 70, 72. Source Book, 299-302. Abraham 
Lincoln, Am. St. Series, 1,24.3-257 (new ed.), 241-257 (old ed.). 

3. Grant's account of the outbreak of the war. Memoirs, I, 
183-193. 

4. The blockade. Dodge, Bird's-Eye View of the Civil War, 
33-38. Burgess, I, 184-185; 266-270. Sehouler, VI, 137-140; 
273-274; 575-578. Seward, Am. St. Series, 265-270 (new ed.), 
288-291 (old ed.). Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 116. 

5. The situation in Missouri and Kentucky. Sehouler, \'I, 
186-195. 

6. The battle of Bull Run. Sehouler, VI, 76-81. Dodge. 
6-20. Burgess, I, 213-225. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 
103. Source Book, 305-308. 

7. Grant's campaign in the West, 1862. Dodge, 2.5-32; 42-48. 
Burgess, I, 281-289; 294-307. Grant, ISIemoirs, I, 235-259. 



Secession and Civil War 397 

8. The Tretit affair. Burgess, I, 270-275. Schouler, VI, 121- 
125. Hart, Contemporaries, lY, No, 299 (Seward's argument). 
Abraham Lincoln, Am. St. Series, I, 380-387 (new ed.), 380- 
387 (old ed.). C. F. Adams, Am. St. Series, chap. 12. Seward, 
Am. St. Series, chap. 18. 

9. The Monitor and Merrimac, Dodge, 38-39. Schouler, 
VI, 190-192. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 109. 

10. The Peninsular campaign. Dodge, 49-68. Schouler, VI, 
192-208. Lincoln, Am. St. Series, II, chap. 2. Hart, Con- 
temporaries, IV, No. 1 12. 

11. Gettysburg. Dodge, chaps. 25, 20. Abraham Lincoln, 
Am. St. Series, II, 147-149 (new ed.), 142-152 (old cd.). Burgess, 
II, chap. 25. Schouler, VI, 350-369. 

12. The Vicksburg campaign. Burgess, II, chap. 24. Dodge, 
chaps. 27-30. Schouler, VI, 375-398. Hart, Contemporaries, 
VI, No. 119. 

13. Interesting accounts of war scenes and incidents, from a 
Southern view-point, are to be found in Eggleston, A Rebel's 
Recollections; also, Southern Soldier Stories. 

14. Historical fiction. John Fox, Jr., The Little Shepherd of 
Kingdom Come. Eggleston, The Master of Warlock. Cable, 
The Cavalier. Crane, The Red Badge of Courage. Frederick, 
The Copperhead; and other stories of the North. 

15. Are there any respects in which the Confederate Con- 
stitution was superior to that of the United States ? 

16. Mention other prominent Southerners besides Stephens who 
reluctantly followed their States in secession. 

17. See James and Mann, Readings on American History, 
chap. XXIII. 



CHAPTER XXIV 

THE CIVIL WAR (Continued), 1SG3-1865 



The 

strategic 
value of 
Chatta- 
nooga's 
position. 



Battles of 
Chicka- 
mauga 
and Chat- 
tanooga, 
1863. 



Chattanooc.a wa.s the most important strategic point 
left in Confederate hands in the West. (1) It was the 
base whose possession gave control of the valley of the 
upper Tennessee River. From this sheltered region be- 
tween the parallel mountain ranges the Confederate army 
menaced eastern Tennessee and Kentucky; their raids 
through the easily defended mountain gaj)s extended even 
to Ohio River points. (2) This valley was the easy route 
of communication between the West and Virginia; relief 
expeditions were sent in either direction as necessity de- 
manded. (3) Chattanooga occupied and controlled the 
mountain gap througii which attack might be made from 
the West upon the Atlantic States of the South. 

When Rosecrans assumed the offensive against Bragg 
(June, 1863) he skilfully manoeuvred his troops, without 
bringing on a battle, so that the Confederate army was 
obliged to abandon Chattanooga. Rosecrans followed 
Bragg's army southward, beyond Chattanooga, but the 
latter turned and attacked the Federal anny at Chicka- 
mauga (September 19-20, 1863). This came near being 
a disaster; but General Thomas, commanding the Union 
left, held his position against great odds. The Union army 
retired to a position near Chattanooga, where it was be- 
sieged. General Grant was now put in charge of the 
campaign, with Thomas in immediate command at Chat- 
tanooga. Reenforcements arrived under Sherman from 
the Mississippi and under Hooker from the Potomac. 
398 



The Civil War 399 

The Union army now attacked Bragg, who occupied the 
heights of Lookout IMountain and INIissionary Ridge. 
"One of the most spectacular encounters the world ever 
saw lasted over three days [November 23, 24, 25] on 
these heights surrounding Chattanooga, with thrilling and 
impressive incidents." The Union victory was complete, 
and, except for minor operations, the West ceased to be a 
battle-ground. 

On its political side, the Government, in 1863, entered The draft. 
upon two new lines of policy. (1) A conscription, or draft, 
act was passed by Congress in March. Hitherto the army 
had been sustained by volunteer recruits. Under its 
power "to raise and support armies" Congress had as- 
signed to each State its quota. Now, the militia were to 
be called out "to suppress insurrection." All able-bodied 
men between the ages of 20 and 45 (with certain exemp- 
tions) were enrolled by Federal officers. If the quota of 
any State was not supplied by volunteers the deficiency constitu- 
was made up by the drawing of names from a box, as in tion, Ar- 
a lottery. Any person not responding to this call was secUon 8, 
treated as a deserter; but exemption from the draft might clauses 12 
be secured by the payment of $500 (a provision afterward 
repealed), or by furnishing a substitute. Later, a bounty 
of $300 was granted to each volunteer, in addition to the 
regular pay of a private soldier (originally $13, later 
made $16 per month); and to this amount State and 
even local governments added bounties on their own ac- 
count. When the draft was put into force, in the summer 
of 1863, it met serious resistance in New York city, where 
there was a riot, in the suppression of which many per- 
sons were killed and w^ounded. Several draft orders Avere 
issued in 1864; comparatively few troops were raised in 
this way, however, because of the remarkable willingness 
of men to volunteer. 

(2) At the beginning of 1863, taxation was bringing in 
a very inadequate revenue, the legal tenders were de- 
preciating, and bond sales were very slow. The expenses 



400 



American History 



of tlie Government averao:e(l .1i;2,r)00,000 a (lav, while the 
roceij)t.s were about $()0(),0()0 a (hiy. A serious deficit 
existed, amountin^r to $277,000,000 in December, 1SG2. 
At tliis juncture Congress enacted the ji;reatest financial 
measure of the war 
—the National 
Banking act. It pro- 
vided that banking 
associations might 
purchase National 
bonds, deposit them 
in the Treasury at 
Washington, and receive in 
return "National bank- 
notes" to the extent of 90 
per cent, of the par value 
(but not more than 90 per 
cent, of the market value) 
of the bonds.* Thus an in- 
ducement was offered for the 
purchase of bonds; for the 
bank would receive interest on 
its bonds in addition to in- 
terest upon the National bank- 
notes which it loaned in the course 
of its business. A tax of 10 per 
cent, was later placed upon the 
notes of all State banks (see p. 
387), and these were driven from 
circulation. The National Bank 
Act attained two great objects: it 

secured a market for National bonds; and it provided the 
country with a uniform and safe currency. 

New legislation, enacted in the summer of 1864, in- 
creased the various taxes already imposed (see pp. 387, 
388-9.) at almost every point. Tariff duties were raised 

* See Government in State and Nation, 217-219. 




■ rEHri tlif ■' n'^XT -'^'iffiP' ' 






Fractional Currency of the 
Civil War Peiiod 



The Civil War 401 

from 37 per cent., on the average, to 47 per cent, of the 
vahie of imported goods. 

Animosity toward the United States and friendship for The atti- 
the Confederacy were plainly displayed in England by Enland 
the aristocracy, by the majority of the commercial and "^^" " 
moneyed classes, and by newspapers. 

For this there were several reasons: (1) The classes mentioned 
were prejudiced against the people of the North, whom they 
regarded as crude and boastful. (2) There was a dislike for 
republican institutions, whose insecurity was now 'to be dem- 
onstrated by the success of tlie South. (3) Commercially, the 
interests of the Enghsh seemed to be bound more closely to the 
South, from whom they must have cotton; besides, the exclu- 
sive protective tariff policy of the United States was contrasted 
with the free-trade policy of the Confederacy. 

Napoleon III of France was ready at any time to The ques- 
recognize the independence of the Confederate Govern- ''°" °^. 
ment. The Russian Government, however, refused to Uon.^'^'" 
accede to the French desire for joint action among the 
powers in that direction. The English Cabinet, hesitat- 
ing for many months, was divided upon this question 
(though a majority of Parliament favored recognition), 
and consequently a waiting policy was adopted. As the 
struggle progressed, and especially after the issuance of 
the Emancipation Proclamation, public sentiment in 
England became aroused. Richard Cobden and John 
Bright spoke strongly for the Northern cause. The mid- 
dle and laboring classes showed plainly that upon the 
question of slave labor versus free labor they stood for the 
cause of the North. This fact was the more remarkable 
because the curtailment of the cotton supply threw out of 
employment hundreds of thousands of mill employees and 
reduced them temporarily to extreme want. 

In its relations to the American war the English Go vernment 
violated the plainest rules concerning the duties of neutrals. 

Among these rules is this: that a neutral power is bound to 
use due diligence to prevent the fitting out, arming, or equipping, 
within its jurisdiction, or the departure from its ports, of any 



402 



[mrricaii Ilistori/ 



Confeder- vessel which it has reasonable grovimls to believe is intended to 
atecniistTs carry on war against one of the belligerents. In spite of the 
England well-known intentions of Confederate agents in securing the 
construction of vessels in English shipyards, the Government 
refused to prevent it. Among the vessels allowed to depart 
from England under these circumstances, the most famous was 
the Alabama (July, 1862). For nearly two years this and other 
Confederate cruisers seized and destroyed American vessels, and 
thus inflicted upon our merchant marine a blow from which it 
has never recovered.* The career of the Alabama came to an 
end, June 19, 1864, in a battle with the Kearsarge, commanded 
by Captain Winslow, near Cherbourg, France. The Confederate 
vessel was defeated and sunk within an hour's time. 

The Confederate agents also secured the construction in Eng- 
land of two formidable iron-clad rams, again.st which the vessels 
of the United States navy would have been helpless. The 
skilfull diplomacy and repeated protests of our minister in Eng- 
land, Charles Francis Adams, had hitherto been unavailing, but 
now, realizing the crisis of the moment, he wrote to Earl Russell, 
Secretary for Foreign Affairs, " It would be superfluous in me 
to point out to your lordship that this is war" (September, 1863). 
The Cabinet policy was reversed, the rams were detained, and 
afterward they were purchased by the British Government. 



After Grant's siicce.s.se.s in the West, the country looked 
to him as its champion. Congress passed (Februarv, 
1864) an act reviving the rank of Lieutenant-Generalf 
and Lincohi promptly appointed Grant to this exaUed 
position. Grant's military genius shone through a very 
plain exterior. Sherman characterized him as "simple, 
honest, and unpretending." He Avas taciturn, but was a 
hard worker and a deep thinker in the formation and 
execution of his military jilans. Grant was aggressive and 
tenacious. Ahvays cool in the midst of the most exciting 
events, his "simple faith in success" inspired officers and 
men with the greatest confidence. 

* Two hundred and fifty-eight vessels were captured and 715 were 
transferred to the flags of other nations in order to avoid capture. The 
captures of the Alabama numbered sixty-eight. Hosmer, The Outcome 
of the Civil War. 174. 

t This had been enjoyed only by Washington, and, by brevet, by 
Scott. 



The Civil War 



403 



washin5t-« 



Grant had won his victories in the West by striking The 
hard blows; he now proposed to use this method against j^^Thtf^^" 
Lee's army — to wear it away, if nothing else, by mere East, 
attrition. At the same time, General Butler was to move 
against Richmond 
by the James River, 
and General Franz 
Sigel was to confront 
the enemy in the 
Shenandoah valley. 
On May 4, 1864, 
Grant's army, num- 
bering about 120,000 
troops, crossed the 
Rapidan and entered 
that densely wooded 
region known as the 
\Yilderness. The 
fierce conflict that 
raged for two day 
force an advance. 




Grant's Campaign, 1864-1865 



s demonstrated Grant's failure to 
Undismayed, and unwilling to yield 
ground, he made a movement by the left flank to the east- 
ward, hoping to outflank Lee and to place his army between 
the enemy and Richmond. But his troops in their new 
position at Spottsylvania were again confronted by Lee's 
army, and again failed to make a forward movement. 

In this, as in succeeding movements of Grant's 
army by the left flank, Lee possessed the advantage of 
operating upon interior lines, and his great military skill 
enabled him to confront Grant at every point on ground 
well suited for defence. In eight days of almost continuous 
fighting 36,000 Union soldiers had fallen, either killed or 
wounded. When Grant's army, again moving south- 
eastward, confronted Lee at Cold Harbor and charged his 
breastworks, fearful slaughter resulted, 7,000 men falling 
in one hour. But Lee's army and Richmond were still 
uncaptured. Grant now made an efi'ective movement in 



Grant's 
advance 
towards 
Richmond. 



404 



American History 




the transportation of his army south of tlie James River. 
Here an attempt to capture Petersburg failed witli great 
loss. Nothing remained but to lay siege to Petersburg and 
Richmond. 

Meanwhile, in the Shenandoah valley, there was a 
repetition of Lee's former raids into the North. (leneral 
Jubal Early's troops entered sev- 
eral Maryland towns and exacted 
tribute. They even penetrated to 
the outer defences of Washington, 
north-west of the city, within sight 
of the dome of the capitol. 

It is difficult to realize the gloom 
that now settled upon the North- 
ern people as they looked back 
upon another campaign of failure 
and loss. Lee's army had not been 
conquered, and the enemy had 
again been at the gates of Wash- 
ington. There had been an a\\'f ul 
loss of skilled officers and veteran troops (about 60,000), 
and their places could not be adequately taken by the 
inexperienced troops now sent forward. 

Starting from Chattanooga with 100,000 troops at the 
same time (^lay, 1864) that Grant crossed the Rapidan, 
General Sherman moved south-eastwardly against the 
Confederate army under General Joseph E. Johnston. 
The destruction of this army was one of Sherman's ob- 
jects; another purpose was the invasion of Southern 
territory in order to destroy sources of military supplies, 
and thus to bring home to the people the conviction that 
uhimately they would be conquered. Like Grant, Sher- 
man w'as aggressive in policy; his peculiar genius was 
shown in the rapid and original manoeuvres of his army. 
Displaying the same plain and honest traits as his great 
commander, Sherman won in a peculiar way the love of 
his soldiers. 



Ulysses Simpson Grant 

fieiieral. 1864-1889 



The Civil War 405 

Johnston retreated from one stronghold to another, 
Dahon, Resaca, Kingston, and Cassville in succession 
being abandoned. He was defeated in a strong position 
at Kenesaw Mountain, and the army of Sherman marched 
forward to capture Atlanta. (See map, p. 409.) 

The political campaign of 1864 revealed several sources The Presi- 
of popular discontent with Lincoln's administration (see campaign 
p. 391). Secretary Chase, whose peculiar temperament of i864. 
had prevented his entering into sincerely cordial relations 
with Lincoln, allowed his name to be used (by the radical 
anti-slavery faction) as a prospective candidate for the 
Republican nomination. Chase soon saw his mistake and 
withdrew his name. This faction continued in opposi- 
tion, however, and finally held a convention at Cleve- The 
land, where Lincoln was denounced as a usurper of ^^fven- 
power without capacity for the Presidency. His admin- tion. 
istration was declared to be politically, militarily, and 
financially a failure. General Fremont was nominated' 
as a candidate for the Presidency; but when it became 
evident that popular support would be lacking, he with- 
drew. 

The friends of Lincoln's administration held a conven- The Re- 
tion at Baltimore, in June, and nominated him with great I^^I^'JI^a" 
enthusiasm. Their party was styled the "Union Repub- tions. 
lican Party," for it included many Democrats who favored 
the war policy. 

The candidate for Vice-President was Andrew Johnson, of Andrew 
Tennessee. His nomination was a stroke of policy intended to ° '"^°'^- 
win the votes of Democrats and of loyal men in the border States. 
Johnson was a war Democrat, and he had performed many 
valuable services for the Union cause in his capacity as military 
governor of Tennessee. 

The most serious opposition to the reelection of Lincoln The Dem- 

, T^ . • • mi • ocratic 

came from the regular Democratic organization. Ihis party. 

included two elements: (1) the "Copperheads," who were P|f/°™' 

utterly opposed to the military coercion of the South and didate. 
desired peace at any price; (2) those who believed that the 



406 American Ilisfory 

war could be piislied to a more speedy termination by a 
more efficient President. Both elements condemned Mr. 
Lincoln's apparent determination to bring about the 
aboUtion of slavery. The former element controlled the 
convention (at Chicago, August, 1864) sufficiently to have 
included in the platform a clause declaring that "after 
four years of failure to restore the Union by the experi- 
ment of war . . . justice, humanity, and liberty and the 
public welfare demand that immediate efforts be made 
for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to an uhimate 
convention of the States, or other peaceable means, to the 
end that at the earliest practicable moment peace may be 
restored on the basis of the Federal Union of tiie States." 
"Whatever specific policy this rather vague declaration 
pointed to, the candidate nominated, General IMcClellan, 
promptly repudiated the section just quoted. He placed 
himself, with the conservative Democrats, squarely upon 
the demand for the prosecution of the war, saying, "The 
Union must be preserved at all hazards." 

Opposition to Lincoln's administration during the 
summer of 1864 was most serious.* The war had now 
dragged on for more than three years; there was among 
the people a feeling of excessive weariness of its a^vful 
burdens in taxation and the loss of human life. But all 
this was changed when the military situation improved. 
(1) On August 5, Admiral Farragut made a bold attack 
with his fleet upon the forts that guarded the entrance to 
]\Iobile harbor. Later in the month the forts were capt- 
ured, and thus another step was taken in the execution of 
the blockade policy that was so effectually throttling the 
trade of the Confederacy. (2) After many weeks of 
strenuous work, Sherman captured Atlanta in September. 
This city had been a center for the manufacture of Con- 

* Lincoln himself doubted his reelection. See Century Magazine, 
August, 1907 (Vol. LXXIV, pp. 612-622). This entire series of articles 
(Lincoln in the Telegraph Office) gives an intimate view of Lincoln dur- 
ing the war. 



The Civil War 



407 



federate arms, animnnition, and supplies. (3) General Philip 
Sheridan won a series of victories over General Early in 
the Shenandoah valley; the most important were at Win- 
chester and Fisher's Hill in September, and at Cedar Creek, 
October 19.* (See map, p. 377.) Subsequently, Sheridan's 
army devastated the Shenandoah 
valley, destroying not only crops 
and provisions, but also all means 
of further production. Henceforth, 
this source of supplies for Lee's 
army was cut off, and no more raids 
into Northern territory by way of 
this valley were possible. 

The election in November The result 
•showed the stimulating effects of 
victory; for Lincoln carried all the 
States participating, except New 
Jersey, Delaware, and Kentucky. 
He received 212 electoral votes, 
while McClellan had but 2L Yet 
the popular vote shows more fairly the division among 
the people: Lincoln, 2,330,000; INIcClellan, 1,835,000. 
Commenting upon the election, Lincoln said : "It has been 
demonstrated that a people's government can sustain a 
National election in the midst of a great civil war. Until 
now it has not been known to the world that this was a 
possibility." f 

Sherman was anxious to cooperate with Grant against Sherman's 
Richmond, and for accomplishing this he had an origi- ^*^'^ 
nal plan. His army would first march directly from Atlanta 
Atlanta to Savannah, and there establish new connections ^° ^'''^ '*•^^• 
with the north, by water; this would be followed by a 




of the 
election, 
November, 
1864. 



Philip H. Sheridan 

Liciitenaiit-Cieiieral, rSS3-lSSs 



* T. Buchanan Reid's poem, Sheridan's Ride, and especially its recital 
at Cincinnati by a famous reader, Murdoch, aroused great enthusiasm 
and produced no little political effect. 

t See Morse's Abraham Lincoln, II, 293-295, for the speech of which 
this is an extract. 



408 



American History 



The defeat 
of Hood 
and Sher- 
man's ad- 
vance. 




march north to Kiclimoiul. Receiving the consent of 
Lincohi and Grant for liis plan, Sherman abandoned his 
base and northern connections at Atlanta (November 12, 
1864), and advanced throngh Georgia with an army of 
60,000 veterans marching in three columns. No resist- 
ance was met. . Railroads, facto- 
ries, and other means for aiding 
the Confederacy were ruthlessly 
destroyed; food and forage for 
Sherman's army were gathered 
from near and far; but, beyond 
this, the needless destruction of 
private property was prohibited 
and, in the main, was prevented. 

Says Dodge (Bird's-Eye View of 
the Civil War, 290), "No army ever 
enjoyed such freedom and kept with- 
in such bounds." From Sherman's 
Official Report we learn: "We con- 
sumed corn and fodder in the region 
of country thirty miles on either side of the line from Atlanta to 
Savannah; also the sweet potatoes, hojis", sheep, and poultry, 
and carried off more than ten" thousand mules and horses. I 
estimate the damage done to the State of Georgia at $100,000,- 
000, at least $10,000,000 of which inured to our benefit and the 
remainder was simply waste and destruction." 

By December 10, Sherman's army arrived before the 
defences of Savannah, and a few days before Christmas the 
city was captured; great stores of arms and ammunition 
and 25,000 bales of cotton were the prize secured. 

In the meantime, General Hood had attacked Sher- 
man's line of communications between Atlanta and Chat- 
tanooga, hoping to draw him back to their defence. Gen- 
eral Thomas, who was put in command of the Union army 
in eastern Tennessee, met Hood's assaults successfully. 
Finally, he attacked the Southern army at Nashville 
(December 15-16), and completely defeated it. Hood's 
army never reassembled; many of his soldiers returned to 



Tecumseh Sherman 

lencral. 1869-1883 



The Civil War 



409 



their homes, -while others joined the army under Johnston 
now gathering in the CaroUnas to oppose Sherman's 
northward march. ^Yhen the latter set out from Savan- 
nah, the rivers were swollen and the roads were almost 
impassable. Columbia, S. C. was reached February 17, 
Goldsboro, N. C, March 23, and Raleigh, April 2. 



1865. Lincoln's 
second 

dictive feeling. " Fondly do we hope — fervently do we pray — 
that this great scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if 



Lincoln was inaugurated for the second time, March 4, 
In his second inaugural the great President displayed no vin- 




Map Illustrating Sherman's March to the Sea 



God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled up by the 
bondman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall 
be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall 
be paid with another drawn with the sword, as was said three 
thousand years ago, so still it must be said, ' The judgments of the 
Lord are true and righteous altogether.' With malice toward 
none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as God gives 
us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; 
to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have 
borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan — to do all 
which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among 
ourselves, and with all nations." 



410 



American Ilistonj 



Grant, besicfjing Petersburg and Uiehmond sinee June, 
1864, could not wait for Sherman's arrival from the South 
to |)ush his army to victory. On April 1, LSGo, a success- 
ful attack was nuide by troops under Sheridan against the 

Confederate forces at Fi\e 
Forks. See map, p. 403. 
The next day the inner 
works of Petersburg were 
carried. That night 
( A p r i 1 2-3) Lee's army 
(| u i c 1 1 y withdrew along 
the only avenue of es- 
cape left o])en to the west- 
w ard. ( Jrant's troops oc- 
(•u|)ied Richmond and 
immediately took up the 
pursuit. Lee's supplies 
failed him, and, finally, 
on \\)y\\ 0, at Ajjpomat- 
tox Court House, he 
found that Sheridan had 
planted troops squarely 
across his path. Refusing to cause needless bloodshed, Lee 
asked for an interview with Grant, and terms of surrender 
were at once arranged. These were most generous: the 
entire force surrendered were released on parole; the officers 
retained their sidearms, horses, and baggage; and the 
privates who owned horses were allowed to take them 
home in order that they might at once begin the spring 
farm work. 

General Johnston surrendered to Sherman on April 26, 
and thus two great armies went at once from the field to 
the peaceful pursuits of life. 

The complete abolition of slavery, as a logical conse- 
quence of the war, was provided for by the Thirteenth 
Amendment to the Constitution, proposed by Congress in 
Januarv, 1865. This amendment was ratified by three- 




General Hubert E. Lee, C. S. A. 



The Civil War 411 

fourths of the States and was declared in force December 
18, 1865.* 

The great joy over the close of the war was almost im- The great 
mediately turned to grief over the assassination of Presi- f^^^] ^'^^ 
dent Lincoln. This occurred on the evening of April 14, 
when John Wilkes Booth, an actor, shot the President as 
he sat in his box at Ford's Theatre in Washington. f Now, 
as never before, the people saw the worth of the simple, 
honest man who had guided the Nation through these 
perilous years. No other man in all our history has come 
so near to the hearts of the common people. Rising from 
their midst, he embodied not only the true American 
democratic spirit, but all the homely virtues that called 
forth the lasting admiration of the masses. He was shrewd, 
far-seeing, and kindly — "thinking no evil." Completely 
master of himself, he held to his convictions with an iron 
grip. He showed the highest skill in dealing with his ene- 
mies, in winning opponents to his side, and in interpreting 
the half-ex-pressed will of the people. W^e may not hesitate 
to repeat the high eulogy of his contemporary, Stanton, 
who called Lincoln "the most perfect ruler of men the world 
has ever seen." How much the disunited country needed 
his skilful service in healing the dissensions of the years that 
now followed will be seen in succeeding chapters. 

The defeat of the Confederacy was not due to lack of why the 
fighting qualities in her generals and soldiers, or of devo- JeSteT^ 
tion in her people.f (1) First among the causes of defeat 

* Before this time slavery had been abolished by Missouri, Maryland, Ten- 
nessee, and West Virginia, States unaffected by the Emancipation Procla- 
mation; and by Virginia and Louisiana, parts of which were excepted by the 
Proclamation. Of the original slave States, therefore, Delaware and Ken- 
tucky alone retained slavery when the amendment went into force. 

t A valuable account of this event by one of Lincoln's body-guard is 
found in Harper's Magazine, September, 1907 (Vol. CXVIII, pp. 519-530). 
The series, of which this article is one, is of great interest. 

t "The devotion of the Southerners was, in fact, immeasurable; the 
economic agree with the military historians that their sacrifices were far 
greater than any the Revolutionary patriots made. In the day of extreme 
need, the women offered the hair of their heads to be sold abroad for 
arms." Brown, The Lower South, 167. 



412 



American History 



(1) Lark of 
soldiers. 



(2) Lack of 
resources. 



(3) The 
failure of 
taxation 
as a basis 
for bonds 
and paper 
money. 



The results 
of the war. 



was the disparity in population. While volunteering 
was as general there as in the North, it became neces- 
sary early (April, 1862) to resort to conscription; the 
draft laws finally included all males between the ages of 
10 and GO. AVhile le.ss than one-half the military popula- 
tion of the North entered the army, the proportion in the 
South was nine-tenths. (2) The resources of the South 
proved inadequate. The curse of slavery was upon the 
land; here lay the secret of the Confederacy's lack in 
skilled mechanics, factories, mines, and railroads. The 
blockade cut off imports which she could not produce. 
(3) The fundamental cause of the failure of the Con- 
federacy's finances lay in the lack of resources that could 
be taxed ; for the ability of a people to pay taxes depends 
upon the productivity of their industries. While at the 
North business thrived and millions of fresh acres were 
turned into farms, at the South the withdrawal of men 
paralyzed industry. ^Moreover, the blockade cut off the 
great source of income — cotton exportation. The taxa- 
tion of commerce by import and exi)ort duties also became 
impossible. In its extremity, the Confederate Govern- 
ment seized supplies, paying for them at fixed rates. But 
the Government relied chiefly for financial support upon 
bond issues and paper money. The bonds became next 
to worthless before the end of the war. Paper money was 
issued (both by States and by the Confederacy) in enor- 
mous quantities, and it depreciated almost from the 
beginning.* 

The Civil W^ar was fought by the North for the mainten- 
ance of an ideal — that union of States and of people which 
aroused the patriotic spirits of the loyal citizens. The doc- 

* "In 1863, flour was worth from $90 to $100 a barrel in Mississippi, 
and salt $30 a bushel. The following year boots sold for $200 a pair 
and coats for $350 each. The price of coffee was 85 and of sugar was 
$2 a pound." — Garner, Reconstruction in Mississippi, 50. The Confed- 
erate Government virtually repudiated large amounts of the paper 
money by compelling the people to take in exchange for it Confederate 
bonds. Neither the money nor the bonds were ever redeemed. 



The Civil War 413 

trine that a State could constitutionally withdraw from the 
Union was finally and completely overthrown. Doubtless, 
moral indignation over the great wrong of slavery — that first 
cause of disunion — went far toward spurring men on for 
the defence of the Union. The North spent in treasure 
three and a quarter billions of dollars, piling up a debt of 
$2,846,000,000. For this cause 3()0,000 men laid down 
their lives in the field, and as many more died from 
wounds and sickness.* They won for posterity a united 
country, freedom from the shame of slavery, and exemption 
from all the strife and economic loss that must have 
ensued had two independent nations attempted to occupy 
the geographical territory destined for one people. 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. Chickaniauga and Chattanooga. Burgess, The Civil War 
and the Constitution, II, chap. 26. Dodge, Bird's-Eye View of 
the Civil War, chaps. 34, 35. Schouler, \l, 441-455. 

2. Finances of United States during the war. Burgess, II, 
225-229. Blaine, Twenty Years in Congress, I, 433. Chase, 
Am. St. Series, chap. 9. 

3. Sheridan in the Shenandoah valley. Dodge, chaji. 42. 
Schouler, VI, 516-519. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 135. 

4. Sherman's march. Burgess, II, 261-266. Dodge, chaps. 
45, 46. Schouler, VI, 549-555. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 
137. 

5. Northern and Southern soldiers. Dodge, 116-121. Schouler, 
VI, 24(5-316. 

6. Prisons and prisoners. Schouler, \\, 407-414. 

7. English sentiment toward the United States. Rhodes, IV, 
76-95; 349-374. Seward, Am. St. Series, II, 296-297 (new ed.), 
296-297 (old ed.). Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 98. 

* "While the money cost to the Confederacy was perhaps one-half that 
stated for the Union, the number of hves sacrificed was probably about 
the same. Thus the total loss of human life was considerably over one 
million." — Hosmer, Outcome of the Civil War, 304. "The blood of the 
Nation was lastingly impoverished by that awful hemorrhage." — Ross, 
Foundations of Sociology, 392, 



414 America)! Ilisionj 

8. Dissatisfaction with Lincoln in IStH. Rhodes, I\', 518- 
522; 530-531. Abraham Lincoln, Am. St. Series, II, 24(>-241), 
207-208 (new ed.), 240-249, 2()7-208 (old ed.). 

0. Economic and financial conditions in the Confederacy. 
Wilson, Division and Reunion, 244-248. Schouler, \\, 508-575. 

10. Lincoln's appearance and personality. Schouler, \'I, 20- 
23; 024-033. Hart, Contemporaries, I\', No. 0(). Lowell, 
Political Essays. Abraham Lincoln, Am. St. Series, 354-358 
(new ed.), 354-358 (old ed.). 

11. Money and ])rices in war times. Hart, Contemporaries, 
IV, No. 82. \'ivid descriptions of battle scenes, ibid., Nos. 87 
and 92. The sanitary conmiission, ibid., No. 89. 

12. Causes of Northern success. Elson, Sidelights on Amer- 
ican Ili.story, II, chap. 0. 

13. Special l)ooks on this jx-riod. Riddle, liecollections of 
War Times. INIcClure, Lincoln and Men of War Times. 
Greeley, American Conflict. Wilson, Rise and Fall of the Slave 
Power in America. S. S. Cox, Three Decades of Federal Legisla- 
tion. U. S. (jrant. Memoirs. W. T. Sherman, INIemoirs. 
Avery, A Virginia Girl in the Civil War. J. Davis, Rise and Fall 
of the Confederate Government. Kieffer, Recollections of a 
Drummer Boy. Porter, Campaigning with Grant. Recollec- 
tions and Letters of Robert E. Lee, by His Son. Dodd, Life of 
Jefferson Davis. 

14. Lives of Grant have been written by Church, Stoddard, 
and Allen; of Lee by White and Howe. 

15. Lives of Lincoln by Brooks, Hapgood, and Arnold. 

10. Abraham Lincoln: A History, by Nicolay and Hay, the 
most authoritative account, was published in the Century Mag- 
azine from Vol. XIII (1887) to Vol. XVII. 

17. In the Century Magazine, Volumes VII (1884) to XIII, 
is a series of articles upon the various campaigns, many of them 
written by the officers in command. The illustrations are in- 
valuable. 

18. Historical fiction. Brady, The Southerners. Altsheler, 
Before the Dawn. Page, The Burial of the Guns; and other 
stories. 

19. Further material on the Civil War, in James and Mann, 
Readings on American History, chap. 24. 



CHAPTER XXV 

RECONSTRl'CTION, 1863-1872 

The grave problems that confronted the Nation at the conditions 
close of the war centered about industrial, social, and ^|^*'^^ 
political conditions in the South. Industrially, that sec- 
tion was in ruins. 

"The people were generally impoverished. The farms had 
gone to waste; the fields were covered with weeds and bushes. 
Farm implements and tools were gone; live stock had disap- 
peared so that there were barely enough farm animals to meet 
the demands of agriculture. Business was at a standstill; banks 
and commercial places had either been suspended or closed on 
account of insolvency. The currency was in a wretched condi- 
tion, and the disbanded soldiers returned to their homes to 
find desolation and starvation staring them in the face." * 

One-third of the white bread-winners had been either The freed 
killed or disabled. But the most difficult problem in the 
situation involved the negroes, who comprised one-half of 
the population. Could they prove their fitness for free- 
dom? Under slavery they had been elevated from 
barbarism to at least a semblance of civilization ; but they 
had had no experience in working under any other incen- 
tive than the fear or the love of a master who was at the 
same time owner. It is not strange that they should have 
developed little power of self-control and that, emerging 
from slavery, they should have been, on the whole, both 
indolent and shiftless. 

During the war the mass of the slaves had remained on 
the plantations, quietly guarding the women and the 
children and raising crops. For their admirable conduct 

* Garner, Reconstruction in Mississippi, 122. 
415 



men. 



416 



imrrlcan Ilisfori/ 



The origin 
of the 
Freedman" 
Bureau. 



■Lincoln's 
plan of 
reconstruc- 
tion. 



they had won tlic gratitiule of their masters. If this 
benevolent attitude could have continued, all mi<;ht have 
been well; but that was not to be. As the victorious 
Union annies advanced, particularly after the issuance of 
the Emancipation Proclamation, multitudes of negroes 
flocked to tliem for protection.* Many of them followed 
the troops, Avliile others left tiieir plantations and went to 
the neighborinor towns and cities. All w^ere without 
means of subsistence, and consequently the Federal 
Government was forced, for humane reasons, to begin the 
practice of issuing rations and clothing to them. In March, 
1865, a special bureau was created in the War Depart- 
ment, known as the Freedman's Bureau, with officers and 
agents in all parts of the South. Its purposes were: (1) 
The distribution of food, clothing, and fuel to destitute 
froedmen; (2) the distribution among them of abandoned 
or confiscated lands; (3) the establishment of schools for 
tiieir instruction. 

During tlie summer of 1865 and the winter that followed, 
multitudes of frcednien were without occupation; against 
the advice of the Freedman's Bureau officials, they con- 
tinued flocking to the towns and wandering from place 
to place. Petty larceny became very common. ]\lany, 
indeed, took advantage of their new freedom to assume 
insolent airs toward their former masters. 

Another problem was more purely political; viz., what 
was the legal status of the Southern States? Their legal 
governments had been overthrown and their constitutional 
relation to the Union had been broken. By what methods 
and by what authority should these be reestablished? 
President Lincoln had made some progress in solving this 
problem before his death. 

Avoiding the abstract question as to whether the Southern 
States were legally in or out of the Union, he maintained that 
they were "out of their proper practical relation with the Na- 

* Fifty thousand slaves were gathered about Grant's armj- at Vicks- 
burg. 



ifinmnl IJu: 'll'iuni -J nui.-^f. _lj: •■ '■■■ ■' -., 

Hlii jitoltfttij errJumqetl, in ^urh n, ■ muhinUij a/ili:o,<d 



A. Tiinesty Oa 1 1 1 . 

Office of A^sisiiiiit Provost Marshal, 

___ , '/u, r.f^r,. 

I. . .!.. -..!,„, n!> -w.»;,r, (or ;illMin). In llir 

l...-r,i..' ..I AiMl..in\ (.ni.. Il,:.i I u'll I., n.-,r.,ri|. Ia.il,r.,!lv ■ ,,ii-.rt. ,,r..l..l r.M.l .lrlVt„l tl,.- (:.,n-lii-itl<.n 
.,t il. r,„i.-.l Sii.l.^ aii<t tl,.- l„n.n ..I .| .• Sim.'. II..-.. ui„1. 1 . ;,n<l ll.ul 1 uill, .n l.k.- nnnn. r, t.l.i.lr by 
..i„l lnill,li.lU sii(.|K>rl nil liiHS :iimI pLicliiimition- wlii.l. I.ine l>.-. n nia.i.- .Inrn - ■!:.■ . \i>Iim- r.lx-lli.iii with 
..•(rrrii.i' ti> llir i'm.iiici|in(ion of -liurs. So iFEi.r ve GoH. 

S«.or'. ;iimI suI.v. iiImiI to, U Iwr.- me, lhi« .lay i 

i.f _ IWW. ^_ 

( 'ojil. iiiiJ Ats'l I'romst Mai-ihoL 

I IH> iiKBKBY crJtTlJV, Tbol on tijf day of___ _ ^ , 1*01, at 

tlw Onth prefcribcd by the Prexidfnt of llif Initoil SlaUN, in his 

l**e<U>niBti<.ii of Mux 29th. lil«5, »ns duly taken, 8ubscx,i»e<l and made nmiicr of rcn.u] l.y 



Parole signed hy a Coiifetlorate Soldier 
Amnesty Oath to be taken by Confederates 



418 



imerican llisiory 



tional Government." * AVhcn the Union army overthrew the 
Confederate authorities in any Southern State or part of a State, 
that region was under the mihtary authority of the United 
States; and its government might be dictated by the President 
as Commander-in-Chief of the army, acting through a mihtary 
governor. The President had authority to direct and assist the 
loyal inhabitants of any such section in the establishment of a 
new civil government. The number of loyal voters necessary 
in the formation of a new government was not less than one- 
tenth the number who had voted in 1860. This, briefly stated, 
was Lincoln's plan of reconstruction. 

In order to encourage the return of Southerners to their 
former allej];iance, Lincohi is.sued (December, 1863) a 
Proclamation of Amnesty, granting "full pardon" to .such 
of them as \v9uld take an oath to support the United 
States Government; but certain classes were excluded 
from this benefit, particularly civil and military officers of 
the Confederate Government and those (>)nfcderates who 
had fonnerly held United States offices. President Lin- 
coln's plan of reconstruction was put into practical effect 
in Louisiana, Arkansas, and Tennessee. It was well 
understood by Lincoln that the process of reconstruction 
could be completed only by the admission of Senators and 
Representatives into Congress from these States; and that 
over this matter the Houses had complete control. 

Lincoln's procedure met with the bitter opposition of a 
few Republican members of Congress, and at his death 
the problem was still unsolved. The method of recon- 
struction to be adopted must depend upon the views of 
the man who now assumed the Presidency and of the 
Republican leaders in Congress. 

President Johnson had been a tailor by trade. Reared in 
poverty and without education, he had advanced in life by sheer 
energy and force of character. He had been elected to the State 
Legislature of Tennessee and to the United States House of 
Representatives; he had been Governor of Tennessee and then 

* See Lincoln's address of April 11, 1865; American History Leaflets, 
No. 26, pp. 31-35; Larned's History for Ready Reference, 1863, De- 
cember, and 1865, April 11, 



His recon- 



RccoiistrucfioiL 419 

United States Senator. He refused to join in the secession 
movement in his State, and in 1862 was made by Lincoln raihtary 
governor of Tennessee. A man of pure motives and genuine 
patriotism, he was yet the victim of a violent and unreasoning 
temper. The strength of will and stubborn adherence to pur- 
pose that had raised him from obscurity to eminence, were now 
to be displayed where tact and accommodation to men of dif- 
ferent views were necessary. 

On :May 29, 1865, President Johnson issued an Am- 
nesty Proclamation similar to that of Lincoln, but exclud- ^o™f '°" 
ing from the privilege of general pardon a larger number 
of classes; notable among these were all ex-Confederates 
possessing taxable property of $20,000 value. All persons 
of the excepted classes, however, had the privilege of ob- 
taining special pardon upon application to the President. 
Johnson subsequently displayed great leniency in the 
granting of special pardons. 

Congress was not in session between ISIarch and De- steps 
cember, 1865; consequently, ample opportunity was given ^^r^^^i^ 
for the execution of the President's policy of reconstruc- out"!^' 
tion. A provisional governor was appointed by the Presi- 
dent for each one of the seceding States. Elections were 
then held for choosing delegates to constitutional conven- 
tions in those States. The conventions, after repeaUng 
or declaring null and void the ordinances of secession, 
proceeded to amend their former constitutions by abolish- 
ing slavery. Elections were held for members of the 
State Legislatures and for Representatives in Congress. 
These steps were completed in most of the Southern States 
by the time Congress met. Now, it was the duty of Con- 
gress, said President Johnson, to recognize these States by 
admitting their Senators and Representatives to seats at 
once. 

The policy thus rapidly and effectively put into execu- Opposition 
tion met with determined opposition in Congress. (1) gon'^s"*^'^' 
The leaders in Congress believed that the President had policy. 
assumed unwarranted powers; that the authority to direct 
the reconstruction process resided in Congress. (2) The 



420 American Illsfori/ 

President's policy was considcrcfl too lil)cral. Many 
persons in the North were loath to believe that the "rebels" 
were sincerely repentant. Should there not be at least a 
period of probation during which their sincerity could be 
demonstrated and guarantees for their future conduct be 
secured? (3) In the Southern States the Democratic 
party was in control. If the Northern and Southern wings 
of that party should now combine, they might secure the 
control of Congress, and of the Presidency. To many Re- 
publicans this would seem like resigning the Government 
into the hands of those who had done their best to wreck the 
Union and to perpetuate slavery.* (4) During the winter 
of ISGS-lStU), the Legislatures of thcSouthern States enacted 
laws which were intended to mitigate the evils that arose 
while the freedmen, still in large measure idle and lawless, 
were roving about and congregating in towns and cities. 
These laws, known as the Black Codes, differed in 
the various States, but may be summarized as foUows: 
(1) All free negroes or persons of color should have 
regular occupations, or emplo>Tnent under written con- 
tract; and quitting the service of employers, when 
under contract, would subject them to arrest. (2) Freed- 
men found without emplo^-ment were considered vagrants 
and were subject to arrest and fine. Failure to pay the 
fine (which was, of course, inevitable) would cause such 
persons to be hired out to employers, preferably their 
former masters. (3) The same penalty was fixed for the 
commission of those crimes and petty offences of which 
the free negro was commonly guilty; even cruelty to ani- 
mals, seditious speeches, insulting gestures, language, or 
acts, were included in the list of offences. (4) All negroes 
under eighteen years of age who were orphans, or whose 
parents did not support them, might be apprenticed by a 

* " Have we endured and prosecuted this war for the sake of bringing 
back our old enemies to legislate for us, stronger than ever, with all the 
resentment and none of the instruction of defeat?" — James Russell 
Lowell, Political Essays. 



Recoiistructiou 421 

court to employers, preferably to their former masters. 
The apprenticeship should last, in the case of males, until 
they were twenty-one, and in the case of females until 
they were eighteen years of age. The master had power 
to inflict corporal punishment upon an apprentice; deser- 
tion was followed by arrest. 

Southerners justified these laws by the conditions then pre- justifica- 
vailing, as described in preceding paragraphs. To them it tion and 
seemed unreasonable to expect the ex-slaves to develop in- criticism 
stantly self-control and industrious habits. In this transitional 
period, the freedmen must be restrained by strict legislation. 
Moreover, said they, the freedmen have been systematically 
taught by agents of the Freedman's Bureau and of Northern 
philanthropic societies to regard themselves as equals of the 
whites in every respect. They had, in consequence, become in- 
solent and dangerous. Their false ideas of National protection 
and bounty had deterred them from industry. The negro, said 
Southerners, is not the equal of the white man in civilization, 
and we shall not regard him as our equal in social, civil, or 
political rights. In the North, on the other hand, the Black 
Codes were regarded as an evasion of the Thirteenth Amend- 
ment and an indirect method of reestablishing negro slavery. 
The enemies of slavery saw behind these laws only the spirit of 
race animosity. 

Throughout the North, sectional hatred was inflamed. Northern 
In Congress the rising opposition to Johnson's plan of 
reconstruction was strengthened. From the Republican 
standpoint, the new State governments had demonstrated 
their incapacity to cope with the negro problem. As a 
consequence, it seemed necessary to enact National legisla- 
tion protecting the freedman from such discriminations 
against his civil rights, and to exact from the Southern 
States certain guarantees before their readmission into 
the Union. To many Northerners of the more radical 
type, the only solution of the problem seemed to lie in the 
granting of negro suft'rage. Congress contained a Repub- 
Ucan majority who now refused to admit the newly elected 
Senators and Representatives from the Southern States 
to their seats. A joint committee of fifteen was appointed 



views of the 
negro ques- 
tion. 



422 



American llistonj 



to rt'jjort ii plan of reconstruction. Instead of attempting, 
by consultation, to bring about some compromise. Presi- 
dent Johnson upheld his own policy with characteristic 
violence, and in this he received Democratic support. 

Among the Republicans in Congress, Thaildeus Stevens, of 
Pennsylvania, exertetl the most powerful influence in the House. 
He was a man of strong, uncom- 
promising convictions, and one 
of the greatest parliamentarians 
of our history. His speeches 
abounded in wit and sarcasm 
and frequently breathed the 
spirit of acrimony. In the Sen- 
ate, Charles Sumner played the 
leading part. His constant ad- 
herence to the doctrine of the 
equality of all men placed him 
with the radicals in dealing with 
the Southern question. Neither 
he nor Stevens could rest while 
there remained upon the statute 
books of the Nation, or of any 
State, a trace of the negro's infe- 
riority in civil or political rights. 

The first measure passed 
by the Republicans was a bill 
for the continuance of the Freedman's Bureau and the 
enlargement of its powers (January, LSOG). Its agents 
were authorized to take from the courts any case (either 
civil or criminal) in which it seemed that a freedman's 
rights might not be fully secured. The Bureau was to 
receive the support of United States troops. In vetoing 
this bill, Johnson argued in a dignified and conclusive way 
that it was a war measure for which, in times of peace, 
there was neither legal nor moral justification; and that 
it would not aid in the solution of the industrial problem 
of the South. The bill failed to pass over his veto. 

In a public speech made on February 22d, Johnson 
cited by name Stevens, Sumner, and Wendell Phillips as 
enemies of their country. The breach betw^een the Presi- 




Charl&s Sum 



liccoit.striictioK, 



423 



on March 2, 1866, the House passed a resohition that Sena- ^^---^ 
tors and Representatives should not be adn.itted to Con- Sua. 
gress from any of the eleven States until Congress had de- 
clared them entitled to representation. Congress now pro- 
ceeded to put mto force its own policy of reconstruction. 
The motives that inspired this policy were mingled in the 

dasS Dir " ^"^ ''^ ^'^' ^^^* *hese moti/es may t 
classihed as (1) humane, m so far as they contemplated the 
protection and elevation of the freedmen; (2) v^d L fve in 
lookmg toward the punishment of the South for its sins (3) 
M nerson".r"""^ '* the maintenance of Repubhcan supremacy 
(4) personal, as mspired by hatred of the President. 

The Civil Rights bill, passed in .March, 1866, declared i The 
that all persons born in the United States, and not sub- Civil 
ject toany foreign power, excluding Indians not taxed." Slf'^ 
were citizens of the United States; that all citizens "of 
every race and color, without regard to previous condition 
of slaver.y, were entitled to the same civil rights in every 
State; that the laws for the protection of citizens and for 
the punishment of offenders should apply to blacks the 
same as to whites. This law was a distinct blow at the 
13Iack Codes It established a new policy under which 
the National Government defined civil rights (hitherto 
entirely within the province of State legislation) and en- 
forced them by the use of its mihtary authority. The bill 
was vetoed as a matter of course bv Johnson, but it was 
passed over his veto. 

The next important legislation, enacted in June, 1866 H- The 
after a report of the Committee on Reconstruction and feenth 
many weeks of discussion, was the proposed Fourteenth Amend- 
Amendment, which Congress now submitted to the States ""'"'• 
tor ratification. It read as follows: 

"Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United Citizens 

fetates and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the and their 

United States, and of the State wherein they reside. No State "^^^'• 
shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges 



424 



A mer ica n II isforij 



or immunities of citizens of tlic United States; nor shall any 
State deprive any person of life, liberty, or projjerty withovit due 
process of law, nor deny to any i)erson within its juri.Mliction the 
equal protection of the laws. 

"Sect. 2. Representatives shall be af)portioned amonp the 
several States according to their respective numbers, counting 
the whole mnnber of persons in each State, excluding Indians not 
taxed. JJut when the right to vote at any election for the choice 
of electors for president and vice-president of the Tnited States, 
representatives in Congress, the executive and judicial officers of 
a State, or the meml)ers of the legislature thereof, is denied to any 
of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of 
age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, 
except for participation in rebellion or other crimes, the basis of 
representation shall be reduced in the proportion which the 
number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of 
male citizens, twenty-one years of age, in such State. 

"Sect. 3. No j)erson shall be a senator or representative in 
Congress, or elector of jjresident or vice-president, or hold any 
office, civil or military, under the United States or iniiler any 
State, who having previously taken an oath as a member of 
Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a memljer of 
any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any 
State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have 
engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid 
or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may by a vote 
of two-thirds of each house remove such disability. 

"Sec. 4. The validity of the j)ublic debt of the United 
States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment 
of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection 
or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United 
States, nor any State, shall assume or pay any debt or obligation 
incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United 
States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; 
but all such debts, obligations, and claims shall be held illegal 
and void. 

"Sect. 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce by ap- 
propriate legislation the provisions of this article." 

The first section of this amendment is evidently a repetition 
of the Civil Rights Act. The abolition of slavery resulted in 
the annulment of the three-fifths clause of Article I of the Con- 
stitution, and w^ould consequently increase the representation of 
the Southern States in the House and the number of their 
electoral votes. Republican supremacy was thus endangered, 



Reconstruction 425 

unless the number of Democratic Representatives could be cut 
down by the device of the second section; for it was never con- 
ceived that a Southern State would grant suffrage to the negroes. 
The third section of the proposed amendment disqualified for 
holding offices all leaders of the South. The President might 
pardon these " ex-rebels, " but Congress alone could, by two-thirds 
vote of each House, restore this important political right. The 
fourth section was a reasonable guarantee of National dignity 
with respect to the debts and expenses of the war. 

Numerous events now occurred that had the effect of Events 
driving the majority of Congress to a more radical posi- couraged 
tion. (1) President Johnson made a circuit through im- more rad- 
portant cities (New York, Chicago, St. Louis, and Indian- tion. 
apolis, among others), in the course of which, provoked 
by the taunts of his enemies, he made undignified and in- 
sulting remarks concerning Congress and Republicans. 
(2) The fall elections (1866) for members of Congress 
showed increased Republican gains, and these betokened 
popular approval of Congressional action. (3) The Southern 
States showed great hostility to the Fourteenth Amendment, 
and all except Tennessee finally rejected it.* (4) Reports 
reached the North of disturbed conditions in the South, 
including the abuse of the freedmen and riots involving 
much bloodshed. 

In view of these events all conservatism in Congress was iii. The 
now laid aside, and this body went forward to the execu- stmcUon 
tion of a most rigorous policy. This was embodied in the Act of 
Reconstruction Act of March, 1867: (1) The ten un- 
reconstructed States were divided into five military dis- 
tricts, each under an officer of the army and an adequate 
force of troops. ^Military government might supersede the 
existing civil government at any place where this seemed 
desirable. (2) The officers in command should supervise 
the election of a constitutional convention in each State; 
those who could vote for delegates to these conventions were 
to be male citizens twenty-one years of age, "of whatever 

* Tennessee ratified the amendment, and its Senators and Repre- 
sentatives were admitted to Congress before its adjournment in July. 



426 



History 



race, color, or previous condition"; except such as might be 
disfranchised for participation in rebellion. This meant 
the enfranchisement of the blacks and the disfranchise- 
ment of the majority of the whites. (3) The conventions 
should frame State constitutions in which the negro should 
be granted suffrage. (4) These constitutions should be 
ratified by popular vote, the same cjualifications being 
employed here as in the election of delegates, (o) The 
State Legislatures electing under these new governments 
should ratify the Fourteenth Amendment. (G) Congress 
would then declare the admission of the Senators and 
Representatives from these States and their full restora- 
tion to the Union. 

Under this law many State and local officials in the 
Southern States were removed and su])erseded by men 
who approved of negro sufi'rage and the Reconstruction 
Act. Thus Congress succeeded in its purpose of taking 
all political power in these States from the persons who 
had been active in the struggle against the Union. 

The actual government of the Southern States now fell 
into the hands of four groups of persons: (1) Southern 
unionists who had been ostracized or banished during the 
war, and a few ex-Confederates who now acquiesced in 
the Congressional policy; these were called "scalawags." 
(2) A class of Northerners who went South after the war, 
some to make investments (chiefly buying up at a low 
figure, estates of insolvent or dead planters), and others 
deliberately to get public offices; these were known as 
"carpet-baggers." (3) The negroes.* (4) Some South- 
erners, mostly business men who had not previously taken 
active part in politics. It is almost unnecessary to say 
that the dominant political party in each State was the Re- 
publican. Following the p^o^^sions of the Reconstruction 

* "Of the registered voters (previous to the constitutional conventions) 
a majority were negroes in South Carolina, Alabama, Florida, and 
Louisiana, and probably in Mississippi. In the constitutional conven- 
tions negroes were a majority of the delegates in South Carolina." — Dun- 
ning's Essays on the Civil War and Reconstruction, 188, 194. 



Recoustruciion 427 

Act, the States of Arkansas, North and South CaroUna, 
Louisiana, Florida, and Alabama were admitted to the 
Union in 1868. In July of that year, it was announced 
that the Fourteenth Amendment had been ratified by the 
required number of States and was a part of the Con- 
stitution. The readmission of Virginia, Georgia, Texas, 
and jNIississippi was postponed for various reasons until 
the year 1870. 

In the meantime, Congress had proposed (February, 
1869) a new constitutional amendment. 

" Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote The Fif- 
shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or by any teentli 
State, on account of race, color, or previous condition of ser- ^^^^^ 
vitude. 

" Sect. 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article 
by appropriate legislation." 

This was intended to place negro suffrage beyond the 
power of Congress and the State Legislatures. The Fif- 
teenth Amendment was ratified and declared in force in 
March, 1870. 

In March, 1867, Congress had enacted the Tenure of The Ten- 
Office Act, a law which may be regarded as a trap delib- offic° Act. 
erately set to catch Johnson in the commission of an im- 
peachable offence. Its occasion was the removal by the 
President, in accordance with the custom of his predeces- 
sors since Jackson's time, of many officers who were not 
in sympathy with his administration. 

The Constitution, vesting the appointment of important Did the 
officers in the President "with the advice and consent of the President 
Senate," is silent as to the process of removal. Since the estab- po^^gj. of 
lishment of the Government, however, the power to remove removal? 
such officers had been regarded as a prerogative of the President 
alone. This conclusion had been arrived at during debate in 
the first Congress and was strengthened by judicial decision. 
The Tenure of Office Act declared that every officer appointed 
with the advice and consent of the Senate should continue to 
hold his position until the Senate agreed to his removal. Dur- 
ing a recess of the Senate the President might suspend an officer, 



428 



American Ilisiory 



Tlie im- 
peatliinent 
of Presi- 
dent 
Johnson. 



Constitu- 
tion, Art. 
II, sec. 4. 
Art. I, sec. 
2, el. 5. 
Sec. 3, els. 
6.7. 



The trial 
and its out- 
come. 



but if the Senate disapproved of this the officer should resume 
his position. President John.son asked for the resignation of 
Secretary of War Stanton in August, 1807. General Grant was 
authorized to act as Secretary of War until the Senate should 
act upon the matter. The Senate refused (January, 18G8) to 
concur in Stanton's suspension, and he thereupon resumeil his 
office. The President then issuetl an order for his removal and 
appointed a successor. 

This led at once to the voting of articles of impeach- 
ment in the House of Representatives. The President 
was charged with "high crimes and misdemeanors" in 
eleven articles. These, briefly summarized, specified: (1) 
His violation of the Tenure of Office Act in the removal of 
Stanton; (2) his declarations and public speeches, in 
which it was maintained that he .sought "to destroy the 
regard and respect of all the good people of the United 
States for Congress and the legislative power thereof"; 
(3) his opposition to the Reconstruction Act. Among the 
leaders of the House who conducted the prosecution 
before the Senate were Thaddeus Stevens, Benjamin F. 
Butler, and George S. Boutwell. The President was de- 
fended by able lawyers, among them AVilliam M. Evarts' 
and Benjamin R. Curtis. 

This notable trial lasted ten weeks and attracted the atten- 
tion of the civilized world. Again the .stability of our institu- 
tions was put to a test; but in spite of all the bitter feeling and 
party hatred that had been engendered, the forms ot law were 
fully observed and there was no thought of resort to physical 
violence on either side. The defence maintained that the Tenure 
of Office Act encroached upon a constitutional power of the 
President — the independent right of removing his subortlinates. 
The loss of this power, it was argued, would destroy the equality 
of this department and place the Executive at the mercy of 
Congress. The vote upon the article of impeachment involving 
this question was 35 to 19, and thus the Senate failed by one 
vote to convict the President. Seven Republicans who had 
hitherto opposed the President in his contest with Congress, 
and four Republicans who had hitherto sided with him, voted 
with eight Democrats in his favor. No vote was taken 
on the other charges, and the accusation was dropped. Thus 
ended the most dramatic incident in the civil history of the 



Reconstruction 



429 



United States — an incident which friends of both parties in the 
unseemly dispute were soon ghid to forget. 

In the election of 1868 the Democratic party condemned The eiec- 
in strong terms the reconstruction poUcy of the Repub- ^'^gg" 
licans; they also favored the payment of the war bonds 




i«4t Df M. H. BERRY. 

All EiMs ofliiif iiiisjwTRissij. 



CHILbRCN S CABRIACES, WACOHS. it. 




r . . -00^ /^if 

/y,u . 5,fi^ .Li/i. ^ o^o^^^^ /It-' 

> -t^/^ ys^ 

/M . .«eJL^'S£<c^ 4^*: &^^ 4Ufc //r 






^*«^^^£^^^^^^fc, ^^-/';^/: 



Facsimile of a Bill for Furnishing the State House at 
Columbia, S. C, in 1872 

in greenbacks instead of in gold. This was intended as a 
means by which the stock of money in the country would 
be increased, and thereby the period of high prices pro- 
longed. The Republicans condemned this policy as 
amounting to repudiation of a part of the debt, since the 
bondholders had expected payment in gold, and the legal 



430 



American History 



Thf Kov- 
ernment of 
the recon- 
structed 
States. 



Abuses 
imiier tlic 
carpet- 
bag gov- 
ernments. 



tenders were not yet at par. General Grant was 
unanimously nominated by the Republican conven- 
tion as candidate for President, with Schuyler Colfax, 
of Indiana, for Vice-President. The Democrats nomi- 
nated Horatio Seymour, of New York, and General 
Francis P. Blair, of Missouri. The election was a Repub- 
lican victory, that party carrying six Southern States, 
while three others (Virginia, ]\Iississij)pi, and Texas) cast 
no votes. 

As a consequence of the reconstruction i)()licy of Con- 
gress there was a complete reversal of anfc helium pt^litical 
conditions in the Southern States. The cla.ss formerly in 
control was now devoid of power and a new cla,ss ruled. 
The negroes, who composed the majority of the voters, 
were almost completely under the domination of the en- 
franchised whites; among these the c-arpet -baggers were 
in most of the States the ruling faction.* Many of these 
Northerners were men of integrity, but others were un- 
scrupulous and exercised an influence for evil over the 
ignorant, excitable, and child-like negroes. 

Under these conditions there began in the reconstructed 
States, the period of carpet-bag government — a period 
characterized by the greatest corruption. It was, in brief, 
the most complete travesty upon popular government that 
our country has ever known. There was in many States 
great extravagance in ex-penditures. Appropriations were 
made, the greater part of which found their way into the 
pockets of legislators, contractors, and politicians. Great 
amounts of money were borrowed by the issuance of State 
bonds. Heavy taxes w^ere levied; these fell chiefly upon 
the property of the disfranchised classes. The indig- 
nities heaped upon the whites of the South were even more 
unbearable. In many cases both local and State offices 
were filled by ignorant and vicious negroes, who used their 
power to wreak vengeance upon their former masters and 
their political enemies. 

* Exceptions may be found in Virginia and Georgia. 



Reconstruction 



431 



In Mississippi the State printing bill increased from $8,000 to 
$73,000 a year. The salaries of clerks in the Legislature, which 
had amounted in the aggregate to $30 or $40 a day, now be- 
came $150 a day. The tax rate ranged from 2J per cent, to 5 
per cent., while the property had greatly decreased in value. 
Six million acres of land, one-fifth of the total area of the State, 
were sold for the non-payment of taxes. In Alabama the State 
debt was increased from $8,000,000 to $25,000,000. In Ten- 
nessee a similar amount was added to the public debt. Enor- 
mous bond issues were made in various States in aid of rail- 
roads and other enterprises; in many cases, this money was 
simply stolen. 







Facsimile of a "Gratuity" Voted to Governor Moses by the South 
Carolina Legislature in 1871 

The white poUtical leaders had created in many places 
Loyal Leagues and other organizations that fostered the 
negro's sense of his social equality with the whites and in- 
creased his desire for political activity. Soon there arose 
throughout the suffering communities of these States, 
various organizations of former Confederates, holding 
secret meetings and bent upon mutual protection and 
revenge for their w^rongs. Mysterious warnings and mid- 
night raids of white-robed horsemen were calculated to 
frighten negroes from voting and other participation in 
politics, and from dependence upon their white leaders. 
Negroes were frequently whipped. IMany carpet-baggers 
and agents of the Freedman's Bureau and white school- 



The use of 
violence. 



432 American History 

teacliers were driven away and some were murdered. 
Naturally, this exercise of violence went to extremes as 
these organizations, originally controlled by the better 
class, fell into the hands of the rougher and more lawless 
element. There resulted, therefore, a reign of terror con- 
ducted by secret and violent methods, such as other 
countries have witnessed when the oppression of govern- 
ment drove a class to desperation. 

The names of some of these organizations were Kni<ihts of 
the White Camelha, White Brotherhood, and Pale Faces. The 
most famous was the Kii Klu\ Klan,* wliicli originated in 
Tennessee (18G()) among some young ex-t'onfederates seeking 
merely fun and excitement. These organizations spread through- 
out the South. Their clubs were called " Dens, " and their oflicers 
had such titles as Grand Cyclops, Grand Magi, and Grantl Turk. 

The terrible weapon that the white man thus raised 
against negro rule was striking down the freedmen's newly 
acquired civil and political rights. Congress retaliated by 
a series of Force Laws enacted in 1S70-1S71, fixing severe 
penalties for depriving any person of his civil rights under 
the Fourteenth Amendment, and esj)ecially for dej)nving 
one of his right to vote. The registration of voters and the 
election of members of Congress were placed under the 
control of the United States officers and courts. The 
President might suspend the writ of habeas corjms in any 
region where he thought it necessary, and send United 
States troops to keep order. These acts virtually brought 
about military control of elections. In the next few years 
troops were frequently called upon to quell riots and to 
uphold the Republican authorities in various States. 

Meanwhile, in one State after another, the Republican 
governments were being defeated at the polls by the white 
(Democratic) party. f This was brought about in various 

* From Greek kuklns, meaning circle. See Brown's Tlie Lower South 
in American Hi.story; also Atlantic Monthly, LXXXVII, 634-644. 

f'This occurred in Tennessee, 1869; North Carolina, 1S70; Texas, 
Georgia, Virginia, 1870-1871: Alabama, Arkansas. 1869; .Mi.s.sis.sippi, 
1875."— Lalor, Encyclopaedia, III, 554. 



Reran, struct ion 



433 



ways: (1) In some States, by the union of all the whites, The over- 
rendered desperate by the evils of the times; (2) by induce- [h™^r°Lt- 
ments offered to negroes to remain away from the polls; (3) bag gov- 
by intimidation and violence; (4) by various sharp prac- *'''"'"*^"*^' 
tices in the process of registration and voting, including 
the "stuffing" of ballot boxes. 

It was in this disturbed period of transition from the 
rule of the unfit to the rule 
of the intelligent voters of the 
reconstructed States, that the 
Presidential election of 1S72 
occurred. Much dissatisfac- 
tion had arisen during 
Grant's administration. 
Grant, depending upon the The eiec- 
judgment of friends and pol- i'8"2°^ 
iticians, had made many 
unwise appointments to 
office; consequently, scan- 
dals began to appear in the 
public service. The Repub- 
lican policy of reconstruc- 
tion was considered a fail- 
ure; both the abuses of the 
carpet-bag regime and the 
outrages of the Ku Klux 
regulators aroused in the minds of many the demand for a 
change. "General amnesty" was advocated. Congress, 
in ]\Iay, 1872, passed, by the necessary two-thirds vote, a 
bill granting amnesty to all but a limited class of Southern- 
ers, who were about 750 in number. Many persons felt 
that the continuance of the high protective tariff" was an 
evil, and they demanded its reduction. 

A mass convention of those who opposed the adminis- 
tration met at Cincinnati and organized the "Liberal 
Republican party"; their platform demanded the aboli- 
tion of the Spoils System and "the immediate and abso- 




Horace Greeley 



434 Amcriccut Hist or ij 

Partiesaiui lute removal of all disabilities imposed on account of the 
Rebellion." Bein<; divided upon the question of tariff 
reform, the convention made no declaration of policy, but 
left this question to the discretion of Congress. Quite un- 
expectedly, Horace Greeley wa.s nominated as a candidate 
for President. The Democratic convention, meeting in 
July, adopted the platform of the Liberal Republicans 
and ratified the nomination of (rreeley. The Rej)ublicans 
unanimously and with great enthusiasm nominated Pres- 
ident Grant for a second term. 

Horace Greeley failed to bring about the serious split in the Repub- 

Greeley. lican ranks that the reformers had worked for, and also failed 
to arouse enthusiasm among the Democrats. This is not 
strange in view of the fact that throughout his career he had 
been a bitter and formidable enemy of that party. He had been 
foremost in advocating the protective tariff. Furthermore, 
Greeley's character was not such as to bring serious approval of 
his fitness for the Presidential office. Of undoubted honesty, 
he seemed to lack consistency and firmness. Men called him 
erratic, and his personal peculiarities often inspired ridicule 
rather than respect. 

The election was an ovenvhelming victory for Grant, 
who carried all but six States. Greeley, shattered in health 
and mourning the loss of his wife, was seriously affected 
bv his. defeat and died shortlv after the election. 



Suggestive Que.stioxs and References 

1. General accounts. \Yilson, Division and Reunion, chap. 
11. Elson, Sidelights on American History, II, chap. 7. 

2. Lincoln's plan of reconstruction. Burgess, Reconstruction 
and the Constitution, 8-20. Lincoln, Am. St. Series, II, 217- 
231; 243-245. Blaine, Twenty Years in Congress, II, 34-39; 
46-50. Stevens, Am. St. Series, 229-243. Hart, Contem- 
poraries, IV, No. 145. Seward, Am. St. Series, 396-406. 
Larned, Ready Reference, United States 1863 (December- July); 
1865 (April 11). 



Rccoiisirucfiou 435 

3. Early life and character of Andrew Johnson. Blaine, II, 
3-10. McCulloch, Men and Measures of Half a Century, 369- 
378. 

4. Johnson's plan of Reconstruction. Burgess, 31-41. Blaine, 
II, 76-83. McCulloch, 378-386. Stevens, Am. St. Series, 244- 
255. Seward, Am. St. Series, 406-419. Lamed, United States 
1865 (May- July), (July-December). 

5. The Black Codes. Burgess, 44-56. Blaine, II, 91-107. 
Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 151. Stevens, Am. St. Series, 
249-255. 

6. The Freedman's Bureau. Larned, 1865-1866. Burgess, 
64-67; 87-90. Blaine, II, 162-172. 

7. The Reconstruction Act of 1867. Burgess, 111-122. 
Larned, United States 1867, March. Stevens, Am. St. Series, 
285-298. Arguments for and against this law are stated in 
Hart, Contemporaries, IV, Nos. 149, 150. 

8. Speeches made by President Johnson. Blaine, II, 181-183; 
237-239. Stevens, Am. St. Series, 265-269; 280-284. Burgess, 
67, 102. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 148. 

9. The impeachment. Larned, United States 1868 (March- 
May). Burgess, 172-177; 17^184; 190-194. Blaine, II, 363- 
375. Am. St. Series: Sumner, 346-351; Stevens, 323-348; Chase, 
357-361. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 154. Elson, Sidelights, 
II, chap. 8. 

10. Carpet-bag governments. Burgess, 244—246; 261-264; 
274^275. Stevens, 298-308. Andrews, The United States in 
Our Own Time, 113-130. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 
157. 

11. The Ku Klux Klan. Burgess, 250-252; 257-261. Larned, 
United States 1866-1S71. Blaine, II, 467-475. Hart, Con- 
temporaries, IV, No. 156. Andrews, The United States in Our 
Own Time, 36-40. 

12. Charles. Sumner's views on reconstruction. Sumner, 
Am. St. Series, 217-220; 255-260. On negro suffrage, 290-301. 
Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 146. 

13. Election of 1872. Blaine, II, 524; 531-533. Andrews, 
The United States in Our Own Time, 68-78. Linn, Horace 
Greeley, chap. 9. Elson, Sidelights, II, chap, 10. Stanwood, 
History of Presidential Elections, 276-301. 



436 American Ilistorij 

14. For roadiiifjs on this chapter, .see James and Mann, Read- 
ings in American History, chap. 25. 

15. Fiction rehitinfj to the reconstruction period. Tourgee, 
A Foors Errand. Page, Red Rock. Harris, Gabriel Tolhver. 



CHAPTER XXVI 
DIPLOMACY, FINANCE, AND POLITICS, 18G5-1877 

In 18G7 Russia ceded to the United States the possession The acqui- 
of Alaska, a territory of nearly 000,000 square miles, then Alaska" 
inhabited by a few natives and considered of doubtful 
value. The compensation was $7,200,000. The relations 
between our country and Russia during the Civil War, 
when we most needed friends in Europe, had been cordial. 
Russia's sale of Alaska was another indication of this 
friendly spirit, combined, possibly, with the desire to 
check the expansion of England. 

Another important diplomatic victory was won by The ap- 
Secretary Seward in 1867. A condition of civil war in ^J't^e"" 
Mexico had resulted in an agreement between France, Monroe 
Spain, and England to send there an armed force for the in°Me"^co. 
protection of their subjects and the collection of debts. 
The other nations soon withdrawing, France pursued this 
policy alone; and Napoleon III gave evidence that his 
intention was, in reality, the conquest of Mexico, in order 
to secure commercial advantages and prestige at home. 
He caused Archduke jNIaximilian of Austria to be elected 
Emperor of ^Mexico, and maintained him upon the throne 
by force of French arms. Against this policy the United 
States protested vigorously, but nothing further could be 
done while the Civil War lasted. At its close, troops were 
sent to the Mexican border, and Seward, threatening an 
invasion, ski fully insisted upon the withdrawal of the 
French troops from Mexico. This was finally done (1867). 
437 



43S 



American Ilisiory 



Maximilian was left to his fate, and was captured and sliot 
bv tro()ps of the Mexican llej)ublic. Seward followed the 
IMonroe Doctrine in statinfT the right of the Mexican peojile 
to determine their own form of government, and that 
French intervention in 
Mexico was an act of 
hostility to the United 
States. 

During the Civil War 
the English (lovernmcnt 
refused to consider the 
question of its obliga- 
tions in view of the in- 
juries committed by the 
Alabama and other Con- 
federate vessels built in 
English ports. There 
came a change of minis- 
trv, however; and the an- 
ticipation of war between 
France and Prussia, in 
which England might be- 
come involved, made that 
Government desire a 
more definite under- 
standing as to the rights 

and duties of neutral nations. It would be extremely dis- 
astrous to British commerce if either France or Germany 
should use the ports of the United States as the Con- 
federates had been allowed to use English ports. 

As the result of skilful diplomacy on the part of Secretary 
of State Fish, five English commissioners were appointed to 
meet at Washington with five representing this country. 
This Joint High Commission drew up the Treaty of 
Washington (1871), which was accepted by both countries. 
The treaty expressed "in a friendly spirit the regret felt by 
Her INIajesty's Government for the escape, under whatever 




Diplomacy, Fiitaiicc, and Politics 435) 

circumstances, of the Alabama and other vessels from 
British ports, and for the depredations committed by those 
vessels." It pro\ided for the settlement of four disputes 
between England and the United States bv the process of 
a rbif ration. This was the greatest treaty of arbitration the 
world had yet seen. 

The most important of the disputed questions, that of the The Ge- 
Alabama claims, was submitted to five arbitrators selected by neva Arbi- 
the United States, England, Switzerland, Italy, and Brazil, re- tration. 
spectively. For their guidance, rules concerning the obligations 
of neutrals were agreed upon, their substance being that neutral 
nations should use "due diligence" in preventing such acts as 
had been overlooked by the English Government, in the case of 
the Confederate cruisers. The Tribunal of Arbitration met at 
Geneva, Switzerland, and decided that the English Government, 
having failed to use due diligence, should pay $15,500,000 to the 
United States as damages. This amount was to be used to 
recompense the owners of vessels and cargoes seized and de- 
stroyed. 

The other disputes involved (1) the north-western boundary 
between Canada and the United States. This question was 
submitted to the Emperor of Germany, who decided the correct 
line in the Straits of Fuca. (2) A dispute regarding the fisheries 
on the Atlantic coast was settled by a commission. (3) Another 
concerning claims made by citizens of both countries was likewise 
disposed of. 

Thus the principle of arbitration and the peaceful settlement 
of disputes between nations won distinct recognition. 

Industrially, the effects of the Civil War upon the industrial 
country w^ere nothing less than revolutionary. In the 
revival of the cotton industry at the South there was a War, 
complete transfer from the basis of slave labor to that of 
free labor. The first effort toward adjustment was made 
in the maintenance of large plantations, worked by gangs 
of negro wage-earners. This proved unsatisfactory. Then 
the large estates were broken up into small tracts rented 
on shares to negroes. Later, negroes were able to ac- 
quire much land and to work it as small farms. At the 
same'time, the poor whites, now able to compete in cotton 
raising, bought these cheap lands, and so obtained a more 



effects of 
the Civil 



440 



imcricaii 11 islorij 



iiKlependciit status. The average size of farms in tiie 
Southern States fell from 335 aeres in 18G0 to 214 acres in 
1870, and 153 acres in 1880. 

The belief that slave labor was neces.sary to the produc- 
tion of cotton proved false. By the year 187() the annual 
yield equalled that of 18(30, and since that date there has 
been a great increase. With the disapjiearance of slave 
labor, moreover, Southern prejudice against other indus- 
tries passed away. Crops were diversified; Northern 
capital found use in the exploitation of other resources of 
the South. Its water-power began to be developed and its 
coal-fields and mineral deposits were opened. Various 
manufacturing industries began to rise. Only beginnings 
in these directions were made before 1870; later, the in- 
dustrial develojjment of the South out of its auic helium 
condition into "the new South" of diversified industries 
became raj)i(l. 

In the North the industrial consequences of the Civil 
War were also very marked. The demand for manu- 
factured goods to supply the army and navy gave a spur 
to industries of all kinds. "An official report in 18G9 de- 
clared that within five years more cotton spindles had been 
put in motion, more iron furnaces erected, more iron 
smelted, more bars rolled, more steel made, more coal and 
copper mined, more lumber sawn and hewn, more houses 
and shops constructed, more manufactories of different 
kinds started, and more petroleum collected, refined, and 
exported, than during any equal period in the history of 
our country — and that this increase had been at a more 
rapid rate than the growth of population." * 

The high tariff on imported goods also stimulated manu- 
factures greatly. The average rate of duties was raised 
from the level of 20 per cent, in 1860 to 37 per cent, in 
1862 and 47 per cent, in 1864. The chief reasons for this 
advance were the need of revenue and the necessity of 
protecting our industries, which were now subject to very 
* Dewey, Financial History of the United States, 358. 



Diploman/, Finance, and Politics 441 

heavy internal taxation, against foreign competition. The 
new rates were generally looked upon as temporary. But 
when efforts were made after the war to reduce the rates 
there were protests from manufacturers. The internal 
revenue taxes were repealed, year by year, as Government 
expenditures lessened. The import duties upon articles, 
such as tea and coffee, not produced in this country were 
taken off; but the protective duties remained. In 1872 a 
law was enacted reducing the latter uniformly ten per 
cent.; but the commercial crisis of 1873 gave rise to 
the demand for their restoration to the former level, 
and this was done in 1875. This, then, became the 
basis upon which our protective tariff system has since 
rested. 

Another indication of the industrial spirit of the North 
during the Civil War is the Homestead Act of 18G2. The 
policy of giving Western lands free to settlers had been 
defeated, previous to 1860, by the Southern delegation in 
Congress. It was now adopted as a means of developing 
the economic resources of the North and making it more 
capable of sustaining the burden of the war. Any head of 
a family might acquire 100 acres of land by residing upon 
it for five years. This law stimulated the development of 
the West and helped to maintain the level of wages in the 
East by drawing off its surplus labor population. Immi- 
gration from Europe, which, on the whole, suffered a check 
during the war, was stimulated by the Homestead Act, 
and later rose to enormous figures. The immigrants were 
chiefly Germans and Irish. 

It was in accordance with the same policy of developing The Pacific 
Western resources that Congress (1862-1864) voted aid '^'^"^-^y^- 
for the construction of the Pacific railways. 



The Home- 
stead Act, 
1862. 



ment aid. 



Two lines, the Union Pacific, built westward from Omaha, and Reasons 
the Central Pacific, eastward from San Francisco, were given f^,''5°yfj'^' 
ten square miles of land for every mile of track laid. Besides 
this, the (Jovernment issued Its bonds to the amount of Sfi4,000,- 
000 in aid of these roads, taking only a second mortgage upon 



442 



American Ili-storif 



the property as security. A total of 23,000,000 acres was granted 
— an area larger than the State of Pennsylvania. In succeeding 
years, still larger grants were made to the Santa Fe, the Northern 
Pacific, the Te.xas Pacific, and the Southern Pacific railroads. 
There were political and military reasons, also, for this policy 
of governmental bounty. The people of the Pacific coast would 
be bound by stronger ties to the North; the movement of troops 
would be facilitated; the control of hostile Indians would be 
made easier; public lands woukl be made more accessible and 
more valuable. In May, 18G9, the first transcontinental rail- 
road was completed, when the two construction crews, who had 
been working from opposite directions, met at Promontory 
Point, Utah. 

In the midst of general prosperity at the North, one industry 
suffered fatal depression. In 1860 sixty-six per cent, of the 
imports antl exports of the Ihiited States were carried in vessels 
registered untler our laws; in 1870, only one-half as much was 
thus carried, and the decline since then has been steady. Scores 
of vessels had been destroyed by Confederate cruisers; others 
were transferred to foreign registry. Iron and steel hacl super- 
seded wood in marine construction, and the I'nited States could 
not compete with foreign countries in building merchant sliips. 



The Government emerged from the war financially 
.sound. Policies were now developed upon three subjects 
— the war taxes, the debt, and the legal tenders. (1) It 
has already been stated (see p. 441) that rapid reductions 
were made in the internal taxes and some duties, while the 
protective duties remained intact. (2) In September, 18G5, 
the public debt was $2,S4(J,000,000 *— its highest point. 
The policy of discharging rapidly this enormous debt was 
entered upon at once. Indeed, the rapidity and ease with 
which the reduction was accomplished are "without prece- 
dent among nations." The bonds, certificates, and notes 
representing the debt were of great variety. Under Sec- 
retary of the Treasury INIcCulloch, the demand and short- 
term obligations were taken up and new interest-bearing 
bonds were given in exchange. These bore 5, 4-2-, and 4 

* From this subtract $88,000,000 in the Treasury, leaving $2,758,000.- 
000. Of this debt the legal tenders constituted $433,000,000 and the 
fractional paper currency $26,000,000. 



Diplomacy, Finance, and Politics 443 

per cent, interest instead of the 7.3, 7, and 6 per cent, rates Refunding 
of the original issues. By these refunding operations the "P^'"^*''^"^- 
Government saved great sums. Such were the stabiUty 
and resources of the country that the new bonds sold at a 
premium, and "long before they matured the Government 
could borrow at a rate as low as 2| per cent." 

The question arose, should the bonds not specifically payable 
in coin be paid in greenbacks? It was argued that the Govern- 
ment had received depreciated legal tenders for its bonds, and 
that therefore their payment in gold would be unjust to tax- 
payers. But as the legal tenders were still below par this would 
mean the virtual repudiation of a part of the debt, as it could not 
be shown that such payment was contemplated when the bonds 
were sold. This question had been an issue in the election of 
1868. (See pp. 42i)-43().) The Republican victory and an act 
of Congress in 18()9 settled the policy in favor of coin payment 
for all bonds. 

(3) Though the legal tenders were regarded as tem- The 
porary, when issued, their retirement, was most difficult, states 
During the war the monetary situation was one of infla- notes. 
tion, i. e., the amount of money was in excess of the de- 
mand for it in business. Prices were therefore high, and 
all business was conducted upon this inflated basis. In 
1866 Congress authorized Secretary McCulloch to redeem 
the legal tenders in limited amounts from the surplus 
revenues, and to cancel those redeemed. This process was 
continued until the amount outstanding was reduced to 
$356,000,000, when it was stopped by an act of Congress 
(1S6S), responding to pubhc criticism of this "contrac- 
tion" of the currency. 

The question was debated, should the United States retain Arguments 
the legal tenders as a permanent money, or should some policy of over the re- 
" resumption of specie payments" be enacted? Those who [{[gnotes^^ 
opposed the retirement of the greenbacks emphasized the evils 
that would result from the lower prices inevitably following con- 
traction of the currency; the manufacturers and merchants who 
had stocks on hand would suffer, and also the debtors, including 
large numbers of farmers who had mortgaged their farms. The 
extremists of this belief urged further issues of irredeemable 



the crisis 
of 1S73. 



444 American History 

paper money in the interest of lively trade. On the other hand, 
the evils of inflation were pointed out; the uncertainty as to the 
amount of currency and its value had already led to a scandalous 
amount of speculation. The le^ral tenders, moreover, were a 
Government obligation, and public honor clemanded the fulfil- 
ment of the promise to pay. The policy of resuming specie 
payments was supj)orted by the strongest element of both 
parties, but the manner and time of beginning this process 
could not be settled upon. 
Constitu- Meanwhile, the Supreme Court, Chief Justice Chase presiding, 

tlu'Teial"^ decided (18()9) that Congress had exceeded its powers in giving 
tenders. the legal tender quality to the United States notes and that 
for contracts made before their issuance these notes need not 
be accepted. In 1872, however, the court having in the meantime 
been changed by the succession of two new members, a decision 
was maile upholding the constitutionality of the legal tenders 
as a war measure. 

Causes of The cri.si.s of 1873 was the outcome of the monetary 

situation and the ^reat industrial activity of this period. 
The high prices had stimulated production until there was 
overproduction and a ^\nt of the market. Investment ran 
into speculation, and the resources of individuals and 
corporations became tied up in unprofitable enterprises. 
This was especially true in railroad construction. Imme- 
diately after the war, rapid progress was made in the set- 
tlement of the central West and of California. Wheat- 
growing, especially, increased greatly. The development 
of these new fields gave an impetus to the building of 
railroads. Between 1868 and 1873, 28,000 miles were 
built — more than the total mileage of the country in 
1859. This was greatly in excess of the growth and 
needs of the country, and the returns were consequently 
inadequate. It is apparent that both the paper money, 
upon the basis of which people estimated values, and in- 
dustrial securities (bonds, mortgages, etc.) represented 
fictitious rather than real values. Such a condition could 
not long continue. When the demand came for the set- 
tlement of debts, for the pannent of interest on invest- 
ments, for the pa>Tnent of specie at banks, the false valua- 



Diplomacy, Finance, and Politics 445 

tion was revealed and failures resulted. In September, 
1873, there was a stringency in the money market in 
Nejiv York and the reserves of the banks were very 
low. Upon the appearance of a "scare," depositors de- 
manded their money and banks were obliged to refuse 
payment. The panic ensued. There were 5,000 bank- 
ruptcies in 1873, and by 1878 the number was twice 
as large. Business stagnation ensued and the greatest 
burden fell upon the poor, for whom idle industries gave 
no employment. 

Immediately following the panic came a renewal of the The"infla- 
demand for "more money." Consequently, Congress ^'""^ ^ * 
passed (1874) a bill increasing the amount of legal tender 
notes. President Grant vetoed this bill on the ground 
that prosperity could not permanently result from an 
artificial inflation of the money supply. 

In 1875 Congress gave tardy expression to the policy Resump- 
of resumption. It was enacted that on January 1, 1879, g'^'^ie^ 
the Government woidd redeem the legal tenders at par in payments. 
coin; to provide specie for this purpose, bonds might be 
issued by the Secretary of the Treasury. When the date 
thus fixed arrived, the notes were equal in value to gold. 
A reserve of considerably more than $100,000,000 was in 
the Treasury for their redemption. The people, however, 
called for the redemption of but few notes. 

The ovenvhelraing victory of the Republicans in the Grant's 
election of 1872 (see pp. 433-434) was offset by reverses ^jTimi" 
met during Grant's second administration. The party in 
power during a financial crisis usually receives unmerited 
blame for the "hard times" that follow. On the score of 
official corruption, however, the party was justly criticised. 
The evils of the spoils system had led to the^ enactment of 
a law (1871) providing for a civil-service examination 
system. The foremost agitator in this cause was George 
WiUiam Curtis, and he was appointed by Grant chairman 
of a commission to administer the new law. There was 
opposition to the reform, however, and in 1875 Congress 



446 



American History 



The cam- 
paign of 
1876. 



ralue. 



refused further appropriations and the system was aban- 
doned for the time. 

Investigations disclosed the fact that a corjwration 
called the Credit :Mobilier, engaged in constructing the 
Pacific railroads, had sought to influence Congressmen 
by selling to them shares of its stock below market 
Collectors of internal rev- 
enue taxes upon whiskey 
were found, upon investi- 
g a t i o n s prosecuted by 
Secretary of the Treas- 
ury Bristow, to be de- 
frauding the Government 
of millions of dollars. 
A member of the Cabinet, 
Se('retary of \Var Belknap, 
was fomid to be involved 
in frauds connected with 
the letting of contracts in 
his dejiartment. President 
Grant's personal honesty, 
it appears, was combined 
with great incapacity for 
judging the quality of his 
subordinates. 

This official corruption gave the Democrats the oppor- 
tunity to make rejorm the leading issue of the campaign of 
1876. For their leader they selected Samuel J. Tilden, an 
eminent lawyer, formerly Governor of New York. He was 
prominent at this time through his work in ])rosecuting suc- 
cessfullv the leaders of the infamous "Tweed ring," which 
had robbed tije city of New York of some $100,000,000. 
Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, was nominated as 
candidate for Vice-President. 

For their candidate the Republicans turned from their 
prominent leaders, James G. Blaine, of Maine, OUver P. 
Morton, of Indiana, and Roscoe Conkling, of New York, 




Samuel J. Tilden 



Diplomacy, Finance, and PoUti 



447 



and nominated a "dark horse," Rutherford B. Hayes a 
manof considerable experience, thrice Governor of Ohio 
\^^lIhalll H. Wheeler, of New York, was the candidate for 
V ice-President. 

In response to the Democratic cry for reform, the Repub- 
licans dwelt upon the issue of Southern political conditions 
the suppression of tfie negro vote, and the Civil War record 
ot their opponents * The parties differed flatly on the 



% 



f^' "~».. 



I /::t-c 




ELECTIO 

OF 
1876 
n3Ii<;publican 185 

J [Democratic ISU 

nU Disputed 20 




Election Map of 187( 



tariff question, but upon resumption the issue was con- 
fused: the Republicans indorsed the law of 1875, while 
the Democrats demanded its repeal without denouncing 
resumption. The contest was close for the first time 
since 1860. The Democrats carried all the doubtful 
Northern States (New York, Indiana, New Jersey, and 

* This appeal to the prejudices of war times was called " waving the 
bloody shirt." It helped to solidify the Democratic white vote in the 
South and to prevent secession from Republican ranks in the North. 



Issues of 
the elec- 
tion. 



448 



America II Ilisiorij 



Disputed 

election 

returns. 



The 

Electoral 
Commis- 
sion. 



Connecticut) and claimed all of the Southern States, 
tliou^h their victory was disputed in Louisiana, Florida, 
and South Carolina. 

In these three States the carpet-bag governments were still 
in power, and the officers who canvassed the election returns 
(returning boards) were Republicans. They decided that there 
was evidence of fraud and intimida- 
tion sufhcient to justify the rejec- 
tion of votes in certain districts, and 
that the Hayes electors were elected. 
Other officers in those States, and in 
TT^^ Oregon, where a question as to the 

tidW ^^ '^^^H qualifications of a Republican 
\. <!j^E elector had arisen, reported that 

iSft •. ' >->.^^H Democratic electors had been 

chosen. In each of these four States, 
tlien, two groups of electors met 
and voted for President, and double 
returns were sent to the President 
of the Senate to be counted. 

In Congress, a rule in operation 
since 1865 that the electoral vote of 
any state should not be counted if 
either House objected, could not 
be reenacted because the House 
was Democratic and the Senate 
Republican. Tilden had 184 undisputed votes, and the count- 
ing of one vote from the States in dispute would make him 
President. On the other hand, it required all the votes from 
those States to give Hayes a majority. 

No method being provided by the Constitution or by lawto settle 
the question, which of the disputed votes should be counted, the 
two Houses finally agreed upon an extra-Constitutional process. 
An Electoral Commission was established, consisting of five Sena- 
tors (three Republicans and two Democrats), five Representatives 
(three Democrats and two Republicans), and five Justices of the 
Supreme Court (two of each party, the fifth to be chosen by these 
four). The fifth Justice selected was Mr. Bradley, a Republican, 
and the Commission decided by a strict party vote of eight to 
seven that it would accept the returns sent by the returning 
boards in the disputed States, without examining into the merits 
of their decisions. This gave the majority to Hayes. 

The excitement and bitterness aroused by this contest sub- 
sided with remarkable ease, and the country once more demon- 




Kutherford B. Hayes 



Diplomacy, Finance, and Politics 449 

strated its respect for the decisions of constituted authorities 
regardless of personal feeling. ' 

President Hayes displayed an admirable quality in his The 
firm stand against political corruption; he forbade the p^^^^s of 
practice of assessing Government employees for political Hayes^"^ 
purposes, and aimed to make fitness a test in his appoint- 
ments. He disappointed a large number in his party by 
withdrawing from Southern States the Federal troops hith- 
erto maintained there to secure fair elections (see p. 432). 
This policy removed the last obstacle in the way of negro 
disfranchisement, and had the effect of removing the 
Southern question from politics. This administration was 
not marked by important party legislation, since the 
Democrats controlled either one or both Houses of Con- 
gress. They tried to enact Democratic measures by fixing 
them as "riders" upon urgent appropriation bills. These 
were vetoed by Hayes. 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1. The Geneva Arbitration. Charles Francis Adams, Am. St. 
Series 380-397. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 175. Andrews, 
The United States in Our Own Time, 87-95. 

2. Senator Sumner on the purchase of Alaska. Hart, Con- 
temporaries, IV, No. 174. 

3. The industrial effects of the Civil War. Wright, Industrial 
Evolution of the United States, 152-158, 188. Bogart, Economic 
History of the United States, 266-267, 419. 

4. Why was not the tariff reduced after the war? Taussig, 
Tariff History of the United States, 171-178. 

5. What were the arguments for and against contraction of the 
currency ? Dewey, Financial History of the United States, 335- 
339. For and against payment of the bonds in currency, 344- 
349. The history of resumption, 372-378. See also, Andrews, 
263-267. 

6. The panic of 1873. Andrews, 253-263. Larned, History 
for Ready Reference, United States, A.D. 1873. 

7. The transcontinental railways and the Credit Mobilier 
Company. Andrews, 103-109. 



450 American History 

8. The elections of 1872 and 187G are treated in Wilson, 
Division and Reunion, 281-287. The disputed election of 1876, 
in Andrews, 205-221. Lamed, Ready Reference, United States, 
1876-1877. Government in State and Nation, 261-262. 

9. For the history of the legal tenders and resumption, see 
Government in State and Nation, 212-214. 

10. For the topics in this chapter, see James and Mann, 
Readings in American History, chap. 26. 



CHAPTER XXVIl 

INDUSTRIAL AND SOCIAL CHANGES 
1866-1886 

The industrial activity that followed the Civil War industrial 
(see p. 439) was accompanied by changes that constitute men'ts^^ 
almost another industrial revolution. The progress of after the 
invention that had been somewhat checked by the Civil 
War now proceeded with renewed ^'igor. New machinery 
and new processes multiplied rapidly. The most im- 
portant of these were the Bessemer process of converting 
iron into steel, first used extensively in 18G7, and the 
Siemens-Martin, or open-hearth method of 1869. Coke 
was substituted for coal in the reduction of the ore. The 
great activity in railroad construction (see p. 444) stimu- 
lated this industry, and the substitution of steel for iron rails 
made possible larger and more efficient rolling stock. 

At this time the opening of the great iron deposits of upper steel man- 
Michigan and Wisconsin, together with the cheaper proc- "facture. 
esses, facilitated the substitution of steel for iron in all in- 
dustries — the "age of steel" began. The manufacture of 
steel advanced westward, the ports of the Great Lakes being 
convenient meeting points for the iron from the north and 
the bituminous coal of Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Illinois. 

This period saw the development of the petroleum in- 
dustry to vast proportions. The copper mines of Michi- 
gan and the silver mines of Colorado yielded abundantly. 
The applications of electricity (in electroplating, electro- 
typing, etc.) began to assume importance. 
451 



452 



•an ILidory 



The in- 
creased 
use of 
machinery. 



Corpora- 
tions and 
large-scale 
produc- 
tion. 



This was also tlio age of machinery in a sense hitherto un- 
reaUzed; in every nianufacturinji j)rocess, machines superseded 
hand labor. In the manufacture of flour nearly three-fifths of 
the laborers were displaced by machinery; in furniture factories, 
nearly three-fourths; in metal goods industries, one-third; in 
the manufacture of boots and shoes, four-fifths; and in cotton 
factories, one-half. Yet so great was the demand for the goods 
that were thus being produced more cheaply * and so numerous 
were the new lines of manufacture opened, that labor found 
abundant employment. In fact, tlie number of persons em- 
ployed in productive industries increased at a faster rate than 
did the total population. 

These great changes in mechanical methods necessi- 
tated changes in business methods that were no less im- 
portant. The extensive use of machinery led to manufactur- 
ing on a large scale. Manufacturers then handled larger 
stocks of raw materials and of finished products, and this 
necessitated an increase of capital. This was in turn ef- 
fected by the organization of corporations. In the com- 
petition between large establishments owned by corpor- 
ations and smaller ones, the former had the advantage; 
for in various ways large-scale production is more eco- 
nomical than that conducted upon a small scale. Hence 
there was a decided movement toward the concentration 
of industry. The earnings from large-scale production 
were turned back into the channels of industry, and new 
fields were exploited. In numerous instances great fort- 
unes were rapidly accumulated. 

There now appeared more distinctly than ever before 
the separation of the employer, or capitalist, class from 
the laboring class. 

In large establishments the intimate relations between em- 
ployers and employees cannot exist. The latter lose their indi- 
viduality and to a great extent their independence, as the extreme 
division of labor involves greater routine in processes. The 
corporation deals in a less human way with its employees, and its 
directors frequently sanction practices for which an individual 

♦ The per capita consumption of iron rose from 105 lbs. in 1870 to 
204 lbs. in 1880. Wright, Industrial Evolution of the United States, 323. 



Industrial and Social Changes 453 

employer would not wish to assume the responsibility. More- Effects 
over, the growth of large production favored the concentration that fol- 
of population in large cities.* Here conditions of life were less ^°'^®'^ *''^ 
pleasant and the employment of women and children in factories tion^ofhr." 
increased rapidly. Under these conditions the contrast be- dustry. 
tween the rich and the poor became more apparent; the sharp 
business methods and the profligacy exhibited by some of the 
"newly rich" aroused bitterness and hatred in the hearts of the 
mass of laborers. Sometimes attempts were made by corpor- 
ations to conceal their great profits by stock-watering. Small 
stock-holders in corporations were frequently cheated by the 
juggling of accounts; and corporations were bankrupted by stock 
manipulators for their own profit. Such were some of the evils 
that accompanied the great changes in business organization. 

Before the Civil War a movement had begun for the The growth 
organization of laborers corresponding to the organiza- ''^'^t.or 
tion of capitalists into corporations. Local labor unions 
were numerous, and some twenty-six national unions ex- 
isted in 1860. The industrial changes mentioned above 
were extremely favorable to the progress of this move- 
ment, and new organizations were now rapidly formed. f 
Many trades-union newspapers w^ere established at this 
time. Notable among the unions was the Knights of 
Labor, which combined in its membership workers of all 
industries, numbering in 1886 about 500,000. The Ameri- 
can Federation of Labor, founded in 1881, was intended 
to centralize the control of this movement by affiliating a 
large number of unions ufider one national management. 

The labor movement grew out of a general feeling of discontent 
with the new industrial conditions. The purposes of the unions 
may be summarized as follows: (1) The distribution of sick and 
death benefits. (2) The fostering of a spirit of cooperation 

* See Government in State and Nation, p. 34, for statistics of urban 
growth. 

t Unions were formed in the following occupations: railroad engineers 
(1863), cigar-makers (1864), bricklayers and masons (1865), railroad con- 
ductors (1868), furniture workers (1873), locomotive firemen (1874), iron 
and steel workers (1876), granite cutters (1877), carpenters and joiners 
(1881), railroad brakemen (1884), coal-miners (1885). Both national 
and international organizations were founded in many trades. 



454 



American History 



What 

labor 

unions 

have ac- 

coni- 

pHshed. 



The first 

great 

strikes. 



among working men. (3) The spread of educational influences, 
through meetings, papers, and discussions. (4) Common action 
looking toward the increase of wages, based upon the feeling that 
labor was not receiving its proportionate share of the profits 
arising from mechanical improvements. (5) A movement for 
shorter hours of work. {(i) A demand for legislation insuring 
the safety and comfort of laborers, and the protection of 
women and children. 

Themselves an evidence of growing intelligence among 
the working cla.sses, the unions have had an educating and 
uplifting influence. Their demand for the scientific in- 
vestigation of labor conditions bv the government resulted 
in the State Labor Bureaus (first in Mas.sachusetts, 1809) 
and the National Bureau of Labor (18S4). Their demand 
for labor legislation resulted in a nudtitude of beneficent 
laws.* The hours of labor for women and children have 
been restricted (first in Massachusetts to ten hours a day, 
1874). Since 1870 the imions have emphasized their de- 
mands for a uniform eight-hour day for all employees. 

For securing higher wages and shorter hours labor 
unions depended to some extent upon strikes and "boy- 
cotts," sometimes accompanied by violence. In the 
early years of this period, the.se were seldom succes.sful. 
In 1877 the employees of the Baltimore and Ohio Rail- 
road struck against a ten-per-cent. reduction of wages; em- 
ployees of the Pennsylvania system, with other grievances, 
followed this example. Sympathetic strikes on other roads 
and in other industries soon involved 100,000 employees. 
There ensued much violence, with the destruction of 
property and loss of life, especially at Pittsburg, Pa. 

These events startled the public and directed attention 
to the labor problem. In 1883 there was an extensive 
strike among the telegraphers of the country, and two 
years later another occurred among the employees of 
the Gould system of railroads in the south-western States. 
In 1886 there was great unrest among the laboring classes 

* For a list of these laws see Wright, Industrial Evolution of the' United 
States, 291-292; Government in State and Nation, 107-110. 



Industrial and Sucial Changes 455 

in Chicago. During the course of a strike at the IMcCor- The Chi- 
mick reaper works, workmen used violent methods and cago an- 
several were shot by police. These conditions culminated 
in the throwing of a bomb at a public gathering in Hay- 
market Square. Several policemen were killed and others 
were wounded. The act was regarded as the outcome of 
the teachings promulgated by certain anarchists who ad- 
vised resistance to government authority. Four of these 
were hanged. Several years later, Governor Altgeld of 
Illinois pardoned three others, then in the penitentiary, 
on the ground that they had not had a fair trial. 

Business depression continued for some years after the The growth 
panic of 1873. The movement of population mto the trai'wesT' 
central West was very rapid.* The production of wheat, 
corn, and other agricultural products increased apace. 
This fact, together with the lower cost of production, due 
to the use of improved farm machinery, and the lower 
cost^of transportation, tended to cause decreasing prices 
for farm products. Thousands of farmers who had hope- 
fully mortgaged their farms now found the interest burden 
growing heavier, and a spirit of discontent reigned through- 
out the agricultural West and South. 

There were real grievances, also, felt by the farmers in Railroad 
the methods employed by railroads. Freight rates on ^j^" ^''^ ^^"^ 
goods carried to cities Avhere several lines were compet- Granger 
ing for business, were, naturally, low; while high rates 
were exacted at intermediate points Avhere there was no 
competition. There arose a movement (organized in 
1867) among farmers, similar to that among factory em- 
ployees. Local organizations, known as "granges," in- 
cluded by 1875 1,-500,000 members. These were organ- 
ized into State and national systems under the name 
"Patrons of Husbandry." Their purpose was partly 
educational, but chiefly they aimed to compel, by the 

* Between 1870 and 1880 population here increased a.s follows: Minne- 
sota, 77 per cent.; Iowa, 36 per cent.; Dakota Ter., 853 per cent.; Kansas, 
173 per cent.; Nebraska, 267 per cent. 



movement. 



456 



American lH.siory 



Europeai 
iniiiiiKra- 
tioii. 



The 
Chinese 
on the 
Pacific 
Coast. 



The 

Greenback 

party. 



force of public opinion, Icirislation against abii.ses com- 
mitted bv railroads and other (•()rj)oration.s. These organ- 
izations also assisted in the establishment of agricultural 
colleges and founded c(^6pcrative buying and selling 
agencies. 

In several Western States (Illinois, Wisconsin, Iowa, 
and Minnesota) laws were enacted (1S71-1S74) prescrib- 
ing maximum rates and establisliing railroad commissions 
empowered to enforce these aufl other restrictive laws. 
The railroad managers fought bitterly against this legis- 
lation, arguing that theirs wa.s a private business which 
the States could not control. The opposite contention, 
that, as corporations deri^•ing their charters from the pub- 
lic, and as common carriers* performing public service, 
the railroads were subject to public control, was sus- 
tained by the United States Supreme Court in 1877. 

One of the causes for the discontent of the laboring 
classes in these years was the severe competition arising 
from the immigration of European laborers. These 
numbered, for the decade 1870-18S0, 2,261,000, chiefly 
German (700,000), English (460,000), Irish (436,000) 
and Scandinavian (211,000). During the next decade 
(1880-1890) the total number of European immigrants 
was more than doubled (4,721,000). 

The coming of large numbers of Chinese to the Pacific 
Coast was the cause of turbulent demonstrations against 
them; their cheap manner of life, low wages, and their 
habit of returning home with their earnings, all added fuel 
to the flames of race hatred. In obedience to popular 
demand, Congress enacted a law (1882) excluding the 
Chinese laboring class from this country for a period of 
ten years. 

During the period of business stagnation that followed 
the crisis of 1873, there arose a demand for "more money." 
A "Greenback" party was formed in 1876 with a Presi- 
dential candidate, Peter Cooper, who received, however, 
* See Government in State and Nation, 100-101. 



Industrial and Social Changes 457 

but 80,000 votes. Two years later the Congressional can- 
didates of this party polled over 1,000,000 votes. 

The fundamental principle of the Greenback party was a denial 
of the doctrine that money owes its value and acceptabihty to 
the intrinsic value of the material from which it is made. They 
contended that this is determined solely by the quantity of money 
in comparison with the business demand for it. It was argued 
■ that the government stamp, and that alone, gave value to any- 
thing that was made money by law. The government should 
therefore issue as much "fiat" paper money as business required, 
making no provision for its redemption, but allowing it to be 
convertible into government bonds bearing interest. This party 
denounced resumption, National banks, and the payment of 
bonds in specie. There were many njen in both of the old 
parties who were either favorable to its views or afraid, for po- 
htical reasons, to oppose them. 

While refusing to repeal the resumption act of 1875 The re- 
(see p. 445) Congress took another step opposed to con- ofTp^ede" 
traction, in 1878, when it decreed that after the commence- payments 
ment of resumption (1879) none of tlie legal tender notes refssuinc? 
that were redeemed should be destroyed, but that all ^nue^d 
should be reissued in the ordinary course of business, states 
Thus the total amount of these notes remained constant "°*^"" 
($346,000,000). Business conditions, giving the United 
States a favorable balance of trade against Europe, en- 
abled the Secretary of the Treasury, John Sherman, to 
accumulate gold for the resumption fund; but no provision 
was made in anticipation of the troublous times when this 
could not be done (see p. 481). 

The history of silver legislation in this period is closely The de- 
related to the events above described. For many years ^on^of^sU- 
previous to 1873, gold production was in excess of silver pro- 
duction, and very little silver bullion was brought to the 
mints for coinage. Silver dollars were exported, and were 
seldom seen in circulation. Public attention w^as there- 
fore only slightly attracted to the law of 1873 revising the 
coinage regulations and omitting the silver dollar from 
the list of coins. Soon after this, silver production rap- 



ver in 
1873. 



458 



American History 



idly increased, especially from newly discovered deposits 
in Colorado.* 

The bullion value of the silver dollar .was 102 cents in 
1872; but by 1875 it had fallen to about 96 cents, and this 
tendency continued. In consequence, a demand arose 
in the silver producing States of the West for the return 
to the policy of free silver coinage f that had prevailed 
from the beginning of our government until 1873. This 
demand grew in intensity as the value of silver bullion 
declined, and a large portion of the Greenback party 
threw their influence in the same direction, since free coin- 
age would mean expansion of the money supply. The 
strength of the movement is indicated by the fact that in 
1876 and 1877 the House of Representatives passed bills 
for the free coinage of silver. 

The free-silver movement gained great strength in the agricult- 
ural sections of the West and South, wiiere there was a condition 
of business depression (see p. 45.') ), as well as in the silver- 
mining States. This depression was tlue, it was claimed, to 
contraction of the currency. The decline of prices and the de- 
monetization t of silver were cited as proofs that there was con- 
traction. The restoration of silver to its former place as a money 
metal, would, it was claimed, raise its value, increase the amount 
of money in circulation, restore the former level of prices, and 
bring as a result greater business activity. 

Free-silver advocates of more moderate views believed 
that an international agreement should be made before 
entering upon that policy. These men united with those 

* Product of gold and silver in the United States in millions of dollars. 





GOLD 


SILVER 




GOLD 


SILVER 


1861 


S43 mil. 


S2 mil. 


1873 


. . . . S36 mil. 


S36 mU. 


1865... 


....53 •• 


12 ■■ 


1874.... 


...34 ■' 


37 " 


1870... 


. ... 50 " 


17 •■ 


1875 


...33 " 


31 " 


1871 


44 " 


24 •' 


1876.... 


40 '• 


35 " 


1872. . . . 


...36 " 


29 " 


1877... 


. ... 47 " 


37 " 








1878. . . . 


. . . 51 " 


40 " 



t Free coinage of any metal exists when any person may bring bullion 
to the mint and have it coined; the government undertakes to coin all 
that is brought. See Government in State and Nation, 207-208. 

t /. e., the stoppage of free coinage in 1873 by the United States and, 
at about the same time, by several European countries. 



ludmtrial and Social Changcf! 



Am 



who stood for the single gold standard in the enactment 
ot a compromise law— the Bland-Allison act of 1878 
i his law authorized the Secretary of the Treasury to 
purchase monthly from $2,000,000 to $4,000,000 worth 
ot silver bullion and to coin it into silver dollars of the 
standard weight (412.5 grains), which were to be full lecral 
tender * Under this law $378,000,000 were coined but 
silver bullion continued to decline in value, and, another 
period of^ business depression occurring in 1882-1884, the 
demand for free-silver coinage continued. 

Suggestive Questioxs and References 

1. Wright, Industrial Evolution of the United States, has the 
tollowmg topics: The tendency to concentration in the iron and 
stee industries, 176-179. Labor organizations, chaps. 19, '^0 
Strikes on the Pennsylvania and the Gould railroads, 301-309 

2. Andrews, The United States in Our Own Time The 

SToi'f \Pf'^''' ^^^^^^' ^-^^- ^^^ G^^^g^r mov'ement, 
^3 L;;^^«^"^ov^ment, 285-293. The Chicago anarchists, 
530-53O. Chinese immigration, 356-381. Euorpean immigra- 
tion, /07-714. " 

3 Dewey, Financial History of the United States, the Green- 
back party, 378-382. Silver legislation of this period, 403-410 

4. Bogart, Economic History of the United States. Silver 
legislation, 346. Large-scale manufacturing, 373-379 Labor 
unions, 425-426, 442-444. 

5. For source readings on the topics of this chapter, see James 
and Mann, Readings in American History, chap. 27. 

*See Government in State and Nation. 211. The holders of these 
dollars might deposit them in the Treasury and receive in exchange silver 
ce,-uficates m the same amounts, as a more convenient form of money 



Ibid.. 2U 



CHAPTER XXVITI 

POLITICAL CHANGES AND INDUSTRIAL EXPANSION, 

1880-1890 

Party POLITICALLY, the administration of President Haves 

Uonrfor was successful. We have seen (j). 449) that he closed "the 
the eiec- epoch of Reconstruction by withdrawing the Federal troops 
1880° from the South. The Republican party profited by his 

sensible, conservative guidance, and by his honest efforts 
in the direction of official jnirity. For the Republican 
nomination for President in ISSO, there arose a contest 
between the supporters of General Grant, whose popu- 
larity was at this time greatly increased by his return from 
a trip around the world, and the opponents of a "third 
term." The latter were divided in their support of 
James G. Blaine and John Sherman. The warring fac- 
tions finally united upon James A. Garfield of Ohio, with 
Chester A. Arthur of New York as candidate for Vice- 
President. 

The Democrats nominated Gen. Winfield S. Hancock 
of Pennsylvania and WilUam H. English of Indiana. 

Mr. Garfield was reared in poverty, but he secured a college 
education and became president of Hiram College, Ohio. In 
the Civil War he had shown marked ability, rising to the rank 
of General; he had been a Republican leader in Congress since 
1863. 

General Hancock had had little political experience, but his 
record as a soldier was brilliant. A graduate of West Point, he 
had seen service in the Mexican War; he had contributed much 
toward the victory at Gettysburg, where he commanded the left 
center of the Union Army. His nomination strengthened the 
adherence of the War Democrats. 
460 



Polifical Changes- and Indmtrlal Expansion 



4G1 



In this campaign, as in 1876, the past records of the Repubii 
two parties, chiefly upon Civil War, reconstruction, and an^the^ 
financial policies, were debated. The result was remark- "Solid'' 
able in the clear division between the sections. The ^°"*'^-" 
Republicans who were successful, carried all the North- 
ern States, except New Jersey, Nevada, and California; 
while the Democrats carried every Southern State. The 
"Solid South" was a product of reconstruction times. 




^ CmUr of Poputattan 



Population map, 



In this section practically all the white voters were united 
in the party which opposed negro suffrage, regardless 
of their views upon other questions. 

The contest between the two Republican factions was 
renewed when President Garfield appointed, as Secretary 
of State, James G. Blaine, the personal enemy of Senator 
Roscoe Conkling of New York, who had been leader of 
the Grant faction. Garfield also nominated as collector of 
the port of New York a candidate who was personally and 
politically unacceptable to Conkling. The confirmation 
of the latter appointment by the Senate would violate the 



Factional 
quarrels 
within 
Republi- 
can ranks. 



462 A III erica II Ilislorj/ 

principle of "senatorial courtesy"* and the issue was most 
bitterly contested. The Senate finally sustained the Presi- 
dent. Senators Conklin^ aiid Piatt resigned, but the legis- 
lature of New York refused to vindicate them bv reelection. 




James A. Ciarfield 

After a pIiotoRiarli liy Bell— the last pictine made lief..re the 

The as- The opening months of Garfield's administration were 

sassina- otherwise perplexed by questions invohing the distribution 
Garfield. of "spoils." He was gladly seeking release from these 
cares by leaving Washington, when he w^as shot down 
(July 9, 1881) at the railway station by Charles Guiteau, 
a disappointed office-seeker, who thought his act was neces- 
sary to prevent a split in the Republican party. The 

* See Government in Slate and Nation, p. 275. 



Political Changes and Indushial Expansion 463 

sympatliy of the entire world was ^iven to the strieken 
President during the weeks that foUowed. On September 
19 his long struggle for life was ended. 

Vice-President Arthur, who now succeeded Garfield, had President 
been hitherto unknown by the country, outside of political ^''^'^"■■• 
and social circles in New York. There were fears that 

the consequences follow- 
ing the succession of 
other Vice-Presidents 
would be repeated; but, 
fortunately, Arthur rose 
to the situation and 
showed himself to be an 
able, fearless executive. 

The events above re- The 
cited had served to em- f^.'^lfll 
phasize the evils of the service 
spoils system, its debas- endsTuc- 
ing effects upon political cessfuliy. 
contests, and the burden 
inflicted upon members 
of Congress and the Pres- 
ident. Besides, the evil 
practice of requiring as- 
sessments, called " volun- 
tary contributions," from 
Government employees 
had been in full operation 
during the preceding campaign, as a method of paying ex- 
penses. Since the failure of the civil service law of 1871 
(see p. 445), the fight for reform had been continued 
by independent thinkers and able reformers, led by George 
William Curtis and Carl Schurz. The practice of re- 
quiring competitive examinations had been inaugurated 
in some departments under Hayes; and now politicians 
who relied upon gifts of public offices to maintain their 
political stations were no longer able to resist the pressure 




George William Curtis 



464 American Hi star ij 

of public opinion. A law was enacted (1S.S8) requirinjr 
the examination system for clerks in the departments 
at Washington and in the larger customs houses and 
post-offices. Political assessments were forbidden. 
Arthur appointed a strong commission to administer 
the law.* 
Thf noni- The closc friends of Arthur wished to see him nominated 
ilt^BUine ^y tlif- Republicans for President in 1S.S4, and both Senator 
id 1884. Edmunds of Vermont and Senator Logan of Illinois each 
had a strong following. But there was great enthusiasm, 
especially in the West, over James G. Blaine, who became 
the Republican standard bearer. Blaine's personality — 
he w^as called the "plumed knight" — was very attractive; 
his public record was long and brilliant;! he had stood for 
conservative Republican measures and had exercised great 
influence in the policy of that party during and after the war. 
Jhe Blaine's nomination was followed by a most serious 

"bolt" from Republican ranks on the part of the reform 
element in that jiarty. The "Mugwumps," who refused 
to support him, were strongest in New York and New 
England. They included many leading editors, edu- 
cators, and men of culture; while many others of equally 
high character remained loyal to the party. This move- 
ment was strengthened when the Democrats nominated 
Grover Cleveland of New York as their candidate. Op- 
position to Blaine was based upon three propositions: 
(1) He was accused of having had dishonorable dealings 
with corporations while a member of Congress.| (2) He 
was regarded as a representative of "machine politics," 
i. e., the arbitrary and sometimes corrupt control of the 
Republican party by a few men. (3) Blaine's foreign 

* For further details in the history of the ci\-il service law, see Gov- 
ernment in State and Nation, pp. 275-278. 

t House of Representatives, 1863-1876; Speaker, 1866-1875; United 
States Senator, 1876-1881; Secretary of State, 1881. 

X W'hile this was most strenuously denied, some of Blaine's friends now 
admit that his acts had been "indelicate"; but the practices of public 
men were not at that time so severely judged as at present. 



wump 
movement 



Political Changes and Indtistrial Expansion 465 



policy, developed while he was Secretary of State, was 
considered unsafe (see p. 470). 

The campaign of 1884 was filled with bitter personal- 
ities; the Southern problem attracted little attention for 
the first time since the Civil War, and the tariff question 
became of more importance. In the election, the Demo- 



The elec- 
tion of a 
Democrat- 
ic Presi- 
dent. 




Grover Cleveland 

Copyright by C. M. Bell 



crats carried the "Solid South" and the doubtful Northern 
States, including New York, where the result apparently 
turned upon the "mugwump" movement. 

Cleveland, the first Democratic President since Bu- 
chanan, represented a new tvpe of poUtician in that posi- 
tion. His previous record in public office as Mayor of 
Buffalo and Governor of New York had marked him as 
fearlessly independent in both word and action. His 



President 
Cleve- 
land's 
record. 



4GG 



American Ili.siorij 



Railroad 
consolida- 
tion leads 
to the In- 
terstate 
Commerce 
Act, 1887. 



Constitu- 
tion, 

Article I, 
section 8, 
clause 3. 



vetoes checking corrupt and extravagant measures had 
become famous. He stood for honest, business-Uke ad- 
ministration of government by officers who were public 
servants in fact as well as in name. During Cleveland's 
administration the l{ei)ublicans retained control of the 
Senate, and no great party legislation was enacted. Im- 
portant laws passed were the Presidential Succession Act,* 
a law increasing the size of the navy and placing it upon a 
modern footing, and the Interstate Commerce Act of 1887. 

The measure last mentioned was the outcome of con- 
ditions briefly discussed in a previous chapter (see p. 455). 
While various States were trying, by laws that were more 
or less strict, to suj)ervise and regulate railroads, short 
lines Avere rapidly being consolidated into longer ones. 
Through lines were thus established between the great 
cities, and an increasing proportion of the business became 
interstate instead of intrastate. With this change there 
came about a condition of sharper competition at cities 
that were railroad centers, resulting in discriminations 
and rate wars. The Granger movement included a de- 
mand for Federal legislation regulating railroads as a cor- 
rective of these abuses, and two Congressional committees 
(reporting in 1874 and 188(3), made recommendations look- 
ing toward this end. In 1886 the Supreme Court rendered 
a decision which defined interstate commerce as that be- 
ginning in one State and terminating in another, and 
which placed all such commerce within the jurisdiction of 
Congress exclusively. The Interstate Commerce Act of 
1887 was accordingly passed. 

This law established a Commission of five persons with 
power to investigate and to report concerning grievances 
and violations of the act. Railroad charges must be just 
and reasonable; unjust discrimination between persons 
or localities were prohibited; pooling was declared illegal; 

* Members of the Cabinet succeed to this oflfice in case of the death or 
disability of both President and Vice-President. See Government in 
State and Nation, pp. 265-266. 



Political Changes and Iiulmfrial Expansion 4(37 

there should be full publicity of rates.* This act marks 
an era in the history of transportation in this country. 

In the political contests of the years between 1876 and The tariff 
1884, Civil War questions, pertaining chiefly to reconstruc- caUs^ue*'" 
tion and finance, and the personalities of candidates were ' 
the leading issues debated. In the decade that followed, 
the tariff became the all-important issue. Upon the 
question of protection the voters of the Republican and 
Democratic parties had not been clearly divided; though 
in theory, and for campaign purposes, the former party 
had stood for protection and the latter for a low tariff. 
Fundamentally, this was an economic and business ques- 
tion, rather than a political one, and within the ranks of 
the Republicans were Westerners who objected to the 
pajTnent of high prices on manufactures when the neces- 
sity for war taxation had passed; while particularly strong 
in the Democratic ranks was an element in the East who 
desired the continuance of protection for their industries. 

In 1882 there was a general demand within both The tariff 
parties for the revision and reduction of the tariff, Ij^^sio^ 
which still stood practically upon its war basis. Such of 1883. 
reduction was advocated partly as a means of reducing 
the great surplus that was rapidly accumulating in the 
Treasury,! and partly because there was a wide-spread 
conviction that the protective system should not become 
the permanent policy of the country. Recognizing the 
purely economic aspects of tariff-making. Congress 
authorized the appointment of a non-partisan commission 
of nine persons (not members of Congress) who made 
an investigation and report (1883) recommending re- 
ductions of from twenty to twenty-five per cent, in the 

* For a more detailed statement see Government in State and Nation, 
pp. 200-202. 

t The reduction of this surplus by the redemption and retirement of 
the greenbacks was opposed for fear of contraction of the currency; its 
reduction by the payment of United States bonds before they were due 
would reduce the amount of bonds that were available for use in securing 
National Bank notes. 



4G8 



.1 mcricaii J I t^tort/ 



Cleve- 
land's 
tariff 
message. 
1887. 



duties. In Congress the work of these experts was re- 
jected; special interests made strong appeals for the con- 
tinuance of protection, and the result was a law, passed 
the same year, which revised the tariff in a haphazard 
way, retaining a great many of the high j^rotective duties. 
Western farmers were particularly dissatisfied with the 
repeal of the duty on wool, and this contributed to the 
defeat of the Republican party in 1884. 

The division in the Democratic ranks on the tariff 
question prevented the House of Representatives from 
passing a new tariff law in the early part of Cleveland's 
administration. But the President was a radical tariff 
reformer and devoted his entire annual message in De- 
cember, 1887, to this subject. He made the tariff ques- 
tion a clear issue between the parties. The Democrats now 
stood for a tariff "for revenue only"; the Republicans 
said that this meant "free trade," and they went further 
than ever before in advocating ])rotection as a permanent 
National policy. They demanded the protection of Amer- 
ican laborers against competition with laborers in European 
countries where the scale of wages was much lower.* They 
argued that the products made by European "pauper 
labor" should not be allowed to undersell the products of 
American laborers. It was answered that the protective 
tariff caused high prices in this country, which offset the 
high wages; and that the profits arising in the protected 
industries were not fairly divided between the manu- 
facturer and his workmen. 

The tariff question constituted the main issue in the 
election of 1888. The Democrats nominated Cleveland, 
as a matter of course. The Republican candidate was 
Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana, a lawyer of great ability 
and experience. He had an excellent war record, and 



* American workmen were receiving on an average of one and one-half 
times the English wage, twice that paid in Belgium, three times the rate 
customary in France. Italy, Germany, and Spain. Coman, Industrial 
History of the United States. 299. 



Political Changes and Indmfrial Expansion 460 

had been a United States Senator between 18S1 and 18S7. 
Besides the tariff issue, the record of Cleveland's admin- 
istration was debated, and many of his Mugwump friends 
deserted him because of the free distribution of offices 
to Democrats. The result, a substantial victory for the 




Benjamin Harrison 

Republicans, may be regarded as a popular verdict in 
favor of the principle of the protective tariff*. 

The Republicans now went forward with a free hand 
in their solution of pending questions. The reduction of 
the surplus was accomplished by the enactment of a 
service, or dependent pension law;* and by the repeal of 

* This pensioned all Union soldiers who had served ninety days and were 
now unable to earn a living, and also their widows, children, and depen- 
dent parents. Pension expenditures now rose from $89,000,000 in 1889 
to $106,000,000 in 1890, $118,000,000 in 1891, and $141,000,000 in 1892. 



The reduc- 
tion of the 
surplus. 



470 



A meriraii Hisfori/ 



the duty on raw sugar, wliicli had yiel<k'd a reveiuie of 
$50,000',000 annually. 

In the MeKinley tariff law, of which this was a part, the 
protective duties, previously avera<2;ing about forty per cent., 
were made fifty per cent. — a restoration to the war basis. 
As measures favorable to agricultural interests, the law in- 
eluded duties on agricultural products — small amounts of 
which were imported from Canada — and a j^rovision for a 
boiniti/ on all sugar j)ro(luced in this country. A "reciproc- 
ity" section of the McKinley law authorized the President 
to order the collection of high duties upon sugar, molasses, 
tea, coffee, and hides imported from countries whose tariff" 
rates upon our exports were unusually high. Under this 
measure, for which Secretary of vState Blaine has the credit, 
reciprocity treaties were negotiated with several South 
American countries. They reduced their duties upon our 
machinery and produce in recognition of our policy of 
placing the articles above mentioned upon the free list, 
when imported from those countries.* The McKinley 
tariff law was the principal issue in the election of 1892, 
and the popular verdict was against it (see p. 479). 

James G. Blaine, who was now for the second time 
Secretary of vState, represents in that office a new policy in 
foreign affairs, the complete application of which has 
come about only within recent years. In its foreign policy 
our Government, since its establishment, had stood on the 
defensive, and had not sought oecasions for initiating 
new movements. Blaine aimed to emphasize tlie leader- 
ship of the United States in the Western Hemisphere by 
proposing a Congress of all the American nations (18S1). 
After the succession of President Arthur this plan was 
dropped. In 1888 Congress passed a resolution providing 
for such an international conference, and it met at Wash- 



* Reciprocity treaties were also made with Germany and Austria, where 
duties were lowered on our agricultural products and manufactures in 
return for our reducing the tariff rates on beet sugar produced in those 
countries. 



Political Changes and hidustrial Expansion 471 

ington in 1889-1890. Secretary Blaine, as President of the The Pan- 
Pan-American Congress, exercised great influence. While con^'e^s" 
the direct results of the meeting were not great — princi- 
pally a declaration in favor of the arbitration of all dis- 
putes among these nations — the indirect benefits were 
considerable. This was the beginning of a better under- 
standing and a closer friendship among the American Re- 




publics. Soon thereafter was established the Bureau of 
American Republics at Washington. Succeeding Con- 
gresses carried on the work thus begun, meeting at the 
City of Mexico (1901) and at Rio Janeiro (1906, see p. 

513). 

During the administration of Harrison (1889-1893) 
six new States were added to the Union. North and 
South Dakota, Montana, and Washington in 1889, Idaho 



472 



American Ilision/ 



and Wyoming in 1S90. The territory oi Oklalioma was 
created (see p. 474), Other important measures of this 
time were the Sherman silver coinage act (see p. 480) 
and the Sherman anti-trust law of 1S90. 

In order to understand the liist-mentioned law it will 
be necessary to recall the leading features of the new 
industrial tendencies that followed the Civil War. These 
features were: the increase of manufactures, the cheapen- 
ing of production through the use of machinery, the growth 
of capital, the increased means of transportation, the com- 
bination of small industries into large ones, and the growth 
of great corporations. The concenfration of wealth is the 
most significant feature of this period; and further prog- 
ress in this direction was seen in the tendency of corpor- 
ations to combine instead of competing* 

The principal reason for tlie combination of rival concerns is 
found in the greater economy of large-scale production. This 
economy is due to (1) the greater division of labor, (2) the bettor 
organization of management, (3) the more extensive use of 
machinery, and (4) the greater utilization of by-products and 
the saving of waste. Another explanation is found in the fact 
that the expansion of manufactures in this period had resulted 
in the over-production oi many wares; and competition for their 
sale had become more fierce, and in some cases ruinous. Hence 
the managers sought to eliminate competition by combination. 

Combination was accomplished in several ways: by 
one establishment purchasing rival plants; by the larger 
plants underbidding the smaller ones in the sale of products, 
and thus forcing them into bankruptcy; and by agreements 
upon prices among rival companies. This was the origin 

* The following statistics of manufacturing establishments in the 
United States illustrates this tendency. 

Adapted from Ely, Monopolies and Trusts, 183, and based upon the 
census of 1890. 

PER ESTABLISHMENT 
ESTAB- EMPLOY- EMPLOY- 

YEAR LISHMENTS EES PRODUCT EES PRODUCT 

1870 252,000 2.0.53,000 $3,38.5.000,()()0 8. 15 $13,428 

1880 253,000 2.700,000 .-),349,000,()n() 10.66 21,101 

1890 322,000 4,476,000 9,056,000,000 13.88 28,071 



Political Changes and Indmirial Expansion 473 

of the triuff, the logical outcome of the tendency toward 
concentration in industry. 

The term "trust" was applied to the agfeement under which The 
the directors of several corporations surrendered their powers earliest 
to a board of trustees who managed the entire business of the ^''"^'■^• 
combined plants. This procedure being declared illegal by the 
courts, the trust took the form of a new corporation, which in- 
cluded the stockholders of the former independent plants.* 

The first great trust was the Standard Oil Company. By 
various methods of competition, and by securing rebates from 
railroads, this company obtained control of the oil-refining 
business in the central States. In 1882 a trust of oil companies 
was formed, but, being dissolved by the courts, it reorganized 
as the Standard Oil Company, with practical control of this 
business. The success of this enterprise was largely due to the 
genius of John D. Rockefeller. 

The example of the Standard Oil Company was soon Anti- 

followed by capitalists in manv other lines of manufacture: l^^?\ . 

1 • 1 1 1 " -1 1- 1-1 mi legislation, 

sugar, whiskey, lead, cotton oil, linseed oil, etc. 1 he 

efforts of managers to avoid competition were supplemented 
by another motive — that of securing a monopoly and en- 
hanced profits. Prices of trust-made goods were in some 
instances raised, and great popular discontent resulted. 
In many States anti-trust laws were passed, forbidding 
the formation of agreements that tended to destroy com- 
petition, control prices, or limit production. Congress 
was also called upon to take action, and in 1890 the Sher- 
man anti-trust law was enacted. As Congress has no 
direct control over industries operating solely within a 
State, its action was confined to prohibiting agreements or 
combinations in restraint of commerce among the several 
States and with foreign nations. Great difficulty was 
experienced by both State and National governments in 
enforcing their anti-trust laws, and the process of con- 
solidation in industry continued. 

The removal of the Indian tribes west of the Mississippi Indian 
River (see p. 308) could not constitute a settlement of wel.*"^^^^ 
the troublesome problem of Indian relations that had ex- 

* See Government in State and Nation, 202-203. 



474 American Ilisfory 

isted since colonial times. Westward niiorration pushed 
constantly upon the limits of Indian lands. The settlers 
even invaded the numerous resei-vations of which the 
natives were to have had secure possession; they demanded 
the privikge of cuhivatin<^ those uruised acres of fertile 
land. Government treaties and obligations were \iolated 
in many cases. ChieHy owing to these encroachments, 
Indian outbreaks and wars were frequent in the West, 
both before and after the Civil War. The Apaches of 
Arizona, the Modocs of Oregon, and the Sioux were es- 
pecially difficult to subdue. The discovery of gold in the 
Black Hills of Dakota brought the whites into conflict 
with the Sioux. They made a formidable resistance in 
1(S76, in the course of which they com})letely destroyed a 
detachment of United States troops, including their com- 
mander, General Custer. This occurred on the Little Big 
Horn River, the Indian chieftain being Sitting Bull. 

The condition of settled hostility between the Indians 
and the Government was modified by President Grant, 
who inaugurated a "peace policy." Missionary activity 
among the Indians was encouraged; the Government aided 
church schools on the reservations and established at con- 
siderable expense its own schools. Still, conditions on 
many of the reservations were deplorable. Some of the 
tribes were unable to support themselves and received 
Government bounty. The Indian agents who acted for 
the Government were appointed on political grounds, and 
in many cases were unfit and dishonest. 

In 1887 Congress enacted the Dawes bill. Under the 
direction of a commission the Indian lands were to be al- 
lotted among the individuals of the tribes, instead of re- 
maining under tribal ownership, as previously. In 
1889 a portion of Indian Territory was purchased by the 
Government and set off as Oklahoma Territory. Its 
settlement was very rapid; cities of good proportions grew 
up within a few days' time. The Territory soon sup- 
ported a prosperous agricultural pojiulation. 



Political Changes and Industrial Expansion 475 

Suggestive Questions and References 

1 . Why was there opposition to Grant's having a third term ? 
See p. 231. Also, Government in State and Nation, 255-256, 
question 2a. Has this matter arisen in connection with any 
President since Grant? 

2. The relations of Blaine, Conkling, and Garfield. Elson, 
History of the United States, 849-854. Andrews, The United 
States in Our Own Time, 319-328. 

3. Has there been any serious break in the Solid South since 
1880? 

4. What other \'ice-Presidents have succeeded to the Presidency 
in our history? Compare the results in those cases with the 
results following the succession of Arthur. 

5. What was the origin of the spoils system ? See pp. 305-306. 
What other Presidents besides Garfield seriously felt the burden 
of office-seekers? See p. 320. 

6. Civil Service Reform. Government in State and Nation, 
27(>-279, 281-282 (References). Elson, History of the United 
States, 854-856. Andrews, The United States in Our Own 
Time, 230-235, 341-342. Hart, Contemporaries, IV, No. 199. 

7. The campaign of 1884. Blaine, Am. St. Series, 277-290. 
Accusations against Blaine, ibid., 144-176. Elson, 857-861. 
Andrews, 452-480. Sparks, National Development, 335-351. 

8. Do you approve of the Mugwump movement of 1884? 

9. For references on the Interstate Commerce Law of 1887, see 
Government in State and Nation, 204. 

10. Interstate Commerce and the law of 1887. Bogart, Eco- 
nomic History of the United States, 317-327. Coman, In- 
dustrial History of the United States, 319-325. 

11. Cleveland's tariff message of 1887. Hart, Contemporaries, 
IV, No. 164. 

12. The tariff of 1890. Dewey, Financial History of the 
United States, 438-440. 

13. The growth of manufacturing on a large scale. Bogart, 
373-379. 

14. The trusts. Bogart, 400-416. Coman, Industrial His- 
tory of the United States, 325-331. Dewey, National Problems, 
chap. 12. For references, see Government in State and Nation, 
204. 

15. The new navy. Andrews, 487-490. 



476 American History 

16. The Pan-American Congress. Andrews, 409-416. 

17. On the Indian problem, see Helen Hunt Jackson, A Cen- 
tury of Dishonor; also her novel, Ramona. Mrs. Custer, Boots 
and Saddles. Andrews, Our Own Time, 186-193. 

18. James and Mann. Readings in American History, 
chap. 28. 



CHAPTER XXIX 



INDUSTRIAL AND POLITICAL PROBLEMS, 1890-1897 



It is a fundamental fact in the economic situation of 
these years that the rural sections did not enjoy to the same 
degree the prosperity that prevailed in the commercial 
and manufacturing centers. The marked movement of 
population toward the cities* is an evidence of the greater 
material gains to be earned there, besides the greater edu- 
cational and social advantages of urban life. The prices 
of agricultural products steadily declined. f The lessen- 
ing profitableness of farming and the disadvantages of 
farm life, which now became more apparent, bred a wide- 
spread spirit of discontent throughout the agricultural 
South and West. An organization known as the "Farm- 
ers' Alliance" was the outcome of this feeling; this had local 
and State branches and held national conventions. By 



Discon- 
tent in the 
agricult- 
ural 
sections. 



* In 1S70 about twenty per cent, of the population lived in cities of 
more than 8,000 population; in 1890 the percentage was nearly thirty. 
See Government in State and Nation, 34. 

t The following table of prices is compiled from the Statistical Abstract 
of the United States for 1894: 





CORN, 


WHEAT, 


COTTON 


SALT 


SUGAR 


BUTTER 


TO- 




PER BU. 


PER BU. 


PER LB. 


PER LB. 


PER LB. 


PER LB. 


PER LB. 




DOLLARS 


DOLL.\RS 


CENTS 


CENTS 


CENTS 


CENTS 


CENTS 


1870 


.925 


1.29 


23.5 


13.2 


12.6 


29.3 


11.4 


1875 


.848 


1.12 


15.0 


10.1 


10.8 


23.7 


11.3 


1880 


.543 


1.25 


11.5 


6.1 


9.0 


17.1 


7.7 


1885 


.54 


.86 


10.6 


7.2 


6.4 


16.8 


9.9 


1890 


.418 


.83 


10.1 


6.0 


7.0 


14.4 


8.6 


1894 


.46 


.67 


7.8 


8.0 


4.4 


17.6 


8.5 



477 



478 



America)! Ifi-ifori/ 



1801, this organization included several millions of mem- 
bers and controlled a thousand newspapers. 

Among the grievances leading to this movement were the fol- 
lowing: (1). The increasing number of mortgaged and rented 
farms. (2). The increase in corporate wealth; also, the fact 
that stocks, bonds, and other intangible evidences of this wealth 
in the hands of individuals easily avoided taxation. (3). The 
power exercised by railroads in arbitrarily fixing rates, and other 
corporate extortions made possil)le bj'^ the formation of combi- 
nations and trusts. (4). Speculation in agricultural products 
and the formation of "corners" by wealthy brokers in the cities. 
(5). The growing political influence of corporations and men of 
wealth. (G). The increased u.se of money in politics, leading 
to the corruption of voters, delegates, and legislators. 

In their efforts to assign the causes and to find the remedies 
for their ills, the agricultural population was right in some respects 
and wrong in others. There was a disposition in the East and 
North to ridicule this movement; but in recent years measures 
have been adopted to check the evils complained of (see pp. 
518-519, 521-522). 

It was natural that many of these evils should be at- 
tributed to the monetary policy of the Nation since the 
Civil War. This policy, it was asserted, was deliberately 
adopted by the Government for the benefit of Eastern 
capitalists. The depression of prices, ascribed to the con- 
traction of the money supply, was a "conspiracy" to favor 
creditors at the expense of debtors. The Farmers' Al- 
liance therefore demanded an increase of our paper cur- 
rency, and the free coinage of silver. 

The grievances and demands above stated became the 
platform of the People's or Populist party, which repre- 
sented the political side of this movement. 

This party originated in Kansas, held its first national con- 
vention in 1891, and became the most formidable third-party 
movement since the Civil War. It controlled the Democratic 
party in two elections (1896 and 1900), and the spirit of its 
doctrines has to some extent permanently influenced the creeds 
of both Republicans and Democrats. 

In the Presidential election of 1892, Harrison and 
Cleveland were the logical candidates of the Republicans 



luduslrial and Political Problems 470 



and Democrats respectively, though eacli was opposed Theeiec- 

by a powerful faction in his own party. Since both parties i'892;°the 

were divided within their own ranks upon the question sii^^r and 

•111- 1.1J. tariff ques- 

of tree silver coniage, they avoided that issue by adopt- tions. 

ing planks favoring international bimetallism, which every 
one knew to be a policy extremely difficult of attainment. 
The McKinlev tariff law became, therefore, the leading 
issue of the campaign. As this act seemed to have caused 
an advance in the prices of manufactures, without a cor- 
responding advance in wages, the popular verdict was in 
favor of the Democrats. 

The People's party in this campaign demanded: the The 
enactment of laws checking corporate corruption; the pi^^^or^^Jj 
free coinage of silver; the issue of paper money to farmers 
upon the deposit of produce in Government warehouses; 
free trade and the restriction of immigration; the Govern- 
ment ownership of railroads, telegraphs and telephones ; an 
income tax; shorter hours for labor, and the enforcement 
of the National eight-hour labor law; the prohibition of 
alien and large-tract land ownership. Their candidate for 
President was General James B. Weaver. In Colorado, 
Idaho, Kansas, North Dakota, and Wyoming, the Demo- 
crats nominated no candidates, the Populists taking 
their place. In some Southern States the Populists and 
Republicans united. The third party cast over 1,000,000 
votes and elected twenty-two Presidential electors. 

In the State and Congressional elections of 1894 this 

party cast 1,500,000 votes and the issues it presented 

could no longer be ignored by the two great parties. 

The most pressing of these issues was that of free silver 

coinage. 

It has been stated (p. 458) that the Bland-Allison act The ques- 
^ . X J X i.- g tion of free 

of 1878 was a compromise measure, enacted to satisfy coinage. 

in part the growing demand for the coinage of all the silver 

bullion that might be brought to the mints. Under this 

act .378,000,000 silver dollars had been coined by 1890; 

but this did not have the expected result of raising the 



480 



A merica ii IT isfory 



price of silver in the market.* Kll'orts made in Conwre.s.s 
between 1S85 and 1890 to enact free coinage were a.s fruit- 
less as were opposing efforts made to stop the coinage of 
silver under the existing law. Neither of the great parties 
dared to legislate upon the subject, since both Avere divided 
upon this i.ssue within their own membership. Several 
new Western States, in which industrial discontent was 
very strong, were at this time admitted into the Union 
(see p. 471). INIany of the Senators and Representatives 
from these States favored the free coinage of silver, and a 
bill to this effect passed the Senate in 1890. It was re- 
jected by the House and a compromise was finally enacted 
known as the Sherman law.f 

Under this law, 4,r)()0,()00 ounces of silver were to be 
purchased monthly by the Secretary of the Treasury at the 
market price. This bullion was to be stored, and Treasury 
Notes were to be issued in payment for it, which were to be 
redeemable in coin. This called for an increased purchase 
of silver — practically the entire product of the country. 
The law declared it to be the policy of the Government to 
maintain the value of gold and silver coins at a parity. 
This meant that neither should be allowed to depreciate 
below face value. 

The improvement in the value of silver under this law 
was but temporary,! and now arose other complications. 



* Average price of silver per ounce 


in London: 




1878 $1.15 

1880 1.14 

1885 1 . 065 

1890 1 046 


1891 

1892 

1893 

1894 


...$ .88 
... .87 
... .78 
. .63 



Statistical Abstract of the United States. 

tSays Senator Sherman in his Recollections (Vol. II. 1069-1070): 
"Some action had to be taken to prevent a return to free silver coinage, 
and the measure evolved was the best obtainable. I voted for it, but 
the day it became a law I was ready to repeal it, if repeal could be had 
without substituting in its place absolute free coinage." 

t See diagram showing the fluctuations in the value of silver in Gov- 
ernment in State and Nation, p. 210. The entire question is there dis- 
cussed, pp. 207-212, 215-217. 



Industrial and Political Problems 481 

Since the resumption of specie payments (1879), a gold 
reserve of at least $100,000,000 had formed a part of the 
stock of money in the Treasury. This had been used, 
when needed, to redeem the United States Notes, and it was 
now faUing in amount rapidly.* The principal reasons 
for the withdrawal of large amounts of gold from the 
Treasury are found in the commercial conditions of the 
time, which caused a balance of trade against the United 
States. As this balance had to be paid in gold, and as 
the stock of gold in banks was reduced, the bankers asked 
the Government to redeem United States Notes as a 
means of obtaining it. 

Since the law of 1878 (see p. 457) required that these The policy 
Notes, when redeemed, be reissued, they could be brought 
back for redemption repeatedly, thus constituting an "end- 
less chain" for drawing gold from the Treasury. Further- 
more, the new Treasury Notes were redeemable in coin, 
and the Government chose to redeem them in gold, when 
that was requested. It did so for fear that their redemp- 
tion in silver, under these circumstances, should destroy the 
confidence of the commercial world in the wiUingness of 
the United States to pay its obligations in gold. This 
would cause gold to go to a premium (since the intrinsic 
value of the silver in a silver dollar was but $.67 in 1892), 
and the parity of the two kinds of money would be 
destroyed. The United States would then go to a silver 
basis, and a financial panic would ensue. 

Fear of the results thus predicted caused the hoarding 
of gold by banks and individuals, and a severe financial 
panic began in the summer of 1893. President Cleve- 
land, who attributed these troubles to the continuance of 
silver purchases and the issuance of Treasury Notes, 
called a special session of Congress, requesting the repeal 

* The gold reserve in the Treasury was as follows, on June 30 of the 
years indicated: 1890, $190,232,000; 1891, $117,667,000; 1892. $114,342.- 
000; 1893, $95,485,000; 1894, $64,873,000. Dewey, Financial History of 
the United States. 442. 



482 



A mcr lea 1 1 II l.sfury 



of the silver purchase clause of the Sherman Act. This 
was accomplished, after a bitter struggle in the Senate 
(November, 1S93). The gold reserve continued to de- 
cline,* and in 1894 and 1895 four bond issues were made 



.t:;:;- ^...J^, 





r TER.;*" •'- 



V\ \ TEXAS ;^•■-^>J:;^^-;,— -' 



189 6 

I \Repablican ST] 

I I Dem< 



•jtibltcan 27 h 
inocratic 176 \ 





Election Map of 1896 



as a means of replenishing it. The National debt Avas 
thereby increased $262,000,000. 

The steps thus taken by Cleveland's administration 
to maintain the gold standard aroused the bitterest en- 
mity in the silver-producing and agricultural sections of 
the country. The silver question became the main issue 
in the Democratic National convention at Chicago in 
1896. The free-silver (Populist) vdng of that party 
gained control, nominating William Jennings Bryan of 

* There was a decrease in revenue receipts, due to the high protective 
duties of the McKinley Act, the decline of business during the panic, 
and the fear of tariff re\1sion that might follow the Democratic victory 
of 1892. 



Indmtrial and Political Problems 



483 



Nebraska as their candidate for President and inserting 
in the platform tliis plank: "We demand the free and un- 
limited coinage of both silver and gold at the present legal 
ratio of sixteen to one, Avithout waiting for the aid or con- 
sent of anv other nation." 



Bryan was the youngest man evernominated for the Presidency, 
being tiien but thirty-six years of age. He was a lawyer residing 

at Lincoln, Nebraska. 
He had served in Con- 
gress for two terms. 
Bryan's victory in the 
convention over Rich- 
ard P. Bland, of Mis- 
souri, is partly attrib- 
uted to a brilliant 
speech in which he 
said: "We answer 
the demand for the 
gold standard by say- 
ing, 'You shall not 
press down upon the 
brow of labor this 
crown of thorns. You 
shall not crucify man- 
kind upon a cross of 
gold.'" 

The Populist party 
ratified the nomina- 
tion of Bryan for the 
Presidency, but named 
their own candidate 
for the Vice-Presi- 
dency (Thomas Wat- 
son, of Georgia) in- 
stead of appro ving 
the Chicago convention's nominee, Arthur Sewall, of Maine. 
A large section of the Democratic party, particularly in the 
North and East, was dissatisfied with the result of the Chicago 
convention, and another Democratic ticket (the nominees being 
John M. Palmer, of Illinois, and Simon B. Buckner, of Kentucky) 
was placed in the field. This wing of the party declared for the 
gold standard; but many of the "Gold Democrats" voted the 
Republican ticket. 



William J. 
Bryan. 




liy Underwood 



The 
"Gold 
Demo- 
crats." 



484 



llialonj 



The Republicans, in their national convention nomin- 
ated AVilliani ■NlcKinley, of Ohio, and G. A. Hobart, of 
New Jersey. Their platform declared that the party was 
"opposed to the free coinage of siher except by inter- 
national a(]jreement with the leadinoj commercial nations 
of the world, which we pledge oursehes to jiromote, and 
until such agreement can be 
obtained the existing gold 
standard must be preserved." 
A great "campaign of edu- 
cation" now ensued, the op- 
posing forces being divided 
sectionally (see map, p. 482). 

On the free-silver side the 
argument was in favor of " more 
money" as a means of reliev- 
ing distress and bringing about 
prosperous times. More sub- 
stantial were their contentions 
that the period of falling prices 
was due to the use of gold alone 
as a measure of value; that this 
contraction of the basis upon \\ illi;iiu McKiiyUy 

which values rested wrought an 

injustice to debtors; antl that the same cause produced business 
stagnation. They urgeel that the free coinage of silver by the 
United States alone would bring that metal to a parity with 
gold at the ratio of 16:1, and would satisfy the demand for a 
larger supply of full value money. 

The gold-standard argument- attributed the decline of prices, 
and the consequent enhancement in the purchasing power of 
gold, to improvements in methods of production, through in- 
ventions and large-scale production; to the opening of new 
sources of raw materials; and to the lower cost of transportation. 
It was claimed that the benefits of lower prices counterbalanced 
any injury to debtors. The rapid opening of new Western lands 
and the competition of grain from India, Russia, and the Argen- 
tine Republic were cited as the cause of low prices for agricult- 
ural products. Free-silver coinage would result in depreciated 
silver uioney. The great commercial nations of the world were 
bound to maintain the gold standard, and the United States 
must conform to this practice. 




Industrial mid Political Problems 4S5 

The campaign resulted in a decided Re])iil)li('an victory, Repubii- 
but the vote for Bryan was so large ((),2()(),00() as com- ^^iS^the"'' 
pared Avith 7,100,000 for McKinley) that the free-silver decline of 
element took courage and looked forward to victory in cause!^^'^ 
1900. In this they were disappointed. Other events 
intervened (chapter 29) which greatly strengthened the 
Republican administration, and still others which were 
unfavorable to the silver cause (see p. 507). In conse- 
quence, the gold standard w^as again successful in 1900; 
and in that year, too, Congress enacted a law providing 
for its maintenance. 

Turning now to the important events of Cleveland's Hawaiian 
second administration (1893-1897) we note first his policy 
toward the Hawaiian Islands. At the close of Harrison's 
administration our relations with Hawaii were in an un- 
settled state. 

These islands were first visited by missionaries in 1820, and 
the natives became Christianized. Later, foreigners became 
the predominant element; the industries were largely in the con- 
trol of Americans, who were, however, comparatively few in 
numbers. Hawaii was originally an absolute monarchy; the 
foreign element had compelled the adoption of a constitution in 
1887, and it was the attempt to abrogate this, in January, 1893, 
that led to a revolution, incited by Americans. Queen Liliuok- 
alani was deposed. The provisional government then formed 
was recognized by President Harrison, and a treaty of annexa- 
tion was drawn up and submitted to the Senate. 

When President Cleveland assumed his position (March cieve- 
4, 1893) he withdrew the treaty of annexation and sent a Hawaiian 
special commissioner to investigate Hawaiian conditions, policy. 
He reversed his predecessor's policy, on the ground that 
the revolution had been assisted by United States troops 
from a man-of-war, and that the recognition had been 
hasty. While annexation was thus delayed, the Queen 
was forced to resign, and the Hawaiian Republic was 
formed, with a constitution that provided for future an- J^'j^j^'J^"*'''" 
nexation to the United States. After the succession of Hawaii. 
McKinley (1897), there was still lacking a two-thirds ^898. 



486 Amcricdii ITisfori/ 

nuijority of the Senate favorable to the ratification of the 
treaty of annexation; but this step was aceompHshed by 
a Joint Uesohition (July, 1898). Hawaii was given the 
government of an organized territory.* 

Upon other questions of foreign policy, Cleveland's 
administration was independent and emphatic. England 
and Venezuela had for many years disputed over the 
boundary between the latter country and its neighbor to 
the east, British Guiana. It .seemed that British territorial 
claims had been gradually extended westward until they 
threatened the control of the mouth of the Orinoco River. 
While the English government agreed with Venezuela 
upon the desirability of settling this controversy by arbi- 
tration, it dechned to include in the arbitration all of the 
territory which, according to Venezuelan claims, was 
actually in dispute. In other words, England, if brought 
to the test, would use force in excluding Venezuela from 
a portion of the disputed territory. The United States 
Government had at various times used its influence in 
favor of settling the question by arbitration; and now 
(November, 1895) in a dispatch sent by Secretary of State 
Richard Olney to our minister at London, Mr. Bayard, 
its position was announced in a most emphatic manner. 

The opinion was stated that the refusal of England to arbitrate 
the entire question called for intervention by the United States, 
on the basis of the Monroe Doctrine (see p. 288). England was 
endeavoring to exercise political control over an independent 
American power; the interests, welfare, and safety of the United 
States were thereby endangered. Secretary Olney stated the 
relations of the United States to the other American powers 
thus: "To-day the United States is practically sovereign on this 
continent, and its fiat is law upon the subjects to which it con- 
fines its interposition." It is "master of the situation, and prac- 
tically invulnerable as against other powers." 

When the English Prime Minister, Lord Salisbury, re- 
fused to accept our Government's view and again refused 
the arbitration desired, President Cleveland sent (De- 

* See Government in State and Nation, 323. 



Industrial and Political Prohlcnis 487 

cember, 1895) a message to Congress, recommending Cleveland's 



policy and 
his threat 



that a commission be created, composed of United States 
citizens, to determine the true boundary between Venezuela of war 
and British Guiana, and to report to Congress. He con- 
cluded: "When such report is made and accepted, it will, 
in my opinion, be the duty of the United States to resist by 
every means in its power, as a willful aggression upon its 
rights and interests, the approj)riation by Great Britain 
of any lands or the exercise of governmental jurisdiction 
over any territory which after investigation we have de- 
termined of right belongs to Venezuela." This was a 
distinct threat of war, and it created a profound impression 
both at home and abroad. Opinions differed upon the 
policy of the administration; many high authorities* op- 
posed it as an undue extension of the Monroe Doctrine. 
Popular opinion supported it, however, and Congress 
appropriated $100,000 for the expenses of the commis- 
sion which was appointed by the President. Fortunately, 
the English Government receded from its position, 
consenting to the arbitration of all lands reasonably in 
dispute. The services of the Commission were not 
needed, and a Tribunal of Arbitration finally fixed the 
boimdary line. 

The disagreeable danger of war during the discussion The arbi 
over this incident led to the negotiation of a treaty with 
England providing for the submission of future disputes 
with that country to arbitration. Although it was sup- 
ported by popular sentiment, this treaty was rejected by 
the Senate. The need for such an agreement had been 
more than once apparent. Two troublesome questions 
still unsettled involved the rights of American and Cana- 
dian fishermen on the Atlantic Coast, and the protection 

* See Woolsey, America's Foreign Policy, 223-238; also, Forum, 
February, 1896. On the contrary, Foster regards Olney's dispatch as 
embodying "the most complete and satisfactory statement of the Monroe 
Doctrine thus far made." A Century of American Diplomacy, 470. 
See post, p. 513. 



tration 
treaty. 



488 



inirriccni Ifi.ston/ 



of the seal fisheries of the Ahiskan waters. The former 
of these assumed an aeute stage during Cleveland's first 
administration, but an agreement was finally reached by 
the two governments. The claims of the United States 
to jurisdiction over seal-catching in the entire Behring 
Sea gave rise to a sharp controversy and some use of 
violence. This question was submitted to a tribunal 
that sat at Paris (1893) and decided adversely to our 
Government's claim. 

The first- great American exjjosition was held at Phila- 
delphia, in 1S7(), celebrating the centennial anniversary 
of our independence. This had an elevating and enlight- 
ening infiuence, stimulating greater interest in the artistic 
side of life, as well as spreading knowdedge of new in- 
dustrial processes. The year 1893 saw the greatest of 
world's e\i:)ositions, that at Chicago, in celebration of 
the discovery of America. With a total of twenty-seven 
million admissions, this "World's Fair" W'as an educa- 
tional and unifying force of great importance. While 
its predominant features were, of course, industrial, it 
was no less impressive artistically. On the intellectual 
and religious sides the World's Congress, of which 
the ParUament of Religions formed a part, was a 
notable achievement. Here was the best evidence of 
that breadth of thought and tolerance of spirit w'hich 
stand among the remarkable products of the nineteenth 
century. 

The Chicago Fair emphasized in various ways the recent 
advancement of women: their entrance into new industrial 
fields, the remarkable growth of women's organizations, 
and the beneficent work accomplished by women in moral 
and civic reform, as well as in the direction of self-culture. 
Accompanying these significant changes in the sphere 
traditionally occupied by women, was a growing rec- 
ognition by the general public of their right to higher 
education, and their ability to profit by it. This was 
indicated by the more general admission of women to 



Industrial and Political Problems 489 

collegiate courses and the establishment of new women's 
colleges.* 

Other indications of educational advance in this time Educa- 
were: the rapid growth of the number of students in col- progress in 
leges and universities; the expansion of college courses colleges 
and the introduction of the elective system; the employ- mon 
ment of new methods of research by advanced students; schools. 
the improvement of high-school courses and equipment; 
and the increased attention paid to elementary education, 
especially in cities. These changes were accompanied 
by the greater study and application of the science of 
education. 

The great writers of the earlier period of our history The new 
(see p. 303) continued their work after the Civil War; and I'^ericfn 
a new group of authors arose, notable particularly for authors. 
originality and for their interpretation of purely American 
phases of life and character. Prominent among these were 
the novelists and short-story writers: Bret Harte, Henry 
James, Frank Stockton, F. ]\Iarion Crawford, C. H. 
(Joaquin) INIiller, William D. Howells, and Elizabeth 
Stuart Phelps Ward. Among the poets there were Walt 
Whitman, Edmund C. Stedman, T. B. Aldrich, and R. 
W. Gilder. There was a new group of critics, historians, 
and essayists: John Fiske, George W. Curtis, C. D. War- 
ner, T. W' . Higginson, and Edward Eggleston. Humor 
and "local color" were displayed in the works of Eugene 
Field, James Whitcomb Riley, E. W. ("Bill") Nye, 
and Samuel L. Clemens ("Mark Twain"). For the 
first time in our history, the South was adequately rep- 
resented in the field of literature; prominent among its 
writers were Joel Chandler Harris, Paul Hayne, George 
W. Cable, Thomas N. Page, and Sidney Lanier. On 
the whole the work of the writers in this period dis- 

* Vassar, 1861; Smith, 1875; Wellesley, 1875; RadcUffe, 1879; Bryn 
Mawr, 1885; Barnard, 1889; Mt. Holyoke, 1888 (established as a semin- 
ary by Mary Lyon in 1837). In 1900 one-third of the students in all the 
colleges of the country were women. 



490 



American TTisfori/ 



played variety, freshness of spirit, and a truly American 
tone that mark this as an epoch in our intellectual 
history. 

There was a remarkable advance in the arts of photog- 
raphy and illustration, accompanied by the multiplica- 
tion of magazines and the enlargement and increased 
circulation of newspapers. American artists and archi- 
tects began to achieve marked success and raised the 
standards of artistic merit in this country. 

The period of industrial depression that followed the 
panic of 1S73 was followed by a period of activity that 
grew in intensity toward the end of the century, though 
interrupted for a short time by the crisis of 1S93. Before 
ISGo the largest number of patents issued in a single year 
was about 5,000. Between 1.SG7 and 1879 the average 
number annually was nearly three times that number; 
for each of the twenty years succeeding 1879 the average 
number was about 23.000. Some of the new processes 
and products in this period added greatly to the comfort of 
life; such were the .systems of heating by steam and hot 
water, and new metlKxls of sanitary plumbing. There 
came into use cheap processes of canning fruit, vegetables, 
and meats, and methods of "packing" meats, both lead- 
ing to the establishment of immense industries and add- 
ing a great variety of foods to the dietary of all classes. 
The manufacture of artificial ice and the process of refrig- 
eration made possible the storage and shipment of many 
perishable food products hitherto unattainable at a dis- 
tance from their sources of production. 

The application of the roller process in Hour manufac- 
ture, accompanying the opening of the new north-western 
wheat fields, revolutionized that industry. The product 
of the local "grist mills" of the central States, with their 
water wheels and millstones, was underbid by "patent" 
fiour from ]\Iimieapolis. The fields of those States were 
now planted with corn, and stock-raising and dairying 
became the great industries of the central West. At the 



Industrial and Pnliti'cal Prohlems 



491 



;ese factories, with im- 
Oleomargarine was first 



same time creameries and cli 
proved ap{)liances,* sprang up. 
manufactured in this period. 

Of labor-saving inventions we may enumerate the typewriter, 
sulky plough, self-binding reaper, compressed-air rock drill. The 
Hoe web printing press, the linotype, stereotyping, and improved 
methods of paper-making (the sulphite process of pulp manu- 
facture), rendered printing much cheaper and increased enor- 
mously the output of books, newspapers, and pamphlets. Travel 
was made more safe and comfortable by the Westinghouse air 







Side and front views of Bell's first Telephone 

The iiistiuiiiciit sliown at the Centennial Exposition 



brake, vestibuled trains, and systems of automatic signalling. 
Cable street-car lines and, later, trolley car systems stimulated 
the expansion of cities. Another class of inventions gave us 
dynamite, smokeless powder, the magazine rifle, the Whitehead 
torpedo, and automatic guns. The bicycle, assuming its present 
form in 1875, became extensively used about 1890, and added 
much to the convenience and pleasure of thousands. Improve- 
ments in passenger elevators, coinciding with the cheapening 

* Professor Babcock, of the University of Wisconsin donated to that 
State his milk-test invention, which has revolutionized the dairy business 
and added millions of dollars to the value of dairy farms throughout the 
world. 



492 



imcrica)! lit si or if 



in jjrocesses of stool nianufactun', ami tlic npplication of tlu- siccl- 
cajre method of constructing l)uil(lings, gave us the first "sky 
scrapers" of our great cities. 

The most remarkable industrial advance of this period 
was in the field of electrical a|)])liances. liy 1S70 electric 
dynamos had been made practicable, thou(;ii their ex- 
tensive use came later, with inipnivcnicntv in the lonu- 
distance transmission of elec- 
tric cnri-ents. The Bell telc-- 
phone was invented in 1S7(»; 
later, the arc and incandes- 
cent lights* were introduced. 
Storafje batteries and elec- 
tric-weldinjj: followed, and 
the trolley car became com- 
mon. Manufacture in all 
departments was facilitated 
and cheapened by standardi- 
zation (parts of machines be 
ini; made in standard size- 
and shapes), and the consc 
quent use of interchan<ieab|c 
parts. 

One of the most notable 
strikes in our history had its 
center in Chicago in 1S94. 



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UDlovees ( 



^ .\. Kdis. 

)f the 1 



Palace Car Company struck for the restoration of wages 
that had been reduced. These workmen were m.embers 
of the American Railway Union. f Although advising 
against the strike, the Union supported its members when 
the Pullman Company refused to arbitrate the questions 



* Thomas A. Edison is the greatest inventor in our history. Before 
1900 he had registered 727 patent.s, among which were the incandescent 
lamp, plionograpli, microplione, and kinetoscope. 

t The formation of this union was an attempt to counteract tlie intiu- 
ence of the General Managers A.s.sociation (1886) wliich unified the policies 
of more than twenty railroads centering in Chicago. 



Industrial and Political Problems 493 

at issue, or to "recoo^nize" the Union. A sympathetic 
strike was ordered, in which train men refused to move trains 
containing Pullman cars. Within a few days there was 
a general paralysis of commerce centering in Chicago. 
In spite of the efforts of city officers, state militia, and special 
United States marshals to maintain order, and to facilitate 
the movement of trains by non-union men, there was great 
danger to life and much destruction of property in Chicago. 
Finally, President Cleveland ordered Federal troops to the The use 
scene, for the purpose of preventing the obstruction of mail ^^^^"^f 
trains and interstate commerce. This was done against 
the protest of Governor Altgeld of Illinois.* An injunction 
was issued by a Federal Court against the officers of the 
American Railway Union, forbidding them to issue further 
orders in pursuance of the strike. The President of the 
Union, E. V. Debs, and other officers, were convicted for 
disobedience of this injunction. f The strike was a failure, 
but a United States Commission of investigation con- 
demned the refusal of the Pullman and railroad officials 
to arbitrate. 

The Democrats having come into power in 1893 on the a Demo 
tariff issue, President Cleveland urged Congress to reduce 
customs duties. The "Wilson Bill," as it passed the 
House of Representatives, accomplished a reduction and 
placed some raw products (sugar, wool, lumber, etc.) on 
the free list. This bill was radically amended in the 
Senate in the direction of protection, largely through the 
influence of Senator Gorman of Maryland. There were 
charges of corrupt influences used by the Sugar Trust and 
other favored industries. The amended bill passed Con- 
gress, but Cleveland denounced it and allowed it to be- 
come a law without his signature (1894). 

In this action and in the very large number of vetoes sent to 
Congress during his term, Cleveland showed a sturdy indepen- 
dence that won for him many friends outside his party. 

* See Government in State and Nation, 317-318. 
t Ibid.. 203. 



cratic 
tariff law. 



494 



American Ilistorj/ 



An unanticipatod feature of tlie Wilson-Ciormnn law, and one 
showing the iiiHuence of the PopuUst element in the Democratic 
party, was an income tax, all incomes over S4,000 were to be 
taxed two per cent, upon the excess above that amount. Thi.s 
part of the law was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme 
Court on the ground that it levied a direct tax, which should have 
been apportioned among the States, instead of being made 
uniform.* 

Upon the ri'.suni|)ti()n of j)ow(t l)y the Kcj)iil)li<'an.s 
under McKinlov in 1S!)7. another tarill' revision oceiirred, 
thi.s time in the direction of higlier protection. The 
Dingley law marks the hijjjhest average of duties (over 
50 per cent.) in our history. Reciprocity was provided 
for by this law, anil a few reciprocity treaties were con- 
cluded with foreijrn governments. Other more important 
treaties were rejected by the Senate, the representatives 
of sections having protected industries refusing consent 
to any reduction of duties. The radical protective policy 
of the United States led to the enactment of retaliatory 
tarilVs by some foreign countries. 

When the Mormons settled in Utah (p. 304), they hoj)cd 
to remain isolated from governmental control. In 1.S50, 
however, Utah was made a territory, with Brigham Young 
as governor. The Federal Government successfully 
maintained its authority over that territory, passed laws 
])rohibiting polygamy (1S02 and 18S2), and dissolved the 
corporation of the Mormon Church because it supported 
that illegal practice. The enforcement of these laws, 
after much delay and opposition, was followed by the 
renunciation, by the church authorities, of the doctrine 
sanctioning polygamy (1890). Utah, though possessing 
in that year 207,000 population,was refused admission as 
a State. It was finally admitted, however, in 1896, after 
the adoption of a State Constitution prohibiting polygamy. 

The Civil Service Law, as originally passed in 1883 
(p. 463), placed about 14,000 Federal employees under the 

* See Government in State and Nation, 186-189. Constitution, Article 
I, section 8, clause 1; Article I, section 2, clause 3. 



Industrial and Political Problems 495 



examination system. All of the Presidents after that date Progress 



in civil- 
service 



reform. 



extended this requirement to larger numbers of employees 
and to other branches of the civil service. By 1892, reform. 
43,000 officers were included in the merit system, and 
during Cleveland's administration this number was 
doubled, becoming 87,000. McKinley, however, in 1899, 
removed some 10,000 employees from the classified ser- 
vice, in order, it was stated, to rectify errors made in pre- 
vious extensions of the rules. 

Under Harrison, Theodore Roosevelt made a notable record The bene- 
as a member of the Civil Service Commission. He stated the ^^ o^ the 
argument for the merit system tersely, as follows: "They [offices] 
can no longer be scrambled for in a struggle as ignoble and brutal 
as the strife of pirates over plunder; they no longer serve as a 
vast bribery chest with which to debauch the voters of the 
country. Those holding them no longer keep their political 
life by the frail tenure of service to the party boss and the party 
machine; they stand as American citizens, and are allowed the 
privilege of earning their own bread without molestation so long 
as they faithfully serve the public."* 

Suggestive Questions .\nd References 

1. Compare the Populist movement with the "wave of De- 
mocracy," in Jackson's time. How many of the Populist de- 
mands (p. 479) are now favored by their former enemies? 

2. On the silver legislation of 1890 and 1893, see Dewey, 
Financial History of the United States, 436-438, 440-447. 
Bogart, Economic History of the United States, 349-3.51. 

3. Compare the attitude of the great parties toward free silver 
with the position of Whigs and Democrats upon slavery issues. 

4. The election of 1896. Elson, History of the United States, 
885-889. Andrews, The United States in Our Own Time, 
773-787. Dewey, National Problems, chap. 20. 

5. Bryan's speech in the Chicago convention. Hart, Con- 
temporaries, IV, No. 171. 

6. Hawaii. Andrews, 700-706. 

7. The Venezuela boundary question. Andrews, 706-707. 
Olney's statement of the Monroe Doctrine. Hart, Con- 

* Atlantic Monthly, February, 1895. 



490) American Jlis'tori/ 

tcmporarie.s, IV, No. 179. Cleveland's \'enezuelan message. 
Maetlonald, Select SUitutes, 4 13-4 IS. Lamed, History for 
Ready Reference, United States, lSi)o; Wnezuela. 

S. Did Monroe's message of 1823 (see pp. 288-289) contem- 
plate such a controversy as that over the \'enezuelan boundary ? 

9. Why the arbitration treaty with England was rejected. 
Lamed, History for Ready Reference, United Suites, 1897. 

U). Mention a work or works by each of the authors men- 
tioned on p. 489, 

11. Give reasons why the LTnited States surpasses all other 
countries in the number of inventions. 

12. Make a list of conveniences of this time which your j)arents 
could not have enjovt'd in their youth. 

13. What is the economic reason for "sky-scrapers"'!' 

14. The electrical inventions. Andrews, 009-078. Sparks, 
National Develoj^ment, 37-51. 

15. The Chicago strike. Andrews, 722-735. Wright, In- 
dustrial Plvolution of the Unite(l States, 3113-317. Dewey, 
National Problems, 291-296. 

10. The tariff of 1894. Dewey. Financial History of the 
United States, 455-458. 

17. The Mormons and Utah. Sparks, Expansion of the 
American People, 410-418. Andrews, 000-004. 

18. James and Maini, Readings in .\inerican History, chap. 29. 



CHAPTER XXX 

THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR, 1898 

In the earliest period of American liistory, Spain's Spain's 

colonial policy, like that of other nations, rendered her traditional 

1 • 1 " I 1 . , . colonial 

colonics dcpenilent upon the mother country, and sacri- policy con- 

ficed their interests, when it was necessary, to bring this cuba^ ^" 
about (sec pp. 23-26). The loss of all her colonies on the 
main land of the American continent, in the early part of 
the nineteenth century, did not teach Spain the lesson in 
colonial management that was being learned by other 
nations. Her former policy was continued in the govern- 
ment of Cuba until the year 1898. 

1. Duties on goods imported into Cuba -were so adjusted as 
to compel Cubans to purchase in Spain. 2. There was excessive 
taxation, levied by arbitrary methods, and bearing upon in- 
dustries that needed encouragement rather than repression. 
3. The currency and banking systems of Cuba were cumber- 
some and inadequate. 4. The administration of Cuban affairs 
was in the hands of Spanish officers, native Cubans being dis- 
qualified. These officers were frequently but political parasites. 
Intelligent Cubans felt keenly their treatment as inferiors by 
the mother country. 

There were numerous conspiracies and uprisings against The ten 
the Spanish power, beginning in 1823. A formidable beUionTn 
rebellion lasted from 1868 to 1878. This was caused Cuba, 
by the Spanish refusal to grant reforms, including such 
ordinary political privileges as freedom of speech and of the 
press, besides the right of Cubans to hold office and to 
be represented in the Spanish Cortes. The cost of sup- 
pressing this rebellion ($300,000,000) was added to the 
497 



498 



American II isforj/ 



Cuban debt, which cojilinued to ^row until in 1S9S it 
amounted to $2S3 per ea pita— "move than three times the 
per capifa debt of Spain and much hiriior than the per 
capita debt of any other Eur()])ean eountrv." * 

At the close of the ten years' revolt, mentioned above, 
Spain extended the S|)anish constitution and laws to 
Cuba, and thus technically <iranled the reforms that had 
been demanded, includinf; rej)resentation in the Cortes. 
But Cubans claimed that these reforms were merely on 



l^,.t- 


,^^^^ 


rr-r--...- 


\- ^' 





United Slates Battle-ship Maine entering Havana Ilarlxjr. January, Ih'.lK 

Friim a photoRraph. CopyriBlit. 1898. by J. C. Iloiiiiiicnt 

pai)cr and that practically the r^overnment of the island 
was as ()j>pre.ssive as before. 

The burden of taxation and bad economic conditions led 
to another insurrection in 1S05. The United States de- 
clared a ])()licy of strict neutrality, and President Cl<>ve- 
land ottered his services in mediation between Spain and 
Cuba, but without effect. Meanwhile, popular sympathy 
for the Cubans grew' strong in the United States. This 
was increased, and to it was added deep indignation, 



* Report on the census of Cuba. War Department, 1S99. This docu- 
ment contains a summary of Cuban history. 



The t> pa II ish- American War 499 

wlien the horrors of the "reconcentration" policy beccaine 
known. The non-combatant country population, who 
sympathized with the insurgents and gave them assist- 
ance, Avere compelled to leave their homes and move to 
the nearest towns, where thousands, including helpless 
women and children, died of starvation and disease. Sup- 
plies were voted by Congress, and also gathered from 
private sources, to be forwarded to the suffering Cubans. 
A "junta" of Cubans operated in the United States 
and succeeded in sending many filibustering expeditions 
with aid to the insurgents, though the United States 
(lovenunent exercised due diligence to prevent them. 

Public opinion in this country gradually became ex- The de- 
asperated with the apparent inability of Spain to conquer ^truction 
the Cubans, and her unwillingness to grant terms that the Maine. 
latter would accept. Hostile feeling was increased when, 
on February 15, 1898, the American battle-ship Maine 
was blown up in the harbor of Havana, causing the death 
of two officers and 2()4 sailors. A Naval Board of In- 
(juiry reported that the explosion came from outside, while 
Spanish officers, who also examined the wreck, declared 
that it was internal. 

President ^IcKinley undertook by diplomacy to bring McKin- 
Spain and the Cubans to agree upon terms of peace, but J^gnto^f^*^" 
without success; the latter would be satisfied with nothing reasons for 
less than complete independence. On April 11, 1898, the 
President asked Congress for authority to take measures 
that would put an end to the war in Cuba. Said he: 
"The present revolution is but the successor of other 
similar insurrections which have occurred in Cuba against 
the dominion of Spain, extending over a period of nearly 
half a century, each of which, during its progress, has 
subjected the United States to great effort and expense in 
enforcing its neutrality laws, caused enormous losses to 
American trade and commerce, caused irritation, annoy- 
ance and disturbance among our citizens, and by the ex- 
ercise of cruel, barbarous, and uncivilized practices of 



interven- 
tion. 



500 



A mcricaii Ilisfori/ 



warfare, shocked the sensibilities and ofl'ended the liumane 
synipatliies of our peoj)le." 

On April 19, Conjrress demanded the withdrawal of 
Spain from Cuba, and authorized tiie President to use the 
army and navy, if necessary, to briufj^ this about. A 
fonnal declaration of 



/fqhmosa 

V. " 



TOE 

I'HILIPIMNE 
ISLANDS 



O U T H IK " 

\ o 

l^.uzo^«/ 



&• E A 

PALAWAN 




war followed. Cuba 
was recojjnized as 
free, but the United 
States disclaimed any 
intention "to exercise 
sovereignty, jurisdic- 
tion, or control over 
said island, except for 
the pacification 
thereof." The war 
was thereby justified 
upon hunuuiitarian. 
rather than selfish, 
grounds. 

On May 1, 189S. 
Commodore Dewey, 
who had been sta- 
tioned at Hong Kong, 
C h i n a , w i t h an 
American squadron, 

captured or destroyed all of the vessels of the Spanish 
fleet in the harbor of Manila, Philij)pine Islands. Later, 
American troops captured the city of Manila. 

The American fleet in the Atlantic blockaded the port 
of Havana, Cuba, and watched for the arrival of the 
Spanish fleet, which, it was feared, might attack some of 
the defenceless coast cities. The enemy's fleet, under 
Admiral Cervera moved with secrecy, crossed the Atlantic 
and finally sailed into the harbor of Santiago de Cuba. 
The American squadron, commanded by Admirals Samp- 
son and Schley, kept guard, ready to attack when it ap- 



J), 

„7 SLLL' SEA J^J" \ 



The I'hilip 



The ''^paiiish-Amrrican IVc 



501 



pcamj. LicutcMianl Ilobson made a daring' attempt to 
blockade the narrow cliannel leading into Santiago harbor 
by sinking a vessel'across it; but he was unsuccessful. 

While these events were occurring, the small regular army The i 
of 2(),000 men was supplemented by 200,000 volunteers, l^^^l 
The War Department was entirely unprepared to cope 
with the problems of feeding, equipping, and transporting 
these troops. There resulted much suffering and loss of life 
in the American camps during the summer that followed. 




The West Indies an<l Adjacent Shores 

An army of 15,000, under General Shaft er, was sent to 
Cuba, landing near Santiago. On July 1 and 2, 1898, the 
Spanish troops were defeated in the battle of San Juan. 
Conspicuous among the American troops was the cavalry 
regiment, known as the "Rough Riders" commanded by 
Colonel Leonard AVood. This regiment had been or- 
ganized by its Lieutenant-Colonel, Theodore Roosevelt. 



502 



American H isfori/ 



On July 3, the Spanish fleet .sailed out of Santiago liarbor, 
was iiiiniediately attacked, and totaUy destroyed. Later, 
the Spanish forces at Santia>jo surrencU'rtM. It was now dis- 
covered tliat the Spanish fleet had been in a tknioralized 
condition previous to its destruction. The American fleet, 
liowever, was in an excellent state of efficiency. 

Hostilities ceased in August. A treaty of peace was 
drawn up in Paris by coinnii.ssioners of the two countries 
(I)ecendx'r, 1S9S). This was proclaimed in ett'ect Aj)ril 
11, 1(S99. The treaty provided for the comjilete indej)en- 
dence of Cuba. Porto Hico and the Phili|)j)ine Archipelago 
came into the jwssession of the United States, together 
with tiie island of (ruam. The United States ])aid Spain 
$2(),{)00,000. By this treaty Spain lost the last of her 
American colonial po.ssessions. The Government justi- 
fied its policy of actpiiring the Philippines on the grounds 
that Spanish authority in the Islands had been destroyed 
by the insurgents, assisted by American troops; that for 
commercial reasons the Philippines should not fall into 
the hands of any other power; finally, that the Filipinos 
were incapable of self-government and hence must be 
ruled by adequate and humane authority. 

The Spanish war was supported with great j)opular 
enthusiasm in the United States. The volunteers greatly 
exceeded the ability of the Government to use them. 
The effect was a remarkable unification of sentiment 
throughout the country. Especially were old antagon- 
isms between North and Soutii forgotten, when such Con- 
federates as Generals Fitzhugh Lee and Joseph Wheeler 
entered the military service of their country. 

The leader of the Filipino insurgents was Aguinaldo, 
who had been expelled from the Islands, but had returned 
soon after the battle of IManila. He commanded native 
forces which besieged Manila before its capture by the 
Americans. He now set up a government and contended 
for Philippine independence. A war against the American 
authoritv ensued, which lasted for about three years, the 



The S pai) I sJt- America II War 



503 



Americans fjjradually bringing ditt'erent islands under 
control. In the meantime, civil government was estab- Material 
lished, in the pacified sections, by the Philippine Com- i^J^'jg^'^njj 
mission, headed by Judge William H. Taft. Schools and seif-gov- 
internal improvements, such as roads, telegraphs, and ^'"'^"^'^'^*- 
mail facilities, were promoted. A Philippine Assembly, 
one-half of which was elected bv the natives, met for the 




The Roiish Ri.lers 

first time in 1907. Thus these people began the process 
of self-government. 

During the period of American occupation in Cuba, Theoccu- 
nuich attention was paid to sanitary improvements, cuhTand 

especially in Havana. Throughout the island, and in the estab- 

r " ,.,11 1 J lishment 

Porto Rico, prisons, hospitals, and asylums were placed of the 
upon a modern basis in equipment and management. Republic 
Public schools were established. A convention elected 
by the Cubans framed a constitution for the Cuban Re- 
piiblic and this was adopted in February, 1901. Before it 
went into effect, the United States Government insisted 



504 



inicriran History 



upon tlie inrorporation of certain j)rovisi<)ns* .safc-fjuanjinjj; 
its inteivsts in Cuba. 'J'hc Republic was then formally pro- 
claimed (May 20, 1002), with President Palina at its head, 
and the American troops were withdrawn from the island. 

In 1903 the United States entered into a reci})rocity 
treaty with Cuba, admitting her su<;ar at a reduced tariff 
rate; while Cuba granted reductions on provisions and 
machinery from the United States. 

The proneness of the Cubans to engafje in factional 
cjuarrels, running into violence, was shown after the 
second election of President Palma and his reinauguration 
in 1906. Accusations of fraud in the election were made, 
and Palma resigned. The Cuban Congress failed in its 
duty of electitig his successor, and, there being danger of 
further disturbance, the United States Government sent 
troops to Cuba and assumed control. Secretary of War 
Taft was named as Provincial (lovernor. In January, 
1909, our Government again withdrew its control, a new 
Cuban administration having been established. 

In 1SS9 the United States signed the treaty of Berlin, 
engaging to cooperate with PvUgland and (iermany in 
the maintenance of peace and order in the Samoan Islands. 
Insurrections against the native rulers continued after this 
date, however, and President Cleveland recommended the 
discontinuance of the arrangement. The situation was 
finally adjusted in 1899 by a treaty under which the Sa- 
moan Islands were divided between this country and 
Germany. Our Government acquired four islands, the 
largest being Tutuila, with a harbor, Pago Pago, which 
is one of the best in the Pacific. 

In these years other islands of the Pacific, hitherto un- 
claimed, were occupied by the United States. By the 
territorial acquisitions mentioned above, and the annex- 
ation of Hawaii, the commercial opportunities of the 
United States in the countries bordering upon the Pacific 
were distinctly increased. 

* See Government in State and Nation, 324. 



50G American History 

SUGGESTHE QUESTIONS AND REFERENCES 

1. Books dealing with the Spanish war. Draper, The Rescue 
of Cuba. Roosevelt, The Rough Riders. (See also articles in 
Scribner's jNIagazine, Vol. XXV.) Kennan, Campaigning in Cuba. 

2. Special references. Latan^, America as a World Power, 
G-19. Elson, History of the United States, 889-'»02; Sidelights 
on American History, H, 3o2-401. 

3. Hart, Contemporaries, I\'. Reasons for the Spanish 
War, Xo. 180. Dewey's report on the battle of Manila Bay, 
No. 182. Arguments against holding the Philippines, Xo. 191. 

4. Lamed, History for Ready Reference, Cuba, 1897. The 
Constitution granted by Sj)ain to Cuba, 1897-1898. Consul- 
General Lee's report on the "reconcentrados." Ibid. The 
United States, 1898. Extract from the Report of the Court of 
Incjuiry on the Mninr. ^IcKinley's message to Congress of 
April il. 

5. In Scribner's Magazine, Vol. XXIV, are a number of illus- 
trated articles descriptive of the Spanish war, by various authors. 
See also, Century Magazine, Xew Series, Vols. XXXIV, XXXV, 
XXXVI. 

6. Compare the Cubans in their struggle against Spain with 
the English colonists in the Revolutionary War. Comj)are the 
latter with Aguinaldo's supporters in the Philip{)ines. 

7. What are now the policies of the great political parties on 
the subject of Philippine independence? Which is right? 

8. On the Philippine and Cuban relations, see Government 
in State and Xation, pp. 321-324. On the power to acquire and 
govern territory, ibid., 32.^-327. References, ibid., 335. 

9. James and Mann, Readings on*American History, chap. 30. 



CHAPTER XXXI 

THE OPENING OF A NEW ERA 

The period of industrial depression that began with the The eiec- 
panic of 1S93 was followed by one of the most remarkable ^^q^q^^ 
eras of prosperity that our country has known. This 
fact, and the popularity of the McKinley administration, 
due in part to the success of the Spanish war, made the 
election of 1900 an easy victory for the Republicans. 
William McKinley was again their candidate. Theodore 
Roosevelt, who was candidate for the Vice-Presidencv,* 
had aroused |)oj)ular admiration by his part in the Spanish 
war and descrv(>d great credit for liis work as Assistant 
Secretary of the Navy, in jMitting that branch of the service 
into a state of efficiency. The licpublicans stood squarely 
upon the gold standard policy, while the Democrats re- 
peated their free silver plank of ISOG; this was demanded 
by William Jennings Bryan as a condition of his acceptance 
of the nomination for President. 

It was apparent, however, that the silver issue was dis- 
appearing; for rich gold deposits had been discovered in 
the Klondike region of Canada and Alaska (1S96-1S97), 
and the influx of this metal resulted in an increased supply 
of money.f Better prices and activity in all industries 

* Roosevelt had been elected Governor of New York. His nomination 
for the Vice-Presidency was insisted upon by "machine" politicians of 
that State who feared his influence and desired his removal to a station 
where he would have little power. 

t The amount of money in circulation rose from $22.82 per capita in 
1890 to 823.24 in 189.5.and S26.93 in 1900. 
507 



508 



A mrrica ii II istorij 



followed with the return of business eonfidenee. In view 
of this faet, the Democrats announced that "imperialism" 
— i. e., the acquisition and permanent control of the Philip- 
pines — was the paramount issue. They demanded the inde- 
pendence of our new possessions. The appeal to this issue 
failed to arouse enthusiasm, as both parties were divided 
upon it within their own ranks. The popular vote in 



Gcemtcrof J'upulation ^ 

"^Center of Manu/acturM^^, ^ y j, 

Iri^'^yf^^f^ — ^ 

! a>— -—Cleveland pTfeiMN SYLVAN >A 




Movement of Centers of Population an<i Manufactures, 1790-1900 

this election was: Rej)ul)li(ans, 7,2()().00(); Democrats, 
0,334,000. 

Six months after his second inaujjuration, President 
McKinley was shot (September 0, 1901) by an anarchist, 
Czolgosz. This occurred at Buffalo, while the President 
was holding a jiublic reception at the Pan-American 
Exposition, then in progress. His death occurred a few 
days later. 



McKinley had endeared himself to- the people by personal 
qualities of graciousness and tact, and by his blameless private 
life. He was an astute politician, who won the respect of his 
opponents. His political fortunes had been under the guidance 
of Mark Hanna, a wealthy manufacturer of Cleveland, who 
brought "business methods" into the management of j)olitical 
campaigns. 




Fr..iii a plicL'^'iaph, .upyiisht 1907. by c:liMcdiiist 

Theodore Roosevelt 



510 America}! Ilisiory 

]\Ir. Roosevelt soon (lis])laye(l an agfiresslve individuality 
which placed him aniont;; the few ruinarkable men who have 
oecuj)ied the Presidency. His acts aroused sharp criticism. 
But he won popular adherence, such as few men in our 
history have been accorded, by his vigorous foreign jK)licy, 
his efi'orts in the direction of official purity, his ()j)j)osition 
to oppressive cajntaiistic combinations, and especially by 
his striking personality.* 

To lioosevelt's popularity as the l{ej)ublican candidate 
for President was largely due the overwhelming victory of 
that party in the election of 1904. The continuance of in- 
dustrial prosperity had removed the silver issue completely, 
and the Democrats did not mention it in their jjlatform. 
The conservati\e Eastern wing of that party was now dom- 
inant, and Judge Alton B. Parker, of New York, became 
their candidate. On the question of imperialism there was 
slight difference between the parties. The country at large 
had accepted the colonial policy as inevitable for at least a 
considerable period of time; but both parties spoke for 
the uhimate independence of the Philii)pines. Both parties 
spoke also for revision of the tarifl", the Democrats taking 
the more radical position. The Republicans classed com- 
binations of capital and labor together as subject to legal 
restraint when they became dangerous to private rights. 
The Democrats were especially emphatic against the 
trusts. In the election the Democrats carried only the 
Southern states. Their popular vote was 5,077,000; the 
Republican candidates receiving 7,023,000. 

The Spanish war marks an epoch in the foreign relations 
of the United States; then began its increasing activity in 
international affairs and its recognition as a "world power." 

* "Of gentle birth and breeding, yet a man of the people in the best 
sense; with the training of a scholar and the breezy accessibility of a 
ranchman; a man of the library and a man of the world; an athlete and 
a thinker; a soldier and a statesman; a reader, a writer, and a maker 
of history; with the sensibility of a poet and the steel nerve of a rough 
rider; one who never did, and who never could, turn his back on a friend 
or on an enemy." Addresses of John Hay, p. 289. 



The Open ill (J of a New Era 



511 



Our country had not previously been without influence in 
foreign affairs, and its attitude had already begun to be 
aggressive in purely American relations (p. 470). But our new 
the brilliant achievements of our navy in the war with foreign 
Spain and the recent impressive growth of our industries 
(see p. 517) served to call attention to our position as a 



policy. 




Machine which Reaps, Threshes, and Bags Grain at the Same Time 



nation of great power in world politics. This power was 
exerted first in the Orient, following logically upon the 
acquisition of the Philijipines. This acquisition had been 
made chiefly in view of the industrial situation in China. 

Our manufacturers had there a great market for their cotton The con- 
goods, which they were desirous of extending. At this time ^"j^.^^^" 
strife arose among European nations for trade advantages in 
China. Enghmd, France, Russia, Germany, and Italy were de- 
manding for their citizens concessions, leases, franchises, and 
special trade privileges in various parts of that country. Gradu- 
ally, "spheres of influence" covering certain regions were ac- 
quired, and it seemed probable that China would be partitioned 



512 



Aincricaii Ilislorii 



among the European powers, as Africa had been in the previous 
decade. This would l>e a blow to our export trade. Now, the 
acquisition of the Philippines gave us a vantage-point from 
which we could consistently exert influence in Oriental affairs. 

In Sejjteinbor, 1S99, Secretarv of State John Hay ad- 
dressed a note to tlie European powers interested, asking 
reeognition of tlie policy of the "open door"; i. c, that no 
power sliould e.vcliide the citizens of other nations from 
e(jual trade rio^hts within its sphere of influence in China. 
Witliout winning complete acceptance from all the nations, 
the justice of this ])olicy was in the main approved. 

During the following year came the Boxer Rebellion, 
in which there were ma.ssacres of Europeans and Amer- 
icans. AVhen the legations of the civilized nations were 
besieged in Peking, troops of the United States took part 
in the expedition that marched to their relief. Seizure of 
Chinese territory as indenniity might have followed, but 
Secretary Hay brought the influence of this country to bear 
in securing guarantees of the territorial integrity of China 
and equal trade rights in its ports. 

At the outbreak of the war between Japan and Ras.sia, 
in 1904, the United States secured pledges from those 
nations that Chinese neutrality woukl be ob-served, and that 
the operations of the war would be confined to ^Manchuria. 
In 1905, President lioosevelt aj)pealed directly to the 
belligerents in favor of a c-essation of the war. With great 
diplomatic skill he brought them to begin negotiations for 
peace, and his personal influence was exerted in bringing 
to a successful termination tlie peace negotiations at Ports- 
mouth, New Hampshire. 

The United States sent representatives to the Peace 
Conference called by the Czar of Russia, which met at The 
Hague in 1S99,* and also to the second Conference in 1907. 
Upon these occasions our policy favored the widest possible 
application of the j^rinciple of international arbitration. 
The first dispute to be appealed to the permanent Tribunal 
* See Government in State and Nation, 355-356. 



77/r Oprniiig of a Xcir Era olo 

of Arbitration was one between the United States and 
Mexico (1902). More recently treaties have been made 
between our country and Great Britain, France, and a 
number of other nations, to submit certain disputes to 
arbitration by the Hague Tribunal before resorting to 
force.* 

In the above events we see the beginnings of a foreign 
policy which has been exerted in favor of justice, humanity, 
and peace in international relations. Great Britain has 
supported our Government in this policy, and the relations 
of these nations have become more friendly in consequence. 
The acquisition of the Philippines and our "open door" 
policy have been distinctly favorable to England's com- 
mercial interests. 

In its relations with other American powers the United The new 
States has maintained its leadership. A second Pan- Doctrine. 
American congress was held in the City of Mexico, in 1901, 
followed by another at Rio Janeiro (1906). At various 
times European nations have engaged in controversies 
with South American states over the payment of debts 
due the citizens of the former. The question has then 
arisen, to what extent shall the United States permit the 
use of force against the debtor nations ? 

The wider application of the Monroe Doctrine under President 
Cleveland (p. 48(5), looking toward the maintenance of the rights 
of the weaker American nations, has been followed by recogni- 
tion of our obligation to secure the performance of duties by 
those nations. Said President Roosevelt (1905): "We cannot 
permanently adhere to the Monroe Doctrine unless we succeed in 
making it evident, in the first place, that we do not intend to treat 
it in any shape or way as an excuse for aggrandizement on our 
part at the expense of the Republics to the south of us; second, 
that we do not intend to permit it to be used by any of these Re- 
publics as a shield to protect that Republic from the consequences 

* " Eighteen years ago international arbitration was little more than 
a hope; to-day it is an accepted policy; and since this country has 
already made twelve specific special agreements for arbitration, there 
is every ground to believe that as time passes the Senate will view this 
policy more and more broadly." The Nation, 86 : 390. 



.14 



[mcricaii flisfori/ 



of its own inisdocds :ifi;iinst forcifrii nations; tliinl, that inasniucli 
as by this (ioctrinc wo prcvcMit other nations from intorfcrinfr on 
uiis side of the water, we shall ourselves in good faith try to helj) 
those of our sister Republics, which need such help, upward 
towanl peace and order." 

Early The history of the Paiiiima ("anal (.'.\einj)lifi(.'s the new 

[sthmian aiTt»;re.s.sive policy of this coiiiitry in its world relations, as 
projects. well as our cxpaiuliiitj iiuliistrial interests. In 1S50, by the 



I»A>i.\>IA CAIVAI, 

uiid 
i'l NITKD -SiT.VTKS CAN.VL STRIP 




or /••-f .V 



anal Strip 



riayton-Biihver treaty (p. 33')), the United States and 
Enijland agreed to renounce the right to acquire indepen- 
dent control of any isthmian canal route. As early as the 
administration of President Hayes this policy was con- 
demned by officers of our Government. When, in the 
next decade, a French company began the construction 
of a canal at Panama,* the demand for a canal under the 
control of this country became urgent. Efforts to bring 
about the formal abrogation of the C^layton-Bulwer treaty 
were unsuccessful. Several surveys were authorized, how- 
ever, especially with a view to establishing a route through ' 

* Projected by Ferdinand De Lessep.s, who con.structed the Suez Canal. 



The ()j)ciiiii(/ of (I Xeir Km 



515 



Xicaragua. Then occuiTed the Spanish war, during which 
the warshij) Oregon was obliged to make its long journey 
from San Francisco around Cape Horn in order to join the The 
Atlantic Squadron, This incident attracted attention to 
the difficulty of defending the two coasts of our country, 
and the demand for a canal became irresistible. 

In 1S99, the Isthmian Canal Commission was appointed 
to examine routes, and they recommended that through 



demand 
for a canal. 




..., .;,:.. . . __ : aii.inia (.'anal in the Culebra Cut 

Nicaragua. In the meantime, an American company had 
acquired the property of the French Panama Canal Com- 
pany, whose undertaking had ended some ten years earlier 
in bankruptcy. This property was noAV offered for sale 
to the United States. Secretary Hay, after much diplo- 
matic delay, and the rejection of one treaty, finally secured 
the abrogation of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty (1901). The 
United States was now free to proceed to construct and 
own an Isthmian canal which should be free to the use of 
all nations, both in peace and in war. As this country 
alone was to guarantee the neutral use and the defence of 
the canal, it is practically unrestricted in its control. 



Obstacles 
removed. 



510 



, i incricdii 1 1 isforij 



CongvQi^s now |)a.sst'(l tlio Spooner Act (1902), providintjr 
for the construction of the Panama Canal on the condition 
that favorable terms could be secured from the canal 
company and from Colombia, throutjh whose territory it 
was to run; otherwise, the \icara<;ua route was to be used. 

A treaty was next made with Colombia, providinjj for a 
Sl(),()()().()()() payment and an annuity of S2r)(),000 in con- 
sideration for the control by the I'nited States of a six- 
mile strip across the Isthmus. Tliis treaty was rejected 
by the Colombian Con<jress, evidently as a means of ob- 
taining; better terms. Tliis occasioned a revolution among 
the disai)))ointed inhabitants of the province of Panama; 
they declared themselves indej)endcnt of Colombia, and 
set up a government. Tiieir independence was recog- 
nized by President Roosevelt three days later.* Within 
two weeks a treaty was made with the new Republic of 
Panama, by which our Govenmient secured control in 
perj)etuity of a ten-mile strip across the Isthmus. The 
Panama Canal jiroperty was j)urchased for $40,000,000. 
The estimated cost for the completion of the work being 
$144. 000,000 additional, Congress api)ropriated $10,000,- 
000 at once and authorized the issuance of $130,000,000 
in bonds. A Canal Commission was aj)pointed, and the 
work of putting the Canal Zone into sanitary condition and 
of digging the canal proceeded at once. 

The reign of prosperity already referred to (p. 507) 
affected all branches of industry. Farmers received better 
prices for their crops, manufacturers turned out an in- 



* Severe criticism was launched against the administralion for this 
hasty recognition and for the sending of United States troops to prevent 
the use of force by Colombia in the \iciiiity of the canal. Roosevelt 
based his action upon a treaty of 1846 between the United States and 
Colombia (then New Granada) by which the former was to guarantee 
the freedom of the canal route from hostile demonstrations that would 
prevent its free use. He justified it further ui)on the ground that Co- 
lombia's attitude was mercenary, and that the interests of the ci\ili7.ed 
world demanded the immediate construction of the Panama Canal by 
the United States. 



The Open in (J uf a New Era 



517 



creased product, laborers were paid better wages and thus 
furnished demand for still more products of all kinds. 
With this demand, prices rose and the cost of living in- 
creased greatly. A most striking evidence of our in- 
dustrial growth was found in the exportation of our manu- 
factures to European countries, whose markets were thus 
invaded. The United States then took rank as the greatest 
exporting nation of the world. 

Besides the wealth of our natural resources and the Further 
energy of our people, the remarkable capacity of the uon^o^ ^^' 
American ])eoplc for business organization accounts for industry. 




The Vandcibilt Railroad System 



this result. The prin(ii)le of concentration in industry 
(see p. 472) was now carried to its greatest extent. Every 
effort w as made to economize in production by eliminating 
waste and unnecessary duplication at all points. Be- 
ginning in 1898, there seemed to be a mania for the forma- 
tion of trusts and combinations. Indeed, this tendency 
went to extremes, and the stocks of many fraudulent 
"svndicates" were sold to the public. 



518 American History 

The firofitost oomhination formed was tho T^nitod States Steel 
Corporation, with a cai)italization of $1,100,000,000, unifying 
the interests of eight corporations owning 140 plants and pro- 
ducing three-fourths of the steel product of the country. The 
same tendency was seen in the consolidation of all the important 
railroad lines in the country into a few great "systems." 

These combinations indicated not only concentration of owner- 
Bhip, but, more especially, concentration of rnntrol. For while 
the great corporations had thousands of stockholders, yet their 
control rested in the hands of a comparatively few men (such as 
Rockefeller, Carnegie, Morgan, Rogers, Gould, Vanderbilt, Hill, 
and Harriman), who thus possessed immen.se influence over the 
business interests of the country.* 

The progress of capitalistic conihiiiations was met l)y 
greater efi'orts to prevent trusts and by the passage of laws 
in various States controlling railroads more strictly and 
fixing their rates. Under President Itoosevelt, especially, 
the (lovennnent actively ])rosccnte(l violators of l-'cdcral 



U.S. 

GERM. 

QT.BRIT. 

FRANCE 

RUSSIA 



% OF THE U.S. 

X " •' " 

/s " " " 



Steel Productions, 1903 



laws upon these subjects and secured favoraV)le decisions 
in some important cases, notably those of the Northern 
Securities Company f and the beef trust. There were 
numerous convictions under the anti-rebate law, the most 
important being that under which fines aggregating 
$20,240,000 were imposed upon the Standard Oil Company 
by a United States District Court presided over by Judge 

* It is said that the men composing the board of directors of the 
United States Steel Corporation had (1908) controlling influence in 
corporations that own one-twelfth of the wealth in the United States. 
World's Work, VII, 4259. 

t A corporation uniting the Northern Pacific, Great Northern, andj 
Burlington Railroads under one management. 



The pen i lie/ of a N'ew Era 519 

Landis and slttinrr at Chicago.* In 1900, Congress passed 
a new Interstate Commerce Law, reorganizing the Com- 
mission and g-iving it tlie power to fix rates, though the rail- 
roads retain the right of appeal to the courts. Pipe hues, 
sleeping-car companies, and express companies were made 
subject to the provisions of this law. Railroad companies 
were forbidden to engage in any other business. 

Labor now made its greatest progress in the direction of The prog- 
organization. The American Federation of Labor (see [T °^ 

, -„. . , , , . , „ ^ labor or- 

p. 4o.i) acquired a membership in 1905 of 2,000,000. Its ganiza- 

policy was soon directed toward securing favorable labor ^'°"^" 
legislation bv exerting political influence for the defeat of 
candidates who opposed their demands. A department 
of Commerce and Labor was established bv Congress in 
1903.t 

Tlie United Mine Workers, inchuling 147,000 men working in The coal 
the anthracite coal-fields, struck, in 1902, for higher wages and strike of 
better conditions. The mine-owners f refused to arbitrate the ^^^"• 
question in dispute. A coal famine seemed inevitable. Presi- 
dent Roo.sevelt voiced the demands of public sentiment, which 
was becoming outraged at the prospect, and the operators finally- 
agreed to submit the controversy to settlement by a commission 
appointeil by him. The decision was a victory for the miners. 



tion. 



Another aspect of the country's labor problem is seen in immigra- 
the increase and changed character of immigration. In 1903, 
Congress increased the head-tax upon immigrants, and 
enacted stricter regulations excluding undesirable classes, 
especially anarchists. Later, ability to read and write was 
required of immigrants w'ho wished to become naturalized, 
and the process of making citizens was more carefully 
regulated. 

* The judgment in this case was reversed by the Circuit Court of Appeals. 

t Government in State and Nation, 297-298. 

t Some six railroad companies own the greater part of the anthracite 
coal deposit and control the price absolutely. The President of the 
United Mine Workers was John Mitchell, " the ablest labor leader America 
had produced." Equally able and influential was Samuel Gompers, presi- 
dent for twenty years of the American Federation of Labor. 



i20 



lincrlcaii Hi. star if 




Mill, Aui^n 



III 19()o and succoodinjj; years lli(> mmil)('r of iiiiini<;ran(s 
became more than one million annually. Of these nearly 
three-fourths came from southern and eastern Europe. The 
eoimtry is thus confronted by a great problem in the proper 
(listrii)ution and coinj)lete assimilation of these peoples, 

The industrial advance of the South was a striking 
feature of the period under review. The vast mineral, 
coal, and forest resources 
of the Southern States, 
and its water j)ower, were 
now exploited as never 
before. Manufactures 
increased fifty j)er cent, 
between 19()() and 1<)()(3. 
In cotton manufacture, 
especially, the advance 
was rapid, the South con- 
verting one-third of its 
crop into finished prod- 
ucts. The entire Piedmont region, from Virginia to 
Georgia, was raj)i(lly becoming a manufacturing sec-tion. 
There began, too, the more complete occupation of the 
soil, and more intelligent farming, the raising of garden 
produce and fruits receiving j^articular attention. The 
South also entered upon a period of educational improve- 
ment. 

The negro felt the effects of the changes noted above. 
The industrial relations of blacks and whites were im- 
proved by the influence of industrial schools for negroes. 
Chief among these is Tuskegee Institute (Alabama), under 
the principalship of Booker T. Washington, the acknowl- 
edged leader of the negro race. The social relations be- 
tween whites and negroes were frequently disturbed by 
"race riots," some of which occurred in Northern States. 
Politically, the negro continued to be debarred from voting 
and office-holding. Beginning in 1S90, most of the 
Southern States adopted constitutions requiring educa- 



The OpoiiiHj of a New Era 521 

tional and property qualifications for suffrage.* Thus the 
observance of legal forms took the place of the violence of 
former times (see pp. 432-433). 

In the Far West, this period witnessed the rapid growth The Far 
of cities and substantial industrial advance. The cattle ^^'^^' 
ranch was supplemented by intensive agriculture and fruit 
raising. This was encouraged by the irrigation of arid 
lands. Besides private and State irrigation systems, Con- 
gress provided for the construction of reservoirs and ditches 
with the proceeds from the sale of public lands. f 

Congress authorized the formation of two new States in Oklahoma 
the West, by the union of New Mexico and Arizona, and ^^°^" 
of Indian Territory and Oklahoma. The inhabitants of 
the latter territories agreed to this plan, and the State of 
Oklahoma was admitted in 1907. 

Accompanying our great industrial advance, the public Reform in 
conscience has been awakened to demand remedies for industrial 
1 1 -111 • 1 • I methods. 

abuses that are possible under our present industrial 

system. Laws have been enacted in many States limiting 
the age and conditions of child labor; and a demand has 
been raised for Congressional action upon this subject. 
Legislation prohibiting food adulteration and the false 
lal)elling of packages, and providing for the inspection of 
factories and packing-houses, has been general. In 1905 
there was an investigation by the State of New York of 
the methods used by the great life insurance companies. 
This resulted in revelations of loose and pernicious busi- 
ness methods (not, however, confined to this class of com- 
panies), formerly winked at, but now condemned by public 
opinion. In this period, then, we have seen the beginnings 
of a higher standard of business morality. 

In political matters, as well, public standards have been Pojjjj^^' 
rising. About 1S90 the use of the Australian ballot system measures. 
became general, and thus the purchase of votes became 
more difficult. But this reform did not eliminate the evils 

* See Government in State and Nation, 49, 142-143. 
t See Government in State and Nation, 334. 



Amrrirau Ili^siorij 



of ^naf'lli^e politics. State laws were extended to the con- 
trol of party affairs, with severer punishments for corrupt 
practices, the control of lobbying, and the requirement of 
pul)licity for campaign expenses. In a few States the 
j)riinary election system was j)ut into operation. Public 
ofhccrs won poj)uIar a|)proval, in numerous States and 
cities, by their activity in reveaUuf; "<;raft" and by their 
fearless enforcement of the law. Municipal fjovernmcnt 
improved fjrcatly in this period. 

These reforms were made possible by (he increase of in- 
dependent votinir in State and city |)()lilics. Politicians 
must now reckon, as never before, with the demand of the 
averafje citizen for honesty in ])ublic servic-e. The influ- 
ence of corporations in governmental affairs has received a 
check, and there is a growing denumd for the more com- 
plete control of j)ublic utilities, and for the |)ublic owner- 
ship of them in cities. The prominence of the moral ele- 
ment in the business and jiolitical reforms mentioned above 
characterizes this as an era of "awakened civic conscience." 
Both moral and economic considerations may be seen in 
the protest against the excessive use of lifjuors that has 
resulted in the prohibition of licpior .selling in a number of 
States and parts of States, es))ecially in the South. 

Educationally, the past decade has seen increased atten- 
tion paid to the industrial and practical aspects of school 
work. Courses in manual training and domestic science 
are now believed to be necessary for the complete develop- 
ment of mind and body. Commercial courses and trade 
schools fit for definite careers. Physical education receives 
greater attention. And the mass of people now seek out- 
door life and recreation as never before in our history. 
The establishment of j)ublic libraries, aided by the munifi- 
cent gifts of Andrew Carnegie, has been raj)id. The rural 
free delivery .system and the increased use of telej)hones 
and interurban car lines have revolutionized farm life and 
have added greatly to the comfort and intelligence of the 
masses. 



The Opening of a N'eiv Era 



523 



In Dcoemhcr, 1907, tlie Atlantic fleet of our navv, com- 
prisiiif; sixteen war-ships and a flotilla of torpedo-boats, 
began a cruise around the world. No such array of war- 
vessels had ever before been sent upon so long a voyage. 
The conduct of the fleet constituted an excellent test of its 
efficiency; and the event was considered as significant of 
America's position in world politics. 

The following statistics indicate the growth of manufactures: 



The great 

naval 

cruise. 



1890 
1900 
1905 



ESTABLISH- 
MENTS 



355,000 
512,000 
533,000 



$6,525,000,000 
9,817.000,000 
13,872.000,000 



PERSONS 
EMPLOYED 



4,712,000 
5,705,000 
6,723,000 



VALUE or 
PRODUCT 



$9,372,000,000 
13,004,000,000 
16,866,000,000 



1890 
1895 
1900 
1905 
1907 



IRON AND STEEL 

MANUFACTl'RES 

EXPORTED 



$25,000,000 

32.000,000 
121,000,000 
134,728,000 
181,000,000 



TOTAL EXPORTS 



$884,000,000 
807,000,000 
1,394,000,000 
1,518,000,000 
1,880,000,000 



PRICES 

(dun's INDEX. 

NUMBERS) 



91.55 

81.:-i2 
91.41 
98.31 
108.95 



In May, 1908, there met at Washington, upon the re- 
quest of President Roosevelt, a conference to consider the 
conservation of our natural resources. It included the 
governors of the States and other eminent men. This 
movement was a recognition of the extremely wasteful 
methods that have been employed in the use of our soil, 
mines, forests, and water supply. Having now definitely 
passed beyond the pioneer stage of our history, we must 
conserve our natural resources; our industries must be 
developed intensively, rather than extensively. Included 
in this movement is the proposal to improve our water-ways, 
as an undeveloped resource, and as a means of competi- 
tion with railroads. A ship route between Lake Michigan 
and the Gulf of Mexico is especially favored. 

Anticipating the Presidential election of 1908, there 



Our 

natural 

resources. 



524 



A mrrira n flisfortf 



The ol(M 
tion of 
1908. 



Tarty 
iioiiiii 
tions. 



The plat- 
forms. 



was a .stroiifj popular (Icinaiul (hat President Roo.spvolt Ik* 
uoininatcd for a third term. Tlii.s he ino.st emphatically 
decliiu'd, hut in.stead exerted influence which resulted in 
the nomination of his Secretary of War, William II. Taft, 
by the Republican convention at Chica<i;o. Roosevelt and 
Taft rej)resented an element 
of their party which de- 
manded "])ro<;ressive" or 
"reform" leirislation; the 
other win<^ of the Republicans 
(known as ".standpatters") 
were repre.sented upon the 
ticket by James S. Sherman 
of New York, candidate for 
Vice-President. 

The main portion of the 
l)emo(Tatic ])arty rallied to 
the support of Bryan, who 
had retained remarkable j)()p- 
ularity, especially in the West. 
He had j)rofited by the defeat 
of his party in 1904, when it w iiHam ii. Taft 

was untler the dominance of 

its Eastern con.servative winfj. Bryan was nominated on the 
first ballot of the Democratic convention at Denver, and 
John W. Kern of Indiana was luade candidate for Vice- 
President. 

The Democratic platform was more radical than the 
Republican in iis demand for tariff revision and in its 
concession to the demand of labor uniotts for anti-injunction 
legislation.* It demanded the publicity of campaign ex- 
penses t in National elections, an income tax, and the 
Government guaranty of deposits in National banks. Both 
parties favored emergency currency, but differed slightly 
as to the method of its issuance. 

* See Government in State and Nation, 109, 110. 
t Both candidates for the Presidency were emphatic in advocating 
this policy. 




The Opening of a New Era 525 

In the fall of 1907 u financial stringency had occurred in New Emergency 
York City, and all the business centers of the country were soon currency. 
affected. A decided check to business followed. This "panic" 
was attributed to the fact that the supply of money could not be 
expanded quickly in response to the dernands of trade. Con- 
gress passed a law (1908) providing for the issuance, by National 
banks, of emergency currency; this was subject to a tax which 
would cause its withdrawal when the supply of money was ade- 
quate. 

The election of 1908 was a Republican victory, Taft secunng 
321 Electoral votes, while Bryan h:id 1(32. 



Suggestive Questions and References 

1. Andrews, The United States in Our Time, treats the fol- 
lowing topics: The Pan-American and St. Louis Expositions, 
885-895; McKinley's death and character, 897-904, 907-910; 
The Boxer Rebellion, 905-907; The formation of the United 
States Steel Corporation, 918-921; The anthracite miners' 
Strike, 924-920. 

2. An estimate of Mr. Hay's diplomacy is found in The Out- 
look, 73: 271-272. 

3. Does the foreign policy of this country Include the makmg 
of treaties of alliance with other nations? Has this ever been 
done? 

4. What are the present political relations of the United States 
with Japan? with England? 

5. Why was the voyage of the American fleet an event of 
international importance? 

6. Do you approve of the policy of enlarging the navy ? W hat 
are some' arguments for and against that policy? 

7 Make a list of the unsettled problems referred to in this 
chapter. Classify them as National, State, or local. Whose 
duty is it to find solutions for these problems ? Point to facts in 
ou/ history that will aid in solving any of them. 

8. The 'industrial advance of the South, World's Work, 9: 
5488-5498. Also, several articles in volume xiv (June, 1907). 
Review of Reviews, 33: 177-190. 

9 The Hague tribunal, World's Work, 9: 5928-5932. 

10. What is the positive side of the Monroe Doctrine? Inde- 
pendent, 55: 9-11. 



526 Amcricmi Ilisiory 

11. The most prosperous period of our history. I>eview of 
Reviews, 34: 077-()S(). 

12. Methods of regulating immigration. Review of Reviews, 
33: 33f>-339. 

13. Conditions of child labor. Independent, ')'): 375-379. 
Outlook, 73: (i37-(i41; 921-927. 

14. The nuinher and value of Carnegie lil)rari«-s. World's 
Work, 9: (•)()'.)2-C.()!>7. 

1.'). The prohibition wave in the South. Review of Reviews, 
30: 32S-334. 

16. Negotiations with Colombia and ilie ranaina Republic, 
Latane, America sis a World Power, 208-221. 

17. The Panama Canal. Independent, 5."): 7()4-770. Re- 
view of Reviews, 3'): ()r)-73. 

15. Additi«>nal references upon the al)ovc and otluT important 
current topics may be found in great abundance in weekly and 
monthly periodicals. 

1!'. What do you believe to be the essential difference between 
the Re|)ul)lican and Democratic parties at the |)rescnt time? 
What other |)olitical ])arties had candidates in the last Presidential 
election? What did each stand for, and how many votes were 
cast for each? Platforms and election statistics may be found in 
newspaper almanacs. 

20. Further readings in James and Mami. Readings in 
American History, chap. 31. 



APPENDIX I 

THE CORRELATION OF AMERICAN HISTORY AND 
GOVERNMENT 

In many schools it seems desirable to teach American History 
and Civics in close correlation. As a guide in carrying out this 
plan, the authors have prepared the following outline of topics, 
with references to the pages where they are treated in the text 
"Government in State and Nation" by James and Sanford. 
There is included, also, a list of topics in Civics with which 
there is little opportunity for correlation in the study of Ameri- 
can History. 

An Outline Showing thk Correlation of American History 
WITH Civics. 

1. COLONIAL HISTORY 

History Topics Civics Topics 

" Government 
in State and 
(a) Local Governments Nation." 

PAGE 

Town type in New England Town organization of to-day 5 

Aristocratic County type in County Organization in 

the South Southern States 5 

Combined town and demo- Towns and counties in all 

cratic county type in the Western States 5-6 

Middle Colonies 

(b) Colonial Governments 

Colonial House of Repre- State House of Representa- 

sentatives tives or Assembly 12 

Colonial Governor's Council State Senate 12 

Colonial Governor and Courts State Governor and courts 19-20 

Colonial Charter State Constitution 10 

527 



528 



Appendix I 



(c) British Empire 

Control of fonM^n affairs, Control of same affairs by 
peace and war, Indians, 
nngranted land, and com- 
merce, by Parliament 

Privy Council 



Congress 



See Index 



United States Supreme 
Court 



303 



2. RKVOH'noNAKV AM) ('Itri'KAL ri'.HlODS 



The formation of State gov- 
ernments; adoption of 
State constitutions 
Continental Congresses / 
Articles of Confederation S 
The impotence of Congress 
Prominence of State feeling 
Attitude of foreign nations 



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Position of the United 
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534 Appendix I 

Extra Constitutional Topics Tukatkd in American History 

The following topics show the actual workings and policy of 
the National government, although no part of the Constitution 
is directly involved in any one of them: 

"Government 
History Topics Civics Topics in State and 

Nation." 
Comparison of early and Methods of selecting presi- pa^ge 
later Presidential elections dential electors. Methods 
of nominating candidates 
for President and Vice- 
President 249-255 
Tenure of office act. Quarrel Senatorial courtesy 275 
between Garfield ami 
Conkling 
Whiskey Ring Methods of collecting Inter- 
nal Revenue 185-186 
Presidency of Arthur Presidential succession 205-266 
Monroe's message. Clayton- Monroe Doctrine 
Bulwer treaty. French in 
Mexico. Pan-American 
Congress. Cuban War. 
Panama Canal Policy 
Treaty of Washington International Arbitration 355-356 
International Peace Confer- The Hague Tribunal 356 
ences 

Subjects Not Treated in the Correlation of American 
History and Civics 

1. National Government 

While, as the preceding outline shows, the study of American 
History brings before the pupil the more important parts of the 
Constitution, and also some of the extra-constitutional workings 
of the National government, yet there are many features of our 
government which do not arise naturally in the discussion of any 
event of American history. A list of such topics follows: 

" Government 
(a) Congress in State and 

Nation." 

P.\GE 

Times of elections and sessions 140, 154-155 

Present apportionment and personnel of Congress 145-146 

Contested seats 160-161 

Gerrymandering 153-154 

Method of voting in Congress 163, 170 

The Committee system 167-169 

Comparison with English Cabinet system . . 178-180 

Popular election of United States Senators . 151-152 

Reduction of the tariff 184 



American History and Government 535 
(b) Executive 

PAGE 

Methods employed in collecting taxes 183, 186 

The inheritance tax . 189 

Statistics of revenues, appropriations, and public debt 192-193 

Naturalization frauds 222-224 

Postal system and deficit 225-229 

Status of army, navy, and militia 233-238 

Consular reform 286-287 

Military and naval schools 292, 293 

Pension policy and statistics 295 

Weather bureau 298 

(c) Judiciary 

Present organization of courts 303-305 

Process of trial 309-312 



12 
12-13 
13 
13 
15 
13-14 



2. State and Local Governments 

General versus special and private legislation 

Restrictions upon State legislatures 

Lobbying and corruption of legislators 

The pass system . 

Referendum and initiative .... 

Proportional representation ... 

Important and recent legislation upon public health, 
insurance, general labor conditions, labor of women 
and children, liquor traffic, etc _. Chaps. 10, 11 

City Government — general organization, administra- 
tive departments; police corruption; home rule; 
party politics in city affairs; municipal ownership; 
reform movements .... ' ' ' ,a ^'^^P- ^ 

Election processes and problems— educational qualih- 
cations; boss and machine rule; primary reform; 
Australian ballot; voting machine t-nap. b 

Taxation methods and problems— corporation taxes; 
mortgage tax; income and inheritance tax; faults 
of property tax .• • ■ 9^^^' I 

Penal and charitable legislation and institutions . l^nap. » 

Educational legislation and school systems . . . l-nap. y 

Judicial organization— processes of trial; workings 

of jury system ^'^^P- ' 



APPENDIX II 



CONSTITUTION 

OF Tin-: 

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 

We the people of the United States, in order to form a more 
perfect union, estahlish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, pro- 
vide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and 
secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do 
ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of 
America 

ARTICLE I. 

Section I. All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested 
in a Congress of the United States, wliicli siiall consist of a Senate 
and a House of Representatives. 

Sect. II. 1. The House of Representatives shall be composed 
of members chosen every second year V)y tlie people of the several 
States, and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications 
requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State 
Legislature. 

2. No person shall be a Representative who shall not have 
attained to the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a 
citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be 
an inhabitant of tliat State in which he shall be chosen. 

3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among 
the several States which may be included within this Union, accord- 
ing to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by add- 
ing to the whole number of free persons, including tliose bound to 
service for a terra of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three 
fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made 
within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the 

536 



Constitution of the United States of America 537 

United States, and witliin every subsequent term of ten years, in 
sucii manner as they shall by law direct. The number of Kepre- 
sentatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each 
State shall have at least one representative ; and until such enu- 
meration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be enti- 
tled to choose three, Massacimsetts eight, Rhode Island and Provi- 
dence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six. New Jersey 
four, Pennsylvania eigiit, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia 
ten, North Carolina five. South Carolina five, and Georgia three. 

4. AViien vacancies happen in the representation from any State, 
the Executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill 
Buch vacancies. 

5. The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and 
other officers ; and shall have the sole power of impeachment. 

Skct. III. 1. The Senate of the United States shall be com- 
posed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the legislature 
thereof, for six years ; and each Senator shall have one vote. 

2. Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of 
the first election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into 
three classes. The seats of tiie Senators of the first class shall be 
vacated at the expiration of the second year, of the second class at 
the expiration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the ex- 
piration of the sixth year, so that one third may be chosen every 
second year ; and if vacancies happen by resignation or otherwise, 
during the recess of the legislature of any State, the Executive 
thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting 
of the legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. 

3. No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to 
the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United 
States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that 
State for which he shall be chosen. 

4. The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of 
the Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided. 

5. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a 
President pro tempore, in the absence of the Vice-President, or 
when he shall exercise the office of President of the United States. 

6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeach- 
ments. When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or 
affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, the 
Chief Justice shall preside : and no person shall be convicted with- 
out the concurrence of two thirds of the members present. 



538 Appendix JI 

7. Judgment in cases of impeacbuieut shall not extond furtlior 
than to removal from office, and disqualiticaliou to hold and enjoy 
any office of honor, trust or profit under the United States; but 
tlie party convicted shall nevertlieless be liable and ^subject to in- 
dictment, trial, judgment and punishment, according to law. 

Sect. IV. 1. Tiie times, places and manner of holding elec- 
tions for Senators and Kopresentatives shall be prescribed in each 
State by the legislature thereof ; but the Congress may at any time 
by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of 
choosing Senators. 

2. The Congress shall a.>isemble at least once in every year, ami 
such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they 
shall by law appoint a different day. 

Sect. V. 1. P^ach house shall bo the judge of the elections, 
returns and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of 
each shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller num- 
ber may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel 
the attendance of absent members, in such manner, and under such 
penalties, as each house may provide. 

2. Each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, pun- 
ish its members for disorderly behavior, and with the concurrence 
of two thirds, expel a member. 

3. Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from 
time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their 
judgment require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the members 
of either house on any question shall, at the desire of one fifth of 
those present, be entered on the journal. 

4. Neither house, during the session of Congress, shall, without 
the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to 
any other place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting. 

Sect. VI. 1. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a 
compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law and paid 
out of the treasury of the United States. They shall in all cases 
except treason, felony and breach of the peace, be privileged from 
arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective 
houses, and in going to and returning from the same ; and for any 
speech or debate in either house, they shall not be questioned in 
any other place. 

2. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which 
he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority 
of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emolu- 



Constitution of the United States of America 539 

nients whereof shall have been increased, during such time ; and 
no person holding any office under the United States shall be a 
member of either house during his continuance in office. 

Sect. VII. 1. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the 
House of Representatives ; but the Senate may propose or concur 
with amendments as on other bills. 

2. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representa- 
tives and the Senate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to 
the President of the United States ; if he approve he shall sign 
it, but if not he shall return it with his objections to that house 
in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at 
large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such 
reconsideration two thirds of that house shall agree to pass the bill, 
it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the otlier house, 
by whicli it shall likewise be reconsidered, and, if approved by two 
thirds of tiiat house, it shall become a law. lUit in all such cases 
the votes of both houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, 
and the names of tiie persons voting for and against the bill shall 
be entered on the journal of each house respectively. If any bill 
shall not be returned by the President within ten days (Sundays 
excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall 
be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress 
by their adjournment prevent its return, in which case it shall not 
be a law. 

3. Every order, resolution, or vote to which the concurrence of 
the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except 
on a question of adjournment) shall be presented to the President 
of the United States ; and before the same shall take eflFect, shall 
be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be re- 
passed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, 
according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. 

Sect. VIII. The Congress shall have power 

1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay 
the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare 
of the United States ; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be 
uniform throughout the United States; 

2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States ; 

3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the 
several States, and with the Indian tribes ; 

4. To establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform 
laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States ; 



540 Appendix II 

5. To coin money, ropulatc tlio vahic thereof, and of foreipfn 
coin, and fix tiie standard of weights and measures; 

G. To provide for the punislmient of counterfeiting the securities 
and current coin of the United States; 

7. To establish post offices and post roads ; 

8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts by secur- 
ing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right 
to their respective writings and discoveries; 

9. To constitute trii)unals inferior to the Supreme Court ; 

10. To define and punisli piracies and felonies committed on the 
high seas and offences against tlie law of nations; 

11. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and 
make rules concerning captures on land and water ; 

12. To raise and support armies, but no approjjriation of money 
to that use shall be for a longer term than two years ; 

13. To provide and maintain a navy ; 

14. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land 
and naval forces ; 

15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute tlie laws 
of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions ; 

IG. To provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the mili- 
tia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in 
the service of the United States, reserving to the States respective- 
ly the appointment of the officers, and the autiiority of training the 
militia according to the discii)line prescribed by Congress; 

17. To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over 
such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of 
particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat 
of government of the United States, and to exercise like authority 
over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the 
State, in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, maga- 
zines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings;— and 

18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for 
carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers 
vested by this Constitution in the government of the United States, 
or in any department or office thereof. 

Sect. IX. 1. The migration or importation of such persons as 
any of the States now existing shall tliink 'proper to admit sliall not 
be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year 1808; but a tax or 
duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding .$10 for 
each person. 



Constitui'ion of the United States of America 541 

2. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be sus- 
pended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public 
safety may require it. 

3. No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed. 

4. No capitation, or other direct, tax shall be laid, unless in pro- 
portion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be 
taken. 

5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any 

State. 

6. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce 
or revenue to the ports of one State over those of another : nor 
shall vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, 
clear, or pay duties in another. 

7. No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in con- 
sequence of appropriations made by law ; and a regular statement 
and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money 
shall be published from time to time. 

8. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States : and 
no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, 
without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolu- 
ment, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, 
or foreign state. 

Sect. X. 1. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or 
confederation; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; 
emit bills of credit ; make anything but gold and silver coin a ten- 
der in payment of debts ; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto 
law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title 
of nobility. 

2. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any 
imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be ab- 
solutely necessary for executing its inspection laws : and the net 
produce of all duties and imposts, laid by any State on imports or 
exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the United States; 
and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of 
the Congress. 

3. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty 
of tonnage, keep troops, or ships of war in time of peace, enter into 
any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign 
power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such im- 
minent danger as will not admit of delay. 



542 Appendix II 

ARTICLE II. 

Section I. 1. Tln' executive power shall be vested in a President 
of the United States of America. He shall hold his office during the 
term of four years, and together with the Vice-President, chosen 
for the same term, he elected as follows : 

2. Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature 
thereof nuiy direct, a number of electors, equal to tlie whole num- 
ber of Senators and Uepresentatives to which the State may be en- 
titled in the Congress; but no Senator or Representative, or per- 
son holding an office of trust or profit under the United States, 
shall be appointed an elector. 

[The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by 
ballot for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an in- 
habitant of the same State witii themselves. And tliey shall make 
a list of all the persons voted for, and of the number of votes for 
each; which list they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to 
the seat of government of the United States, directed to the Presi- 
dent of the Senate. The President of tlie Senate shall, in the 
presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the 
certificates, and the votes shall then be counted. The person hav- 
ing the greatest number of votes shall be the President, if such 
number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; 
and if there be more than one who have such majority, and liave 
an equal number of votes, then the House of Representatives shall 
immediately choose by ballot one of them for President ; and if no 
person have a majority, then from the five highest on the list the 
said house shall in like manner choose the President. But in 
choosing the President the votes shall be taken by States, the rep- 
resentation from each State liaving one vote; a quorum for this 
purpose shall consist of a member or members from two thirds of 
the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a 
choice. In every case, after the choice of the President, the person 
having the greatest number of votes of the electors shall be the 
Vice-President. But if there should remain two or more who have 
equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them by ballot the Vice- 
President.] 

3. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, 
and the day on which they shall give their votes; which day shall 
be the same throughout the United States. 

4. No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the 



Constitution of the United States of America 543 

United States, at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall 
be eligible to the office of President ; neither shall any person be 
eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the age of 
tliirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the 
United States. 

5. In case of the removal of the President from office or of his 
death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties 
of the said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President, and 
the Congress may by law provide for the case of removal, death, 
resignation, or inability, botli of the President and Vice-President, 
declaring what officer shall then act as President, and such officer 
shall act accordingly, until the disability be removed, or a Presi- 
dent shall be elected. 

6. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services, 
a compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished 
during the period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall 
not receive within that period any other emolument from the United 
States, or any of them. 

7. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take 
the following oath or affirmation : — " I do solemnly swear (or af- 
firm) that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the 
United States, and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect 
and defend the Constitution of the United States." 

Sect. II. 1. The President shall be commander in chief of the 
army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the 
several States, when called into the actual service of the United 
States ; he may require the opinion, in writing, of the principal 
officer in each of the executive departments, upon any subject re- 
lating to the duties of their respective offices, and he shall have 
power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the United 
States, except in cases of impeachment. 

2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of 
the Senate, to make treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators 
present concur ; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice 
and consent of the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public 
ministers and consuls, judges of the Supreme Court, and all other 
officers of the United States, whose appointments are not herein 
otherwise provided for, and which shall be established b)^ law : but 
the Congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior 
officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the courts of 
law, or in the heads of departments. 



544 Appendix II 

3. The President shall liave power to fill up all vacancies that 
may happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commis- 
eions which shall expire at the end of their next session. 

Sect. III. He shall from time to time give to the Congress in- 
formation of the state of the Union, and recommend to tiieir con- 
sideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient ; 
he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both houses, or either 
of them, and in case of disagreement between them, with respect 
to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as 
he shall think proper; he shall receive ambassadors and other pub- 
lic ministers ; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully exe- 
cuted, and shall commission all the officers of the United States. 

Sect. IV. The President, Vice-President and all civil officers 
of the United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment 
for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crime.s and 
misdemeanors. 



ARTICLE III. 

Section I. 1. The judicial power of the United States, shall be 
vested in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as Con- 
gress may from time to time ordain and establish. The judges, 
both of the Supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices 
during good behavior, and shall, at stated times, receive for their 
services, a compensation, which siiall not be diminished during their 
continuance in office. 

Sect. II. 1. The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law 
and equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United 
States, and treaties nuide or which shall be made, under their au- 
thority ; — to all cases affecting ambassadors, other public minis- 
ters and consuls; — to all cases of admiralty jurisdiction; — to 
controversies to which the United States shall be a party ; — to 
controversies between two or more States ; — between a State and 
citizens of another State; — between citizens of different States; 
— between citizens of the same State claiming lands under grants 
of different States, and between a State, or the citizens thereof, 
and foreign states, citizens or subjects. 

2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and 
consuls, and those in which a State shall be a party, the Supreme 
Court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before 
mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, 



Constitution of the United States of America 545 

both as to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such reg- 
ulations as the Congress shall make. 

3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall 
be by jury ; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said 
crimes shall have been committed ; but Avhen not committed with- 
in any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Con- 
gress may by law have directed. 

Sect. III. 1. Treason against the United States shall consist only 
in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving 
them aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason 
unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or 
on confession in open court. 

2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of 
treason, but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, 
or forfeiture except during the life of the person attainted. 

ARTICLE IV. 

Section I. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to 
the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other 
State. And the Congress may by general laws prescribe the man- 
ner in which such acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, 
and the effect thereof. 

Sect. II. 1. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all 
privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. 

2. A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other 
crime, who sliall flee from justice, and be found in another State, 
shall on demand of the executive authority of the State from 
which he tied, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having 
jurisdiction of the crime. 

3. No person held to service or labor in one State, under the 
laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any 
law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, 
but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such ser- 
vice or labor may be due. 

Sect. III. 1. New States may be admitted by the Congress into 
this Union ; but no new State shall be formed or erected within 
the jurisdiction of any other State ; nor any State be formed by 
the junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the 
consent of the legislatures of the States concerned as well as of 
the Congress. 



546 Appendix II 

2. Tlie CoiifjresH .sliall have power to ilisposo of and make all 
Docdfiil rules ami regulations respectin^j tlie territory or other 
property hehmgini,' to the United States ; and nothing in tiiis C'on- 
Btitution shall l)e so construed as to prejudice any clainis of the 
United States, or of any i)articular State. 

Sect. IV. The United States shall n;uarantee to every State in 
this Union a republican form of government, and sliall protect 
each of them against invasion ; and on application of the legislature, 
or of the executive (when the legislature cannot be couveued; 
against domestic violence. 



ARTICLE V. 

The Congre.ss, whenever two thirds of both houses shall deem 
it necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or, 
on the application of the legislatures of two thirds of the several 
States, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, 
in either case shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of 
this Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths 
of the several States, or by conventions in three fourths thereof, 
as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by 
the Congress; provided that no amendments which may be made 
prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any 
manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of 
the first article; and that no State, without its consent, shall be 
deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate. 



ARTICLE V^I. 

1. AW debts contracted and engagements entered into, before the 
adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United 
States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation. 

2. This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which 
shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which 
shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be 
the supreme law of the land ; and the judges in every State shall 
be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any 
State to the contrary notwithstanding. 

3. The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and 
the members of the several State legislatures, and all executive 
and judicial officers, both of the United States and of the several 



Constiiufion of the United States of America 547 

States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation, to support this Con- 
stitution ; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualifi- 
cation to any office or public trust under the United States. 



ARTICLE VII. 
The ratification of the conventions of nine States, shall be suf- 
ficient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States 
so ratifying the same. 

Done in Convention by the unanimous consent of the States pres- 
ent, the seventeenth day of September in the year of our Lord 
one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven and of the Inde- 
pendence of the United States of America the twelfth. In wit- 
ness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our names. 



[Signed by J 

New Hampshire. 
John Langdon, 
Nicholas Gilman. 

Mass.\chusetts. 
Nathaniel Gorbam, 
Rufus King. 

Connecticut. 
Wm. Saml. Johnson. 
Roger Sherman. 

New York. 
Alexander Hamilton 

New Jersey. 
Wil : Livingston, 
David Brearley, 
Wm : Paterson, 
Jona : Dayton. 



G" Washington, 
Fresidi and Deputy from Virginia. 



Pennsylvania 
B Franklin, 
Thomas Mifflin, 
Robt. Morris, 
Geo. Clymer, 
Tho. Fitz Simons, 
Jared Ingersoll, 
James Wilson, 
Gouv Morris. 

Delaware. 
Geo : Read, 
Gunning Bedford 

Jun, 
John Dickinson, 
Richard Bassett, 
Jaco : Broom. 

Maryland. 
James McHenry, 
Dan of St. Thos. 

Jenifer, 
Danl Carroll. 

Attest : William Jackson, Secretary 



Virginia. 
John Blair, 
James Madison, Jr. 

North Carolina. 
Wm. Blount, 
Richd. Dobbs Spaight, 
Hu AVilliamson. 

South Carolina. 
X Rutledge, 
Charles Cotesworth 

Pinckney, 
Charles Pinckney, 
Pierce Butler. 

Georgla, 
William Fen, 
Abr Baldwin. 



548 Appendix II 

Articles in Addition to and Amendment of the Constitdtiom 
OF the United States of Amekica, Proposed ry Congkess, 
AND Ratified ry the Legislatitkes of the Several States, 
Pl-rsuant to the Fifth Article of the Original Consti- 
tdtion. 

Article I. — Congress shall make no law respecting an establish- 
ment of religion, or prohihiting the free exercise thereof ; or 
abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press ; or the right of 
the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government 
for a redress of grievances. 

Article II. — A well-regulated militia, being necessary to the se- 
curity of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear 
arms, shall not be infringed. 

Article III.— No soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in 
any house without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, 
but in a manner to be prescribed by law. 

Akticle IV. — The right of the people to be secure in their per- 
sons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and 
seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants .ciiall issue but upon 
probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly 
describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to 
be seized. 

Article V. — No person sliall be held to answer for a capital, or 
otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of 
a grand jury except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or 
in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public dan- 
ger : nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be 
twice put in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall be compelled in 
any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived 
of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law ; nor 
shall private property be taken for public u."<e without just compen- 
sation. 

Article VI. — In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall en- 
joy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of 
the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, 
which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to 
be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation ; to be con- 
fronted with the witnesses against him ; to have compulsory process 
for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of 
counsel for his defence. 



Constitution of the United States of America 549 

Article VII. — In suits at common law, where the value in contro- 
versy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be 
preserved, and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-exam- 
ined in any court of the United States, than according to the rules 
of the common law. 

Article VIII.— Excessive bail shall not be required, nor exces- 
sive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. 

Article IX.— The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain 
rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained 
by the people. 

Article X. — The powers not delegated to the United States by 
the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to 
the States respectively, or to the people. 

Article XI. — The judicial power of the United States shall not 
be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or 
prosecuted against one of the United States by citizens of another 
State, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign state. 

Article XII. — 1. The electors shall meet in their respective 
States, and vote by ballot for President and Vice-President, one of 
whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with 
themselves; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for 
as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice- 
President, and tliey shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for 
as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of 
the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and cer- 
tify, and transmit sealed to the seat of government of the United 
States, directed to the President of the Senate ; — the President 
of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of 
Representatives, open all the certificates and the votes shall then 
be counted ; — the person having the greatest number of votes 
for President shall be the President, if such number be a majority 
of the whole number of electors appointed; and if no person have 
such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers 
not exceeding three on the list of those voted for as President, the 
House of Representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the 
President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken 
by States, the representation from each State having one vote ; a 
quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members 
from two thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall 
be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives 
shall not choose a President whenever the right of choice shall de- 



550 Appendia; II 

Tolve ujiDU them, before the fourth day of March next following, 
then the Vice-President shall act as President, as in the case of the 
death or other constitutional disability of the President. — The 
person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President, shall 
be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole 
number of electors appointed, and if no person have a majority, 
then from the two highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall 
choose the Vice-President; a quorum for tlie purpose shall consist 
of two thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of 
the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person 
constitutionally ineligil)le to the otKce of President shall be eligible 
to that of Vice-President of the United States. 

Articlk XIII.— Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary ser- 
vitude, except as a i)unishment for crime whereof the party shall 
liave been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or 
any place subject to their jurisdiction. 

Section 2. Congress sliall have power to enforce this article by 
appropriate legislation. 

AuTicLK XIV. — Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in 
the United States, and s\ibject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citi- 
zens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No 
State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privi- 
leges or immunities of citizens of the United States ; nor shall any 
State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due 
process of law ; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the 
equal protection of the laws. 

Section 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several 
States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole 
number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But 
when the right to vote at any election for the clioice of Electors for 
President and Vice-Pre-'^ident of the United States, Representatives 
in Congress, the executive and judicial officers of a State, or the 
members of the legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male in- 
habitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age and citizens 
of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation 
in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall 
be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citi- 
zens shall bear to tlu' whole number of male citizens twenty-one 
years of age in such State. 

Section 3. No person sliall be a Senator or Representative in 
Congress, or Elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any 



Constitution of the United States of America 551 

office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, 
w ho, having previously taken an oath, aa a member of Congress, or 
as an officer of tlie United States, or as a member of any State legis- 
lature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State', to support 
the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insur- 
rection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the 
enemiee thereof. But Congress may by a vote of two thirds of each 
bouse, remove sucli disability. 

Section 4. Tlie validity of the public debt of the United States, 
authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pen- 
sions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or re- 
bellion, sliall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor 
any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid 
of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim 
for the loss or emancipation of any slave ; but all such debts, ob- 
ligations, and claims shaij be held illegal and void. 

Section 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce by appropri- 
ate legislation the provisions of this article. 

Article XV.— Section 1. The right of citizens of the United 
States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States 
or any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of 
servitude. 

Section 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article 
by appropriate legislation. 



INDEX 



Abolitionism, 314-317 

Abolitionists. 392 

Acadia, 311 

Adams, Charles Francis, 402 

Adams. .John, 1.50, 157, 179; elected 

Prcsidint, 232 
Adams, Jolin Quincy, Minister to 
Russia. 255; elected President, 
290. 291 
Adams. Samuel, 146. 149. 150, 151; 
attitude toward Constitution, 
206 
Admunsen, Captain, 32 (note) 
ApricuUural colleges, 389 
Atruinaldo, 502 

Alahama, under carpet-bag gov- 
ernment, 431 
Alabama, cruiser, 402 
Alabama claims, 438-439 
Alaska, 436, 449 
Albany Congress. 122 
Albemarle, settlement. 75 
Alexander VI. Pope. 11 
Alexandria, convention. 197 
Algonquin Indians. 70-71. 98 
Alien and Sedition laws, 235. 236 
Allen. Ethan. 155 
Alliacus, 3 

Altgeld, Governor John, 493 
Amendments, first ten, 217; 
eleventh. 217, 218; twelfth. 237; 
thirteenth, 410-411; fourteenth, 
421, 423-425; fifteenth, 427 
America, naming of, 11-14 
American Federation of Labor, 

453, 519 
American Party, 352 
Amnesty, 433 
Amnesty oath. 417; proclamation. 

418. 419 
Anarchists. 455; of Chicago, 459 
Anderson, Major Robert, 372 
Andros, Sir Edmund. 74. 89: im- 
prisoned. 90; overthrown. 90 103 
Annapolis convention, 197 
Anne. Queen, War, 113, 114 
Anthracite coal strike, 519, 525 



Antietam. battle. 390 

Anti-Federalists. 222 

Anti-Masonic Party. 308. 309 

Appomattox Court House. 410 

Appropriations. Congressional, 216 

Arabs. 7 

Arbitration, at Geneva. 439; in 
Venezuelan question. 487; treaty 
with England. 487-488, 496; in- 
ternational. 513 

Area of United States. 1790. 207 

Aristotle. 3 

Arkansas, reconstruction of, 418 

Armada, 34-35, 36 

Arnold, Benedict, 157, 173, 177 

Arthur, Chester A., 460, 463 

Asliley, Lord, 75 

Assembly of Massachusetts Bay 
colony, 58; of Connecticut, 62; 
New Hampshire, 62-63; Penn- 
sylvania, 81; Virginia, 45, 48, 
49; Plymouth, 53; South Caro- 
lina, 78; Maryland, 48; in Philip- 
pines, 503 

Astrolabe, 4 

Atlanta, capture of, 405, 406-407 

Audiencias, 24 

Australian ballot system, 522 

Ayllon, Lucas Vasquez de, 19, 26 

Aztecs, 20 

Bacon, Nathaniel, 87 

Bacon's Rebellion, 87, 103 

Bacon, Roger, 3 

Bahamas, 10, 20, 76 

Balance of trade, 131 

Balboa, 17, 26 

Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, 300 

Baltimore, Lord, 46, 47, 65, 90 

Bancroft, George, 358 

Bank, United States, established, 

220, 221; second, 272 
Banks, General N. P., 395 
Baptists, 59 (note), 93 
Barbadoes, 75-76 
Barbary Powers, war with, 249, 250 
Barnburners, 334 



553 



554 



(lex 



Beaiirepard, General P. Y. T.. 377. 

383 
Beecher. Henry Ward. 3.".9 
Belknap. William W., 440 
Bell. John. 36.^, 
Berkeley. Joliii, 74 
Berkeley. Sir William, Cuk S6-87 
Berlin, Treaty of, .504 
Bermuda. 3.S 
Bessemer 7)ro(ess, A'A 
"Bimini," IS 

Black rwler. 420-421. 423, *2-i 
Black IVarrior inoirlent. 3.51 
Blaine. .lames G.. 446, 460. 461. 

464-46.5, 470-471. 475 
Blair, Francis, 380, 430 
Bland. Richard P., 4H3 
Bland-.AIlison Act. 1K78. 4.59. 479- 

480 
Blockade. Civil War. 37.5-376. 396. 

412 
Bonds. United States. 386-387. 

3S8, 400 
Boone. Daniel. 171 
Booth, .John Wilkes. 411 
Boston, settled. .56; massacre, 150; 

evacuated. 156 
Botmty, Civil War, 309 
Bontwell, Georpe S., 428 
Boxer Rebellion, 512, 525 
Bradford, William, .50, 52 
BraKP. General Braxton. 384, 398- 

399 
Brazil, 12 

Breckenridge, John C, Vice-Presi- 
dent, 353; candidate for Presi- 
dent. 364 
Brifrht. John. 401 
Bristow. B. H.. 446 
Brock. General. 262, 263 
Brown, John, 363. 364 
Bryan. William J.. 482-483, 485, 

495; campaign of 1908, 524 
Buchanan, James, President, 353. 

368. 372 
Buckner. Simon B., 483 
Buell. General Don Carlos. 382, 383 
Bull Run, battle of, 376-377; 

second battle of, 389, 396 
Bunker Hill, 155, 156 
Bureau of American Republics, 471 
Burgesses. House of, 45 
Burgoyne. General John. 165-167 
Burnside, General A. E., 392 
Burr. Aaron. Vice-President, 237; 

conspiracy. 250, 251 
Butler, General Benjamin F., 390, 

403. 428 



Cabot, John, 27. 31. 36 

Cabot. .Sebastian. 27, 36 

Cabot voyages, 71 

Cabral, Pedro .Mvarez de, 12 

Calhoun, John C. and war of 1812. 

2.59. 260; Vice-President. 290; 

and tariff of 1S28. 293. 294; and 

Omnibus Bill. 337; 370 
California. admitte<|. 336 
Calvert. C«-cil, 46 
Calvert, George. 46. 49 
Cameron. Simon, 374 
Capital of United States, location, 

219. 220 
Carnegie. Andrew. 518. 523; li- 
braries, 526 
Carolina, North, settlement. 75; 

life in. 76. 77 
Carolina, .South, settlement. 75. 76 
Carpet-bag governments, 430-433, 

435. 448 
Carpet-baggers, 426 
Carteret. Sir George. 74. 75 
Cartier. Jacques. 29, 36 
Carver, William, 52 
Cass, I^wis, 333. 334 
Cathay, see China 
Catholics in Maryland, 90 
Cavaliers in Virginia. 65 
Centennial Exposition. 488 
Champlain, Lake. 105 
Champlain, Samuel de, 104-107, 

108 
Chancellorsville. battle of. 392 
Charles I, 54. 55, 63. 66 
Charles II. 63. 73, 75. 79. 82. 88. 

103 
Charles V, Emperor, 28. 29. 30 
Charleston. South Carolina. 75. 77 
Chase, Salmon P., 337. 347, 374. 

405 
Chattanooga, 383; campaign, 398- 

399; 408, 413 
Chesapeake and Ohio canal. 300 
Chexapenke, attack by Leopard, 252 
Chesapeake vs. Shannon. 264 
Chicago, anarchist riot. 455; strike 

of 1894. 492-493. 496 
Chickamauga. battle of. 413 
Child labor. 521. 526 
China. 6; contest for. 511 
Cliinese. 456; immigration, 459 
Chisholm cs. Georgia. 218 
Christiana, fort. 71 
Church of England. 55. 58. 88 
Cibola, seven cities of. 21, 26 
Cincinnati, founded. 190 
Cipango (Japan), 10 



Index 



555 



Civil RiKhts bill. 423 

Civil Service reform, 445-446, 463- 

464, 475, 494-49.5 
Civil War, in EnKlaiid. 63. 88 
Civil War. in I'nittd States, Chap- 
ters XXIII. XXIV; industrial 
effects. 4.39-440, 449 
Claims, Western, 184, 185; cessions, 

185, 186 
Clarendon, Earl of, 75 
Clark, GeorKe Rotiers, 173 
Clay, Henry, Speaker, 259; candi- 
date for President, 323; and 
Omnibus bill, 337 
Clayton-Buhver Treaty, 335. 336. 

514, 515 
Cleveland, Grover, 464-466, 468, 
479; President, 485-487, 493; 
policy towards Cuba. 498 
Clinton. De Witt. 277 
Clinton, Sir Minry, 162, 178 
Cobden, Hichard, 401 
Coeducation, 3.59 
Colbert, 107 

Cold Harbor, battle of, 401 
Colfax, .Schuyler, 430 
Colleton, Sir John, 75 
Colombia, United States of, 516, 

526 
Colonial Kovernments, 133, 134 
Colonies, life in (1690), 91-103 
Colorado, Territory. 373 
Columbia. South Carolina. 409 
Columbus, Bartholomew, map of, 

13, 27 
Columbus, Christopher, ideas as to 
earth, 3 : in Portugal, 8 ; geograph- 
ical ideas, 8-9; early life, 9; in 
Spain, 9-10; character, 10: voy- 
ages, 10-11; references, 15-16 
Commerce, American, 37 
Commerce, eastern. 5-7, 15, 37 
Committees of Correspondence, 151 
Commonwealth, England, 63, 88 
Communal system, in Plymouth, 

52; in Virginia, 43 
Compass, 4 

Compensation Act. 390 
Compromise of 1850. 338. 339 
Compromises of the Constitution. 

201-202 
Concentration of industry, 452- 

453, 517-518 
Confederate States of America, 372; 
comparison with United States, 
377-379; reasons for defeat, 411- 
412; bonds of, 412; paper money. 
412; debts, 424 



Confederation, Articles of, drawn 
up, 168; adopted, 183; govern- 
ment under, 183, 184, 185; at- 
tempts to amend, 194, 195 

Confiscation Act, 390 

Conkling, Roscoe, 446, 461, 462, 
475 

Connecticut, colony, 60-62, 88, 89; 
references, 67; Fundamental Or- 
ders of, 67 

Conscription, by United States, 
399, 412 

Constitution vs. Guerriere, 263 

Constitution, signers of, 203; origin 
of, 204; ratification, 204, 205, 
206 

Constitutional Convention, 198- 
204 

Constitutional Union party, 364, 
365 

Construction of the Constitution, 
221. 222 

Continental Congress, First. 154; 
Second. 155 

Continental system, 251 

Contraband of war, 390 

Cooper. Peter. 46 

Copperheads. 405 

Cordova, Hernandez de, 18 

Cornwallis, Lord Charles, 164, 177 

Coronado, Francisco de, 21-22, 26 

Corporations, 452, 472-473, 478 

Correlation of American History 
and Government, Appendix I 

Cortez, Hernando, 18-19, 20-21, 
26 

Cotton-gin, 239 

Cotton, John, 60 

Coureurs du Bois, 108 

Credit Mobilier, 446, 449 

Crevecceur, 110 

Crisis of 1819, 272; of 1873, 444- 
445 

Cromwell, Oliver, 63, 85 

Crusades, 5, 15 

Cuba, 10. 17. 18; attempts to an- 
nex, 350, 351; government by 
Spain, 497; rebellions, 497-499; 
war in, 500-502; occupation by 
United States, 503; Republic 
established, 503-504; govern- 
ment by Spain, 506 

Currency, emergency, 525 

Curtis, Benjamin R., 428 

Curtis, George William, 359, 445, 
463 

Custer, General George A., 474 

Cutler, Manasseh, 188, 189 



550 



Index 



Dakota, Territory, 372 

Dale, Sir Thomas, 42. 48 

Dallas, Alexander, 272 

Dalton. battle of, 495 

Dane, Nathan, 189 

Dartmouth CoUetje Case, 286 

Davis, Jefferson, 372-373 

Davis, John, 32 

Dawes bill, 474 

Debates, Elliot's, 198 

Debs, EuKetie. 493 

Debt. National (1789), 218, 219 

De Grasse. Count, 178 

De Kalb. Baron. 168 

Delaware, colony. 81 

Delaware, Lord, 41 

Delaware. Swedes in, 71 

De 1^0 n, Ponce, 86 

Demarcation, line of. 12, 19 

Democracy. Jacksonian and Jeffer- 
sonian compared. 297 

Democratic party organized. 2 

Denonville. Maniuis de. Ill 

De Soto. Ferdinando. 26 

Dickinson. John. 146, 149, 157 

Dingley tariff, 494 

District of Columbia, slavery in. 
390 

Domain. National, betjinninK of, 
186 

Donelson. Fort. 3S1-3S2 

Dorr rebellion. 321 

DouKJas, Stephen A.. 340. 345-347. 
348, 361, 364, 365 

Draft, see conscription 

Drake, Francis, 32, 36 

Dred Scott decision, 3.59 

Dutch, settlement in America, 61: 
exploration, 68-69: trade with 
East, 68: wars with Spain, 68: 
trading posts, 69, 70; coloniza- 
tion. 69-74: wars with England. 
73: settlers. 81-82: commerce. 
85-86: relations with Indians, 
156; East India Company. 68-70; 
West India Company, 69, 71 

Early, General Jibal. 404 

Earth, geographical ideas concern- 
ing, 2-3 

East India Company, 38 

Edison. Thomas A.. 492 

Education, in New England colo- 
nies. 94: colonial. 103: college in 
eighteenth century. 133: in 1760. 
210-212: progress. 489: recent 
movements. 522-523 

Electoral Commission, 448 



Electrical inventions, 492, 496 

Electricity, 451 

Eliot, John, 100 

Elizabeth, Queen of England. 31, 
34, 53 

Emancipation Proclamation, 390- 
391, 401, 416 

Embargo, 1807. 253 

Emerson, Ralph Waldo. 359 

Emigrant aid companies. 348 

England, rivalry with Spain. 32- 
35; church of. 54; wars with 
Dutch. 73: recognition of bellig- 
erency, 376; attitude during 
Civil War. 401. 413: and Venezu- 
ela, 480-487, 495-496; relations 
with United States, 513 

English, early voyages, 27-28; 30- 
31, 32; colonization, motives for, 
33, 34, 39 40. 4.S, 91 

English. William H.. 460 

Era of Good Feeling. 285, 286 

Ericson. Lief, 2 

Ericsson, Joiin. 384-385 

Erie Canal. 277, 278 

Evarts. William M.. 428 

Everett. Edward. 347 

Executive departments organized, 
216 

Fallen Timbers. Battle of, 230 

Farmers' Alliance, 477 

Farmers Letters, 149 

Farragut, Admiral David G., 384, 
406 

Federalist, The, 206 

Federalist party, 223 

Federalists, attitude toward Con- 
stitution, 205 

Ferdinand and Isabella. 9-10. 23 

Fiction, historical. Mexico, 26; 
Virginia, 49; New England colo- 
nies, 66, 67; Washington's ad- 
ministration, 225; Jefferson's ad- 
ministration. 258; War of 1812. 
270; early West, 254; Jacksonian 
period, 326: period of expansion, 
345: ante-bellum times, 367; 
Civil W^ar, 397; reconstruction 
period, 436; Indian problems, 476 

Fillmore, Millard, Vice-President. 
334; President. 339 

Finances of the Confederation, 193, 
194 

Finns, 82 

Fish, Hamilton, 438 

Fisheries, Atlantic, 28, 31, 111; 
dispute over, 487 



Index 



557 



Five Nations, see Iroquois 

Florida, 18, 21; purchase of. 286. 
287 

Foote. Commodore Andrew H., 382 

Force laws. 432 

ForeiRii alTairs. under Confedera- 
tion. 191. 192 

ForeiKn relations. 1793-1801. 226- 
228 

France, treaty of alliance with 
United States (1778), 168. 169: 
troubles with. 233, 234 

Francis I, King of France, 28. 29 

Franklin, Benjamin. 147; treaty 
with France. 169, 179; in Con- 
stitutional Convention. 198 

Frederickshurg, battle of. 392 

Free coinuse of silver. 458. 482- 
4S5; artruments for and against, 
484. 495 

Free Soil party, formed, 334 

Freedmen. 415-416, 420-421, 426 

Freedmen's Bureau, 415, 416, 421, 
422, 431-432, 435 

Fremont. John C. 352. 390. 405 

French, early voyages to America, 
28-30: in America. Chapter VIII ; 
colonization, first period, 104; 
second period, 107; third period, 
107-108: inlluence of wars, 111- 
112; compared with English, 
112; posts in Middle West, 114, 
115. 116; in Ohio valley, 121 

French and Indian war, 122-125 

French Revolution, 226 

Frobisher, Martin. 32 

Frontenac. Count. 108. 110 

Fugitive Slave law. 339 

Fulton, Robert, 249 

Fundamental Constitutions, Caro- 
linas, 77, 78, 83 

Fundamental Orders, Connecticut, 
61-62 

Fur trade, 97-98; French, 108, 111 

Gadsden, Christopher, 146 

Gadsden Purchase, 350 

Gallatin, Albert, Secretary of 

Treasury, 244 
Gama, Vasco da, 10 
Gardoqui, 192 

Garfield, James A., 460-463, 475 
Garrison, William Lloyd, 315, 316 
Genet, 226, 227 
Geneva Arbitration, 439. 449 
Geographical ideas of earth, 17 
George III, of England, policy, 150, 

151 



George, King, war, 115 
Georgia, colony, 138, 139 
Germans, in colonies, 76, 82, 84, 

129. 139 
Gettysburg, battle of, 393-394, 397 
Ghent, Treaty of, 267 
Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 33, 36 
Girls' education, 303 
Gold, discovery of, in California, 

335 
Gold Democrats, 483 
Gomez. Estevan, 19. 26 
Gompers. Samuel. 519 
Goodyear, Charles, 356 
Gorges, Sir Fernando. 63 
Granger movement, 455-456, 459, 

466 
Grant, Ulysses S., in Mexican War, 

332; General in Civil War, 382, 

394, 396, 398-399, 402. 408. 414, 

428; nominated for Presidency, 

430; President, 434, 445-446, 460 
Great Awakening, the, 133 
Great Britain and neutral trade, 

251; relations with United States 

(1783-1787), 191, 192 
Greeley, Horace, 358; 433-434; 

435-436 
Greenback party, 456-457, 459 
Greene, General Nathaniel, 176, 

177 
Greenville, Treaty of, 230 
Grenville, George, 144 
Grenville, Sir Richard, 34 
Griffon, The. 110 
Groseilliers, Sieur de, 108 
Guadaloupe Hidalgo, Treaty of, 

322 
Guiana. 38 
Guinea Company, 38 
Guiteau, Charles, 462 
Gustavus Adolphus, 71 

Habeas Corpus, writ of, 391 
Hague Conference, 512-513; Tri- 
bunal, 526 
Hail Columbia, composed, 234 
Halleck, General Henry W.. 382 
Hamilton, Alexander, recommends 
Philadelphia Convention, 197; 
member of Constitutional Con- 
vention, 198; views on govern- 
ment, 200 ; Secretary of Treasury, 
217-222; death of, 250 
Hamlin. Hannibal, 365 
Hancock, General Winfield S., 393, 

460 
Hansa towns, 31 



558 



Index 



Harriman. E. H., 51S 

Harriman, James, 518 

Harrison, Benjamin, 468, 479 

Harrison, General William H., 257; 
President, 318, 319; in North- 
west (1812), 262 

Hartfoni Convention, 268 

Harvard College, 64. 94 

Havana, 30 (note) 

Hawaii, 485-486, 495; annexation, 
.504 

Hawkins, Jolin, 32, 36 

Hay, John, Secretary of State, 512. 
515. .525 

Hayes, Rutherford B., 447-449 

Hayti, 10, 17, 20 

Head ripht, in Virginia. 43 

Hendriclis. Thomas A., 446 

Hennepin, Father, 111 

Henrietta Maria, Queen of Eng- 
land, 46 

Henry, Fort, 381-382 

Henry IV, King of France, 104 

Henry VII, Kins of England. 27 

Henry VIII, King of England, 31, 
53 

Henry, Patrick, attitude toward 
Constitution, 205. 206 

Henry, Prince, of Portugal. 7. 15 

Higlier law. doctrine of, 338 

Hispaniola. 17 

Hobart, Garrett A., 484 

Hobson, Richmond P.. 501 

Hoe, Richard M.. 356 

Holland, 33, 50 

Holy Alliance, 288 

Homestead Act, 387, 441 

Hood, General Joiin G., 408 

Hooker, (ieneral Joseph, 392 

Hooker, Reverend Thomas. 61 

Horn, Cape, 68 (note) 

House of Burgesses, Virginia, 45, 
65. 86 

Houston. Sam. 322 

Howe. Elias. 356 

Howe. General William. 162, 167 

Hudson, Henry, 68-69. S3 

Huguenots, attempted settlements, 
29-30; wars in France. 29; colony 
36; in English colonies. 74. 70: 
in France. 104 (note) 

Hull, General William, 261, 262 

Hundred Associates, 107 

Hunkers, 334 

Hunter, General David, 390 

Huron Indians, 105 (note), 107 

Hutchinson, Mrs. Aiuie, 58, 66, 
67 



Immigration, 342, 4.56, 459, 519- 
520, 526 

Impeachment of President John- 
son, 428 

Imperial control, policy of, 89, 103 

Imperialism. 508. 510 

Implied powers of the Constitu- 
tion. 220, 221 

Impressment, right of, 252 

Income tax. 387; in Wilson bill, 
494 

Indentured servants, 43-44; in 
Maryland, 47. 95. 102 

Independence, growth of. 156, 157; 
Declaration of, 157; causes for. 
1.59. 160 

Independent Treasury, established, 
314; restored. 328 

Independents, in England, 54, 63 

India. 5. 6; route to. 8 

Indians, relations of Columbus 
with, 16; slaves. IS; in West In- 
dies, 20; in Mexico, 20; northern, 
23; conversion by Spanish. 25; 
of New Mexico. 26; Plymoutli 
colony, 52; relations with colo- 
nists," 98; subdivisions, 98, 99; 
political organization, 61, 101; 
of Eastern North America, 98, 
99; relations with settlers, 100; 
French and, 105-107; of West, 
473-474. 476. See al.so Algon- 
quins, Hurons, Iroquois, Musk- 
hogean, Winnebago, Sioux 

Indigo, 76 

Indu.strial methods, new, 521 

Inflation bill, 445 

Insurance companies, investiga- 
tion of, 521 

Internal improvements, 277; dur- 
ing administration of J. Q. 
Adams, 292, 300 

Internal revenue laws, 388-389 

Interstate Commerce Act, of 1887, 
466-467, 475; of 1906, 519 

Inventions, 356, 490-492 

Iron and steel manufacture, 451 

Iro(iuois Indians, 70. 82. 98, 105- 
106. 107, 108 

Irrigation. 521 

Isthmian Canal, 514-515 

J.xcKsov, Andrew, at New Or- 
leans. 267; President. 295; char- 
acter of, 297, 298; spoils system, 
305. 306; Indian policy, 308; re- 
elected. 309; United States 
Bank, 309-311 



Index 



559 



Jackson, General Thomas J. 
(•'Stonewall"), 392 

James I, King of England, 39, 45, 
.54 

James II, King of England, 74, 82, 
89-90 

Jamestown, Va., 40. 41, 44, 48 

Japan, war with Russia, .512 

Jay, John. 179; treaty with Spain, 
192; Chief Justice, 217; treaty 
with England, 227-230 

Jefferson, Thomas, 179; Secretary 
of State, 217; Vice-President. 
232; President, 237; and civil 
service, 242; personality of, 241; 
reelected, 250 

Jesuits, 107. 108 

Jews in Spain, 30; in colonies, 74, 
94 

Johnson, Andrew, Vice-President, 
405; President, 418-419; recon- 
struction policy, 419-422, 423. 
425, 427, 434-435; impeach- 
ment, 428-429, 435 

Johnston, General Albert Sidney, 
382-383 

Johnston, General Joseph E., 385- 
386, 395, 404, 410 

Joliet, Louis, 108-110 

Jones, John Paul, 175. 176 

Judiciary, organization of, 217, 218 

Kansas, Emigration to, 348; 
Civil War in, 3,50 

Kansas-Nebraska Act, 346, 347 

Kearsarge, 402 

Kentucky, made a county of Vir- 
ginia, 171; admitted, 238 

Kern, John W., 524 

Key, Francis Scott, 256 

Kieft, William, 71 

King, Rufus, 189 

King's Mountain, battle of, 177 

Ivlondike, 507 

Knights of Labor, 453 

Know-Nothing party, 352 

Knox, Henry, Secretary of War, 
217 

Ku Klux Klan, 432, 435 

Labor Unions, 302, 453-455, 459 

Ladrone Islands, 19 

Lafayette, General, 168 

Land in English colonies, 91-92; 

in Maryland, 47; in Virginia, 43; 

disputes with Indians, 100 
Lane, Ralph, 34 
Las Casas, 26 



La Salle, Sieur de, 110-111 

Laud, William, Archbishop, 55, 61 

Laurens, Henry, 179 

Lecompton Constitution, 360, 361 

Lee, General Fitzhugh, 502 

Lee, Richard Henry, 157 

Lee, General Robert E., 375, 386, 
389-390, 392. 403-404, 410 

Legal tenders, see United States 
notes 

Leisler, Jacob, 90 

Lenox Globe, 13 

Levant Company, 38 

Lewis and Clark, expedition of, 248 

Lexington, battle of, 154 

Liberal Republican Party, 433 

Liberator. The, 316 

Liberty Party, 318 

Lincoln, Abraham, candidate for 
senator, 361-362; elected Presi- 
dent, 365; inaugural, 370-371, 
373-374, 396; President, 380- 
381 ; Emancipation Proclamation, 
390-391; criticisms of. 391-392; 
character and policy, 405-407, 
408; second inaugural, 409; as- 
sassination, 411, 414; recon- 
struction policy, 416, 418, 434 

Literature, recent, 489-490 

Local government, in Massachu- 
setts Bay Colony, 58; in New 
England, 94; in middle colonies, 
98; in Southern colonies, 96 

Locke, John, 77 

London Company, 38, 51; motives 
for founding, 39-40; settle James- 
town, 40; plans, 42; overthrow, 
45 

Longfellow's Skeleton in Armor, 15 

Lookout Mountain, battle of, 399 

Lopez, filibustering expedition, 351 

Lords of Trade, 87, 89 

Louisiana, ceded to France, 244, 
245; purchase, 245-247; ex- 
ploration, 248; reconstruction in, 
418 

Louis XIV, King of France, 76 

Lovejoy, Elijah P., 316 

Lowell. James Russell, 358, 359 

Loyal Leagues, 431 
Lundy, Benjamin, 314, 315 
Lyon, General Nathaniel, 380 

McClellan, General George B., 
385-386, 389-390, 392, 406-407 

MacDonough, Captain Thomas, on 
Lake Champlain, 000 

McCormick, Cyrus, 302, 356 



560 



Index 



McCiiUoch vs. Maryland. 286 

Machinery, use of, 452 

Mackinac, 108 

McKiuley tariff law, 479 

McKinley, William, 484-485; policy 
toward Cuba, 499-500; second 
term, 507-508; assassination and 
character, 508 

Madison, James, member of Con- 
stitutional Convention, 198; 
elected President, 253, 254; re- 
elected, 260 

Magellan, Ferdinando, 19, 26 

Magellan Straits, 32 

Maine, battleship, 499, 506 

Maine, colony, 63, 67 

Manassas Junction, see Bull Run 

Manila, battle of, 500, 506 

Mann, Horace, 303 

Manufactures, centre of, 508 

Marbury iw. Madison, 243 

Marco Polo 6, 10, 15 

Marion, General Francis, 176 

Marquette. Father. 108-110 

Marshall, John, 243 

Maryland, colony, 46-48, 49, 65 

Mason, James M., 381 

Mason, John, 63 

Massachusetts Bay Colony, 55-58, 
60, 66-67, 88-89 

Maximilian, Archduke. 437 

Mayflowa; 51. 66; Compact, 51 

Meade, General George, 393 

Menendez, Pedro, 30 

Mercantile system, 142, 143 

Mercator, map by. 13 

Merchant marine. 442 

Merriinac, gunboat, 384-385, 397 

Mexico, exploration of, 18; natives 
of, 20; physical geography, 20 
Spanish in, 23, 25; city of, 26 
declaration of war against, 330 
French in, 437 

Middle colonies, in 1690, indus- 
tries, 97-98 

Mint, establishment of, 222 

Minuit, Peter, 69-70 

Missionary Ridge, battle, 399 

Mississippi, under carpet-bag gov- 
ernment, 431 

Mississippi River, discovery of, 22 
and note; exploration of, 108, 
110 

Missouri Compromise, 281-283 

Mitchell, John, 519 

Mobile, capture of, 406 

Monitor, 385, 397 

Monmouth, battle of, 170 



Monroe Doctrine, origin, 287-288; 

interpretation, 289; in Mexico, 

436-437; in Venezuelan question, 

487, 496; the new, 513 
Monroe, James, recalled from 

France, 233; elected President, 

285; reelected 286 
Montezuma, 20 
Monts, Sieur de, 104, 105 
Moors in Spain, 30 
Mormons, 304, 494, 496 
Morse, Samuel F. B., 324 
Morton, Oliver P.. 446 
Mugwumps, 464, 465, 469 
Murfreesboro, battle of, 384 (note) 
Muscovy Company, 38 
Muskhogean Indians, 98 

Nantes, Edict of, 76, 104 

Napoleon Bonaparte, duplicity of, 
254, 255 

Napoleon III, 401, 437 

Narvaez, Pamphilo de, 21 

Nashville. 408 

Nassau, Fort, 69 

National Banks, 399-400 

Nationalism defined, 285; Supreme 
Court and, 286 

Natural resources, 523 

Naval cruise (1907-1909). 523 

Navigation Acts. 73, 78, 85, 87, 89; 
enforcement of , 143; of 1733, 150; 
of 1750, 150 

Navy in Spanish War, 507 

Nebraska bill, 346 

Negro disfranchisement, 449 

Negro, in recent times, 520 

Negro suffrage, 426-427 

Neutrality, Proclamation of 1793, 
226 

Neutrals, rules governing, 401-402 

Nevada, Territory, 373 

New Albion, 32 

New Amsterdam, 70 

New England colonies, early. Chap- 
ter V; after Restoration, 88-89; 
in 1690, 92-94 

New England Confederation, 64, 67 

Newfoundland, 27, 28, 38, 46 and 
note 

New Hampshire, colony, 63, 67 

New Haven, colony, 62-63; ab- 
sorbed by Connecticut, 64 

New Jersey, colony, 74, 89 

New Jersey Plan, 199-200 

New Netherland, 69-74; seized by 
England, 73; settlement, 69-70; 
government, 71, 83 



Index 



561 



New Orleans, battle of. 266, 267; 

capture in 1862, 384 
New Sweden, 71 
New York City, 97 
New York, colony, 69, 89-90 
Nicolet, Jean, 108 
Non-Intercourse Act, 1809, 253 
Norse discoveries, 15 
North Carolina, 75-79, 83 
North, Lord, 151 
Northern Securities Co., 518 
Northmen, 1-2, 15 
Northwest Ordinance, 188-189 
Northwest Passage, 32 
Nullification, Jackson and, 307- 



OccuPATiONS. in 1790, 209 

Oglethorpe. George, 139 

Ohio Company, 120 

Ohio Company of Associates, 188- 

190 
Oklahoma, Territory, 474; State, 

521 
Olney, Richard. 486, 495 
Omnibus bill, 337 
"Open door" policy, 512-513 
Orange, Fort. 69 
Ordinance of 1784, 188; of 1787, 

188, 189 
Oregon, 32; question of, 327, 328 
Oregon, battleship, 515 
Ostend Manifesto, 351 
Otis, James, 144, 146 
Owen, Robert, 304 

Pacific Ocean, 17, 19, 32 
Pacific railroads, 389, 449 
Palatinate, German. 76 
Palma, President of Cuba, 504 
Palmer, John M., 483 
Panama, 11, 17, 32 
Panama Canal, 514-516, 526 
Panama Republic, 516 
Pan-American Congress, 470-471, 

476 
Pan-American Exposition, 508, 525 
Panic of 1837, 313, 314; of 1857. 

357. 358; of 1873. 449 
Paper money. 387-388 
Paris, treaty of, 1763, 124, 125; 

treaty of, 1783. 179. 180; treaty 

of, 1898, 502 
Parish, English, 58 
Parker, Alton B., 510 
Parkman, Francis, 358 
Parliament, English, 54, 55 
Parole, Confederate, 417 



Parsons, Samuel, 188 

Parties, political,. rise of, 222-223 

Patrons of Husbandry, 455 

Patroon system, 70 

Peace Conference, 1861, 373; 1899, 

512 
Pemberton, General John C, 395 
Peninsular Campaign, 385-386, 397 
Penn, Admiral, 79-80 
Penn, William, in W. Jersey, 79; 
grant of land, 80; government by, 
81, 82; references, S3, 84 
Pennsylvania, colony, 79-83; gov- 
ernment, 81-82; references, 83, 
84 
Pension laws, 469 
People's Party, see Populist Party 
Perrv, Oliver H., victory, 265 
Personal liberty laws, 339, 340 
Peru, 18, 23, 25, 32 
Petersburg, Va., 403, 410 
Petition, right of, 317 
Petroleum, 451 
Philadelphia, 81, 97 
Philip II. King of Spain. 30, 34 
Philippines, discovery. 19; attack 
upon, by Dewey. 500; acquired 
by United States, 502; revolt in. 
502; pacification of. 503; gov- 
ernment of, 506, 510, 512; ques- 
tion of independence, 508 
Phillips. Wendell. 422 
Physical geography, influence of. 
1. 23, 45, 46, 75, 92, 95, 118-119, 
120, 379-380, 398 
Pierce, Franklin, President, 340- 

341 
Pike, Zebulon, 248 
Pilgrims, 50-53, 66 
Pinckney, Charles C minister to 

France. 233 
Pinckney Plan, 200 
Pineda, Alonzo de, 19, 26 
Pitt, William, his American policy, 

124 
Pizarro, Francisco and Gonzalo, 

22, 26 
Plantation system, in Virginia, 42, 

43 
Plantations, 96 
Pliny, 3 
Plymouth Colony, 51-53, 89; ref- 

erences, 66 
Plymouth Company, 38-39, 40 
Pocahontas, 48-49 
Politics, reform of, 522 
Polk, James K., President, 323 
Ponce de Leon, 18 



5G2 



Index 



Poor whites, 341 

Pope, General John, 3S9 

Popular sovereisnty. 333, 346 

Population, center of, 508 

Population of United ' States, in 
1790, 207 

Populist Party, 478-479, 482 

Porter, Captain David, 264 

Porto Kico, 17, 30 (note); posses- 
sion of United States, 500; gov- 
ernment, 503 

Port Royal, Acadia, 105 

Port Royal, S. C, Huguenot settle- 
ment, 29 

Portsmouth, N. H., treaty of 1905, 
512 

Portugal, absorbed by Spain, 68 

Portuguese navigators, 7-8, 9; 
voyages, 12, 19; trade with the 
East, 32 

Prescott. William H., 358 

•' President " and " Little Belt," 256 

Presidential Succession Act, 466 

Primary elections, 522 

Princeton, battle of, 164 

Privateering, in sixteenth century, 
132; in Revolution, 164 

Privateers, American, 1812, 266 

Prohibition laws, 522, 526 

Proportional representation, in 
Constitutional Convention, 201 

Ptolemy, Claudius, 3 

Pueblo." 20, 26 

Pulaski, 176 

Pullman strike, see Chicago strike 

Pure food laws, 521 

Puritans in England, 53, 56; Massa- 
chusetts Bay Colony, 56; church 
of, 58, 74, 75 

Putnam, Rufus, 188. 190 

Quakers, 59 (note), 74, 79-80, 88, 

93 
Quebec Act. 152 
Quebec, founded, 105 

Radissom, Sieur, 108 
Railroads, building begun, 300; 
transportation, 354; construc- 
tion, 444; abuses, 455; restriction 
laws, 456; unification of, 518, 523 
Raleigh, Sir Walter, 33-34, 36 
Randolph, Edmund, in Constitu- 
tional Convention, 199; Attorney 
General, 217 
Reciprocity, 470; treaties, 494 
" Reconcentration" policy in Cuba. 
499 



Reconstruction, Chapter XXV; 
conunittee on, 423; act of, 1H67, 
425-426; references, 434-435 

Reformation in England, 31, 53 

Refunding. 442-443 

Religion, in colonies, 102; in New 
England, 93; Southern colonies, 
96 97; middle colonies, 98 

Religious activities, 1830, 30-i 

Removal of deposits, 310, 311 

Renaissance, 431 

Representation. American, in Par- 
liament, 147 

Representative government, in Vir- 
ginia, 45; in Plymouth Colony. 
53; in Massachu.setts Bay, 57; in 
Connecticut, 62; in Carolinas. 78 

Representatives, numbers of, 201 

Republican party, organized, 351- 
352 

Republicans, National, 295 

Resaca, battle of, 405 

Restoration, in England, 63, 73, 
74, 85 

Resumption of specie payments, 
443-444, 445, 457 

Retaliatory Acts, 152 

Revolution, American, finances of, 
165, 173, 174. 175; and France, 
165; weakness of Congress, 168; 
difficulties with army, 164; on 
the ocean, 176; treaty at close, 179 

Revolution, English, of 1688, 90 

Rhode Island Colony, 59-60, 88, 
89; references, 67 

Richelieu, Cardinal, 107 

Richmond, 410 

Roanoke Island, 34 

Robertson, James, 170 

Roberval, Sieur de. 29 

Rochambeau. General. 178 

Rockefeller. John D., 473. 518 

Roman Catholics, in Maryland. 48, 
49; in England. 53 

Roosevelt, Theodore, civil service 
commissioner, 495; in Spanish 
war, 501, 507; Vice-President, 
507; succession to Presidency. 
508; character, 509; President, 
512, 513, 518, 521, 524 

Rosecrans, General William S., 384 
(note), 398 

Routes to the West, 273 

Rule of 1756, 227-228 

Russell, Earl, 402 

Russia, mediator in 1814, 267; at- 
titude during Civil War, 437; war 
with Japan, 512 



Index 



563 



Sagas, Norse, 2 
St. Augustine, Fla., 30 
St. Clair. General Arthur, 190, 230 
St. Louis Exposition, 525 
St. Louis, Fort, 116 
St. Mary's, Md., 46 
Samoan Islands, 504 
Sampson, Admiral William T.. 500 
Santiago de Cuba, 500 
Saratoga, battle of, 167; effects, 168 
Savannah, Sherman at, 407-408 
Scalawags, 426 

Schley, .\dmiral Winfield S., 500 
Schools, in West, 280 
Schurz, Carl, 463 
Schuyler, General Philip, 167 
Scientific societies established, 212 
Scotch-Irish. 129 

Scott, r.eneral Winfield, 265; war 
with Mexico, 331, 332; Presiden- 
tial candidate, 341 
Seal fisheries, 488 
Secession, 368; arguments for, 370- 

372 
Seigneurs, in French colonies, 107 
Self-government, in eighteenth cen- 
tury, 138 
Seminole Indians, war with, 287 

Separatists, in England. 54 

Seven Years' War, 124 

Sevier, John, 170 

Sewall, Arthur, 483 

Seward William H., 337; "irre- 
pressible conflict." 363, 374. 381. 
436 

Seymour, Horatio, 430 

Shadrach, case of, 339 

Shaffer, General William R., 501 

Shaftesbury, Earl of, 75. 77 

Sharpsburg, see Antietam 

Shays's rebellion, 194 

Sherman, James S., 524 

Sherman, John, 457, 460 

Sherman anti-trust law, 472-473 

Sherman silver coinage act (1890), 
472, 480-482 

Sherman, General William T., 394, 
398, 404-405, 408-409 

Shenandoah Valley, 379 

Sheridan, General Philip. 407. 413 

Shiloh, battle of, 383 
• Siemens-Martin process, 451 

Sigel, General Franz, 403 

Silver issue, 507 

Silver legislation, 457-459 

Simms, William Gilmore, 358 

Single standard argument, 484, 495 

Sioux Indians, 108. Ill 



Slater, Samuel. 238, 239 
Slavery, negro, 25; iuHuence on 
South, 342-343, 390, 412; aboli- 
tion of, 410, 411 (note) 
Slaves, in Virginia, 43; importa- 
tion prior to 1808, 202; number 
of. lS.-)0, 341; fugitive, 390 
Slave trade, African, 32, 131 
Slidell, John, 381 
Smith, John, 41-42, 48, 69 (note) 
Solid South. 460 
Soto, Hernando de, 22 
South, in 1690, 94; phy.sical inllu- 
ences in, 95; industrial life, 95; 
society, 95-96; local govern- 
ment. 96; education, 97; indus- 
trial advance, 520, 526 

South America, 10, 17 

South .American revolutions, 287; 
republics, 513 

South Carolina, colony, 76-79, 83; 
secession. 368. 370-371 

Southern colonies, life in, 1690, 94- 
97 

South Sea, 17 

Spain, explorations and settle- 
ment, 17-19; conquests, 20-23; 
relation with Indians, 20-25; 
colonial policy, 23-25, 497; ri- 
valry with England, 32; com- 
mercial policy, 24; government 
of, 23; Council for Indies, 23; 
India House (Casa de Contrata- 
cion), 23; wars against Dutch, 
68; relations with United States 
in 1785, 192; treaty with, 1795, 
229 

Spanish war, 506, 510 

Specie circular, 312 

Spotswood, Governor, 119 

Spottsylvania, battle of, 403 

Stamp .\ct. passed. 145: opposition 
to, 146; Congress, 146; repeal, 
147 

Standard Oil Company, 473, 518 

"Standpatters," 524 

Stanton, Edwin, Secretary of War, 
428 

Star of the West. 372 

Starved Rock, 110 

State sovereignty in Georgia, 292 

Steamboat, invention of, 249; in- 
fluence on growth of West, 275, 
276 

Stephens, Alexander H., 272-273 

Steuben, Baron. 168 

Stevens. Thaddeus, 422, 428 

Stowe, Harriet Beecher, 340 



564 



Index 



Strabo, 3 
strikes, 454-455 
Stuart, Gilbert, 212, 213 
Stuyvesant, Peter, Gosernor, 71, 

73, 83 
SuPfraKe, recent legislation, 521 
Sumner, Charlfes, 347; attack on, 

350; reconstruction policy, 422, 

435 
Sumter, Fort, 371, 372, 374, 

396 
Sumter, General Thos., 176 
Surplus revenue, distribution of, 

312 
Survey of western land, 188 
Swedes, colonization, 71, 74, 81, 

82 
Swiss, in colonies, 76 
Symmes, John Cleves, 190-191 

TaFT, WiIXIAM H., IV Philippives, 
503; in Cuba, 504; elected Presi- 
dent, 524-525 

Talon, 107 

Taney, Roger B., Secretary of 
Treasury, 310; 360 

Tariff, the first, 215-216; of 1816, 
271; of 1824, 289; of 1828, 293; 
of 1832, 307; of 1833, 308; of 
1S46, 328; of 1857. 357; of 1861, 
387-389; of Civil War, 400-401, 
440-441; commission of 1883, 
467-468; as a political issue, 467- 
469;McKinley Act, 470; of 1894, 
493-'f&6; of 1897, 494; revision 
of, 510 

Taxes, Civil War, 442 

Taylor, General Zachary, in Mexi- 
can War, 329-331; elected Presi- 
dent, 334 

Tea, controversy over, 151-152 

Tecumseh, 257; death of, 265 

Telephone, 491-492 

Temperance reform, 305 

Tennessee, settled, 171; admitted, 
238; reconstruction, 418, 425 

Tenure of office act, 427-428 

Texas, independent, 322; admitted, 
324 

Thirty Years' War, 71 

Thomas, General George H., 398 

Tilden, Samuel J., 446 

Tippecanoe, battle of, 257 

Tobacco, in Virginia, 42, 45, 48; 
in Maryland, 47; price of, 86 

Toleration Act, in Maryland, 65 

Tonty, Henri de. 111 

Topeka Constitution, 339, 350 



Toscanelli. 9 

Town, in New England, 58 

Townshend, Charles, 148 

Trade Unions, 519 

Trading companies, 37, 38 

Transylvania, 171 

Treaty of Berlin, 1889, 504 

Trent affair, 381, 397 

Trenton, victory at, 164 

Trusts, 472-473, 475, 510, 517 

Turks, 6 

Tuskegee Institute, 520 

Tweed ring, 446 

Tyler, John, President, 320, 373 

Uncle Tom's Cabin-, 340 
Underground Railroad, 340 
Union Republican Party, 405 
United Mine Workers, 519 
United States a world power, 510- 

511 
United States notes, 388, 443-444, 

449, 450, 457, 481 
United States Steel Corporation, 

517, 525 
Utah, 494 

Vaca, Cabeca de, 21, 26 

Vail, Alfred, 324 

Valley Forge, suffering at, 168 

Van Buren, Martin, Secretary of 
State, 306; elected President, 
312-313 

Vane, Sir Henry, 360 

Venezuelan question, 486-487, 495- 
496 

Vermont, admitted, 238 

Verrazano, Giovanni da, 29, 36 

Vespucius, Americus, 12-14 

Vicksburg, 383, campaign of, 394- 
395, 397 

Vikings, 2; ship of, 15 

Vinland, 2 

Virginia, named, 34; colony, 38-45; 
government of, 41-42; slavery 
in, 43; land system, 43; repre- 
sentative government, 44; colony 
during Commonwealth, 64; after 
Restoration, 86-87 

Virginia and Kentucky Resolu- 
tions, 235 

Virginia Plan, 199, 200 

Vote, right to, 213 

Waldseemuller, 14 

War of 1812, declaration, 260; 

plans for, 261 
Washington, Booker T., 520 



Index 



565 



Washington, Georcc, at Fort Ne- 
cessity, 121; and Boston Port 
Bill, 152; commander-in-chief, 
155; campaign about New York, 
162; retreat throui^h New Jersey, 
162, 163; President of Constitu- 
tional Convention, 198; inaugur- 
ated President, 215; reelected, 
224; Farewell address, 231 

Washington City, capture of, 1814, 
266 

Washington, Treaty of 1871, 438- 
439 

Wasp vs. Frolic, 263, 264 

Watson, Thomas, 483 

Wayne, General Anthony, 230 

Weaver, James B., 479 

Webster, Daniel, Secretary of 
State, 320; seventh of March 
speech, 337; Ashburton treaty, 
320, 321; debate with Hayne, 
306, 307 

Welles, Gideon, 374 

Welsh, in colonies, 82 

Wesley, Charles and John, 100 

West, Benjamin, 212 

West, the, growth of in 1812, 279; 
character of life in, 280; growth 
of, 353, 354, 455; the Far, 521 

Western settlement, earliest be- 
yond Alleghany Mountains, 170, 
171; in 1784, 186, 188 

Western settlers, character of, 173 

West Virginia, admission of, 380 

Westward migration, in New Eng- 



land, 61; in Virginia. 40; influ- 
ence of physical geography, 1 18, 
119, 120; in New York, 119; in 
Pennsylvania, 120; from Caro- 
linas, 170; routes, 171, 172, 173; 
in 1787. 190; after 1815, 276-281; 
prior to 1812, 273 
Wheeler, General Joseph, 502 
Whig Party, origin, 311; downfall, 

341 
Whigs, "Conscience," 337 
Whiskey Insurrection, 231 
White, Father Andrew, 49 
White, John, 34 
Whitney, Eli, 239 
Wilderness, battles of, 403 
Wilkes, Captain Charles, 381 
William III and Mary, 90 
William, King, war, 113 
Williams, Roger, 58-60, 67, 88 
Wilmot Proviso, 332 
Wilson, tariff bill, 493, 496 
Winchester, battle of, 407 
Wingfield, Edward M., 41, 49 
Winnebago Indians, 108 
Winthrop, John, 88 
Witchcraft, 94 
Wood, Colonel Leonard, 501 
World's Fair, Chicago, 488 
Writs of Assistance, disputes over, 

143 
X. Y. Z. Affair, 233, 234 
York, Duke of, 73, 74, 80, 89-90 
Yorktown, surrender of, 178, 179 
Yucatan, 18 






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